2010年9月30日 星期四

Nepal farmers/陳水扁 674天/ 外勞死

Peasant farmers in Nepal are being encouraged to switch to biogas burners
to save themselves - and the forest - from trouble, but the financing
mechanism is coming under fire.
http://newsletter.dw-world.de/re?l=ew65snI44va89pI0#6060853

under fire

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台灣高等法院上午召開前總統陳水扁的延押庭,陳水扁心恢意冷的表示,他知道合議庭不可能讓他具保停止羈押,再怎麼講也沒有用,扁只是簡短的陳述,他已經被 羈押了674天,希望合議庭不要把他當成特殊被告看來,讓他享有一般刑事被告的司法人權,扁說,如果合議庭還要繼續羈押,他也無可奈何,只能繼續忍耐、等 待。


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記者康仁俊/台北報導

國道六號北山交流道高架橋面工地發生灌漿崩塌意外造成7死3傷,更驚爆施工單位聘用非法印尼外勞,民進黨籍立委翁金珠今(1)日說,死亡的6名外勞居然都沒有正式的姓名,「也不知道是誰的兒子,現在死在異鄉」,痛罵政府對非法外勞進用以及管理不當。

國道六號崩塌意外造成7人死亡,其中有6人是非法的印尼籍外勞,由於這些非法外勞沒有身分證明,目前得知的姓名只有「阿力」、「阿七」、「阿豆」、「阿九」、「阿偉」、「阿貴」等名字。

翁金珠批評,國道六號之前就發生過9次的工安事件,也造成10人傷亡,但是國公局沒有確實負起督導的責任,尤其工程在經過層層轉包之後,政府機關的督導不足,「中間的問題出在什麼地方?」

立委黃淑英則質疑,國道六號之前的工安事件「過去都是一次死一個,所以不會見新聞,這一次是因為死比較多人,所以曝光?」她說,過去曾經要求公共 工程委員會要保障每一個勞工的安全,因此在工地工作的勞工都必須要有保險,但是公共工程卻答覆「因為層層轉包,所以沒有辦法確保是不是有投保」,批評政府 末是對勞工的權益保障。

黃淑英批評,公共工程進用外勞還會產生語言不通的問題,「不是只有做,還有需要注意事項的事情要提醒,語言不通怎麼表達?」

中國失靈

崔宇

國 的城市化和現代化必將是一個“拆遷”的過程,這既包括物理意義上的拆遷也包括精神意義上的拆遷,因此,現階段把CHINA調侃成“拆哪兒”也不為過。如果 說精神意義上的拆遷帶來的迷茫和困惑只是若隱若現且隱忍不發的話,那麼物理意義上的拆遷帶來的沖突和血淚則歷歷在目且頻頻爆發。最近,江西省撫州市宜黃縣 發生的拆遷自焚事件即是這部拆遷血淚史的延續,是和諧社會藍天下又一朵讓人黯然神傷的烏雲。.......


因此,要保証新條例達到預期的效果,必須要改變“法治失靈”。2004年的修憲和2007年推出的《物權法》都明確了公民私有財產的不可侵犯性,對於房屋 等不動產只有當出於公共利益需要時,在當事人得到足額補償並同意後才可以征收。但這些“上位法”並沒有撼動政府制定的《城市房屋拆遷管理條例》,也正是在 這一期間拆遷自焚事件屢屢發生,法治約束不了政府,這正是“法治失靈”的表現。當市場失靈和政府失靈同時存在時,法治已經是最後的保障,如果法治也失靈 了,那麼公民將無所依靠,維系公民社會的社會契約也就不復存在,他們不再讓渡自己的權利,也不承擔自己的義務,重新回到了“自然狀態”,通過暴力或武力捍 衛自己的財產權。他們的邏輯是清晰又無奈的:本來加入公民社會、成為國家的一員是為了避免戰爭和暴力,可國家中的“財產權之戰”更讓他們難以接受;如果國 家都不尊重財產權,為什麼不能回到原本就尊重財產權的“自然狀態”、自己做自己的法官?這也許就是以自焚對抗強制拆遷的悲劇式邏輯。

理論上說,政府作為行使國家主權的機關,作為一個代理人,它的違法就意味著對國家的背叛。中 國社會的系統性失靈,特別是“法治失靈”,使政府行為往往不能體現國家(最終是公民)的意願,這最終將導致政府與公民甚至國家和公民出現離散和背離。 要破解這個困局,並不缺乏建設性意見,缺的是來自各方的動力和勇氣。值得一提的是,無論是在咖啡廳裡的精英還是在地下室裡的大眾,都不能抱著任何僥幸心 理。

(本文作者崔宇是《華爾街日報》中文網專欄撰稿人。其撰寫的“財經點評”專欄曾獲亞洲出版業協會2010年度“最佳評論獎”。文中所述僅代表他的個人觀點。您可以寫信至yu.cui#dowjones.com或通過新浪微博與作者聯系。)

2010年9月29日 星期三

道德審判嗎

台北捷運公司的緊急通話系統可能有弊端或安全問題

社會新聞重視 "勇氣十足! 捷運正義妹揪色狼"
我則認為更重要的是
此事件暴露台北捷運公司的緊急通話系統
可能有弊端或安全問題

*****
這事件要道德審判嗎

菊:救災全身濕 未擅離職守
高雄市長陳菊(左)昨天哽咽感謝清潔隊員,漏夜為本和里等災情最嚴重地區清除垃圾。 (記者黃旭磊攝)

〔記者侯承旭、黃旭磊/高雄報導〕高雄市長陳菊昨天表示,風災當天沒能了解市民受災痛苦,讓市府團隊背負負面形象,內心非常自責。她回到官邸時已全身濕,坐椅子看電視新聞掌握災情,並非擅離職守,並反批黃昭順十八日人在新加坡,不該苛責她。

自責未能了解市民淹水痛苦

陳菊說,十九日當天她沒有擅離職守,當市民飽受淹水之苦時,當天即使只是回去官邸把濕掉的衣服換掉,並做片刻休息,她都覺得很不應該,也對辛苦的市府公務員感到抱歉。

陳菊表示,當天另外兩名副市長也都各自有行程,災害應變中心的指揮任務完全授權給副指揮官消防局長陳虹龍,她自己的手機保持暢通,沒有漏接任何電話。

陳菊昨日與環保局長李穆生等人帶水果慰勞辛苦的二百九十多名清潔隊員,有隊員告訴她「要加油,有做天公在看」。面對媒體追問民調低,陳菊說,她接受受災地區民調下滑,將虛心檢討,繼續加油。

至於行政院長吳敦義等人認為風災在官邸休息三小時不妥,她表示,當天下午兩點半回到官邸已全身濕,坐椅子看電視報導掌握災情,下午三點半還接到民政局長黃昭輝通報,殯葬所受損,同仁陸續回報災情。

陳菊為沒能了解市民淹水痛苦道歉非常自責,但「看電視處理公務」並非擅離職守,也認為黃昭順批評她十八日沒在災害應變中心,反批說,「十八號她(黃)不是在新加坡嗎?」

陳菊說,十八日當天馬總統坐鎮救災中心,消防署為高市開設三級災害應變中心,由副市長坐鎮指揮,隔天升到一級才由市長坐鎮,黃昭順所指非事實。

言論品質

聯合報的所謂五都選戰民調
讓人懷疑台灣報紙的公信力問題
當各報的數據誤差/差異超過10% 以上
我們質疑這些報紙的言論品質

-----底下這篇自由時報的文章很妙 記者後來忘記他在說藍營或綠營

英倫幾乎平手 蘇小贏郝

〔記者李欣芳、彭顯鈞、俞肇福、郭顏慧/綜合報導〕民進黨昨發布該黨所做的最新選舉民調 指出,新北市長選舉,民進黨提名人蔡英文的支持度為四十三.五%,國民黨提名人朱立倫支持度則為四十四.四%,兩人只差○.九%,在三%的民調誤差範圍 內。民進黨強調,英倫二人目前是平手局面,雙方呈現拉鋸戰。

民進黨民調中心主任陳俊麟並透露,同一民調顯示,台北市長提名人蘇貞昌的支持度小幅領先對手郝龍斌,但差距也在誤差範圍內,且基於尊重蘇貞昌,不公布實際民調數字。

聯 合報昨也公布新北市長選舉民調,指朱立倫領先蔡英文達十七%。陳俊麟則表示,黨的民調則顯示英倫兩人戰況膠著,非常接近。他並說,中國時報、年代電視及 TVBS等媒體七、八月的民調顯示,朱蔡互有領先,差距則在一%到七%之間,這次聯合報發布的民調數字,與民進黨的民調及各媒體的民調都有很大的落差。

針 對聯合報民調數據,蔡英文昨受訪時說,媒體民調看看參考就好,這跟其他所看到的民調差距滿多,更不用說黨內民調,她認為整體情勢還是一個「非常接近」的選 戰。朱立倫則說,他絕對不敢樂觀,仍會戰戰兢兢勤跑基層,傳統上藍營支持者投票率較低,所以最重要的還是更努力爭取民眾一定要出來投票。

聯合報連兩日公布的民調顯示,藍營在北二都維持小幅領先,國民黨內仍不敢太樂觀。藍營人士分析,藍軍支持者在北二都的表態率並不高,「這才是真正的問題」,顯示爭取藍軍選票回流,仍有很大努力空間。

黨務人士分析,北市選情也未「脫離險境」,尤其十一月花博開幕,「仍有變數」,藍營仍要戒慎恐懼。至於新北市,朱立倫勤跑基層,已有成效,持續經營下去,相信選情將更為穩固。





*****
最近一周 中天/中時 集團 攻擊陳菊市長"回官邸睡覺"的兄兇狠
讓人領教國民黨拳頭/錢頭的使眾鬼推蘑手法之惡劣

*****
有作家竟然忘掉李敖大師
而一意孤行

推薦連戰和胡錦濤 共得諾貝爾和平獎
真妙

2010年9月28日 星期二

誰咬你,依然如此說詞

〔本報訊〕涉及台北市新生高工程弊案獲得交保的北市府前新工處長黃錫薰、昭凌公司員工李媺,經檢方抗告成功,剛剛台北地方法院更裁出爐,裁定黃錫薰和李媺收押禁見。

 台北地檢署偵辦新生高弊案,九月七日搜索台北市府後,約談黃錫薰等人到案,以涉貪污罪嫌重大,向法院提出聲請羈押,當時地院只裁准羈押前維護工程科長陳 智盛,黃錫薰則獲得50萬元交保,同案的李媺也獲得保釋,檢方不服,隨即提出抗告,台北地院今(28)日上午重開羈押庭,歷經了8個半小時後,裁定將黃錫 薰和李媺收押禁見。

 檢方提出抗告後,台灣高等法院合議庭昨(27)日認為黃錫薰和李媺等人有串供之嫌,因而發回台北地院更裁;檢方也補強證據,表示有扣到北市府政風處的調 查報告,認為黃錫薰和李媺有串供的可能性,北院進行調查後,法官認為黃錫薰和李媺有串供之嫌且犯罪嫌疑重大,因而裁定兩人羈押獲准。

新生高案 疑有北市府更高層涉入

〔記者楊國文/台北報導〕台北地檢署偵辦台北市新生高架橋弊案,檢調查出,獲交保的前北 市府新工處處長黃錫薰,竟能順利取得政風處製作的該案政風報告,進行勾串行為,懷疑有市府比黃更高層官員或共犯涉案;另對於在押的陳智盛以科長職位,即能 取得市府秘書處便箋,並記載「就是疏失」等字,不排除也是受高層指點,全案已鎖定向上追查。

前處長黃錫薰家 搜出政風報告

北 檢九月七日搜索台北市府後,約談黃錫薰到案,以涉貪污罪嫌重大,向法院聲押,但台北地院裁定交保,北檢向台灣高等法院抗告,並提出查扣的黃錫薰筆記及陳智 盛在秘書處便箋上所寫的便條等關鍵證物,顯示黃涉案程度升高,高院昨裁定將黃及承包商昭淩公司員工李媺的交保撤銷,發回北院更裁。

另,不服遭北院裁准收押的前新工處科長陳智盛,也向高院抗告,但高院認定收押有理,昨駁回陳的抗告案。

「如果下面咬說是你指示,你有蓋章,則回答說『我不記得,但我不相信、他們不會說謊』」,這是前北市府新工處長黃錫薰在被檢方查扣筆記本的部分內容。

黃交保撤銷 查出與陳智盛串證

北檢也向高院提出查扣到陳智盛在市府秘書處便箋上面記載「這是一個簡單的事件,就是疏失」等證物,認定黃錫薰有勾串陳智盛等共犯事實。

北檢是在九月七日以貪污罪嫌等事證,聲押黃錫薰、陳智盛及李媺三人,但僅陳智盛被法院裁准收押,黃、李兩人分獲五十萬、卅萬交保,檢方因而提出抗告。

高等法院認為,依檢方查扣黃錫薰的筆記本內容,顯示黃有勾串證人之虞,加上三人供述互有差異、不法所得去向不明,部份共犯未到案,認定三人有勾串嫌疑,昨將黃、李的交保裁定撤銷,發回北院更為裁定。

北檢抗告指出,北院裁定收押陳智盛原因是,尚有工信、長鴻、皇昌等廠商承辦人未訊問,恐有串證之虞,但地院駁回聲押黃錫薰、李媺理由中,卻指出相關被告和證人已經檢調訊問,無串證之虞,兩者前後矛盾。

辯辭早串好 不排除是高層指點

高 等法院承審合議庭審判長鄧振球及彭幸鳴、潘翠雪等三法官,昨對北檢抗告做出裁定,認為依工信承辦人員、皇昌負責人江程金等人說詞,工信等三公司明知不可能 得標,卻願意繳納鉅額保證金,故意填載高於招標工程的十九億多元,是有意哄抬工程款。 合議庭也認為,北院認定無證人指證黃錫薰和三家廠商有謀議浮報價格等情事,但黃當時是新工處長,對工程預算有審核權,北院的認定與檢調所提證據有不符之 處。較關鍵的是,合議庭認為,檢調從黃錫薰住處查扣的「台北市政府政風處調查報告」,發現報告內含本案相關人員的訪談報告,驚訝黃錫薰竟能取得並閱覽。

檢 方另查扣黃的兩本筆記本,上面記載著黃如何應訊說法,如「誰咬你,依然如此說詞」、「底價不用我決定、尊重程序,縱使有意見,依法決定,尊重專業」、「預 算不是我編的、何來浮編,退一步言,僅是疏失,非我本意」等數十項內容,都與黃偵查的答辯相符,合議庭認定黃有勾串證人。





新生高架橋工程弊案,案情疑向上發展。除搜索涉案官員黃錫薰、陳智盛等人時,發現可疑的政風處調查報告及秘書處便箋,懷疑有人協助串證。另陳智盛簽辦新生高工程預算公文,相關公文必須層報上級,以他的層級不可能一手遮天,不排除有高官指示交辦。  檢調指出,陳智盛原任職新工處建築科,九十七年四月八日才調任新工處維護工程科科長,才上任三天的他,怎麼能自行決定新生高架橋工程的標價,懷疑幕後有高層指示交辦。  另民眾檢舉花博植栽項目採購價格過高,其中是否涉及弊端?專案檢察官張書華已指揮台北市調查處儘速向市府調閱資料,將俟比對查證,再約談官員調查釐清。  檢調查出,新生高架橋改善等二項工程,昭淩公司在九十五年得顧問標,明知標案預算金額僅十六億五六六萬餘元,利潤有限,竟與黃錫薰、陳智盛等人哄抬標案預算金額,連繫無投標意願的工信、長鴻、皇昌三家公司以聯合提高投標單價三億餘元方式投標。  由於投標價過高而廢標,昭淩公司藉機以追加預算方式,將預算增加至十九億五千萬,昭淩承辦人李媺直接以三家公司的投標平均值,作為追加預算依據。以新生高植栽工程的「灌木,平戶杜鵑」為例,昭淩將三廠商平均報價三四三.一三元,不合市場行情。  檢調依據工信工程人員王光豫證詞,發現第六次投標與第七次投標內項目都沒變,第六次投標雖投標金額是十九億五千萬,金額是董事長陳煌銘決定的,但詳細價目表上的數字是廿二億多元,因為當時要投無效標,所以是隨便寫的。  檢調也發現,陳智盛在經辦新生高工程時,曾親自帶昭淩的李媺到黃錫薰的辦公室,交換意見,且承辦人及股長都指證黃錫薰對以三家廠商平均價作標案金額一事知情,並責難承辦人不配合辦理。  在搜索黃錫薰時,發現黃的筆記本上記載了許多應訊時的答辯重點,包括如陳智盛及李媺去找他一事,就記載了「科長帶昭淩的工作人員,事先未 約就找,站在秘書桌旁」、「昭淩人員有無找過我?有,科長帶來,但因未預約且我有行程要出門,所以是站著說且時間很短,詳細內容不記得」。  檢調認為黃筆記本內容,形同應訊時的「教戰手冊」,懷疑幕後有「高人」指點,刻意要黃在說詞上避重就輕,切斷市府高層在本案的責任,以免案情會上延燒,一發不可收拾。

Afghan music school helps kids recover from war

Music | 28.09.2010

Afghan music school helps kids recover from war

Kids who once sold gum or boiled eggs on the roadside now have a shot at a classical music education, thanks to a new school in Afghanistan. Institute director Ahman Sarmast told DW about the school's roots and goals.

Afghanistan's Ministry of Education established its first music school in 1973. The Kabul-based school has had a tumultuous history, paralleling that of its home country. Since 2008, musicologist and Afghan native Dr. Ahmad Sarmast has headed a new project at the Afghanistan National Institute of Music (ANIM) that aims to help rebuild musical life in the country. The project is sponsored in part by the World Bank, the German government, the Goethe Institute and the German Society of Music Merchants. Dr. Sarmast talked with Deutsche Welle about the challenges and promise of the endeavor.

Deutsche Welle: What does ANIM stand for?

Ahmad Sarmast: The Afghanistan National Institute of Music is the only music school in Afghanistan. Students enroll in the fourth grade and they receive both formal and musical education. They graduate after 10 years of continuous music education with a diploma in music.

Our music department is divided into two branches: Afghan traditional music and Western classical music. At the moment, we have 154 students, but eventually we will be able to host 300.

Where did the idea come from?

Students practice outdoors in front of the schoolBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Integration is a major hurdle - but also a central goal - at the school

I left my country at an early age after completing my studies in Moscow. Actually, I am the first Afghan with a doctorate in music. Since the collapse of Najibullah's leftist regime [in 1992], I have kept an eye on the evolution of music in my country.

I spent most of my time in exile in Australia, and it was there that I thought about establishing a music school in my country of origin. Negotiations with the local administration and potential fundraisers began in 2007, but the final implementation of the project took place in 2008.

You had a comfortable life in Australia. What brought you back to Afghanistan?

One of the reasons was my background and my social status here. My father was a well known conductor, but I also had the secret dream that I could help to change the minds of thousands of young Afghans towards music. Many of those who grew up under the Taliban regime were completely brainwashed against music.

In fact, Kabul used to be a more cultivated and sophisticated city but most of the intellectuals and educated people of Afghanistan left during the rule by the communist government and after its collapse. Kabul today is nothing but a big village, which has lost its once sophisticated and open-minded society.

You mentioned before that you have 154 students. Are all of them "street kids"?

When I came to Afghanistan my goal was to establish a music school just for street kids and orphans. But after discussions with the Ministry of Education we agreed that 50 percent of the seats would be reserved for the most advantaged families of the country. We didn't want to deprive any talented potential student from getting musical education.

At the moment, street kids still don't make up 50 percent of the total because we have "inherited" some others that already belonged to the former School of Fine Arts. Today, we have 24 street kids with us. Some were selling chewing gum, plastic bags or boiled eggs in the street. Now, we give their families 30 US dollars to stay in school as a kind of compensation for their loss of income. We are also trying to provide them with buses so they don't need to waste any money at all on transportation.

What kind of problems do you face with this group of children?

Recently, I lost a very talented girl. She wasn’t attending her classes, and I couldn't contact her family. Just a few days ago, we discovered that she had been engaged. She is only 14.

There are also the difficulties of integrating the street kids into a basic school discipline. We have to re-educate them, in the full meaning of the verb. It also helps them to recover after so many years of war and destruction. That is all that they have seen.

Dr. Ahmad SarmastBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Sarmast came home to Afghanistan to head the music projectDo you have any other plans for the near future?

Once we have fully implemented the Kabul center, we have plans to spread the idea to Mazar-e Sharif and to establish a second school there. We are also planning a third school in Herat and a fourth in Jalalabad. I have already started to gather funds for Mazar-e Sharif's school, and Germany is very interested. Their troops are based in the same area, in the North of the country, and Berlin is investing in several other cultural projects there.

Given the current situation of unrest and the apparently ever-growing power of the Taliban, aren't you afraid that music might well be silenced again in the short term?

I am a very optimistic man - otherwise, I would not be here now. But more important is the fact that music has always been present in Afghanistan. Even during the Taliban regime, people would smuggle records and cassettes at the risk of their lives. Drivers would always have two kinds of music: the kind they liked, but also the Muslim chants in case they ran across Taliban officials and had to swap the tapes. Afghans have always loved music.

Interview: Karlos Zurutuza (gsw)
Editor: Kate Bowen

中国政府非常心虚,非常恐惧,赤裸裸地干涉诺贝尔奖

新闻报道 | 2010.09.28

中国警告诺奖委员会勿颁和平奖给异议人士

挪威诺贝尔奖委员会负责人称,中国政府代表曾警告称,如果诺贝尔和平奖颁发给刘晓波,将会影响中挪关系。对此,中国国内的独立知识分子呼吁诺奖委员会坚持自身的价值观,不要屈服来自北京的压力。

据路透社报道,本周一(9月27日),诺贝尔和平奖五人评委会的召集人伦德斯塔(Geir Lundestad)对媒体透露,中国外交部副部长傅莹在今年夏天访问挪威时,曾经在中国驻挪威大使馆与他进行会谈。傅莹当时表示,诺贝尔和平奖如果颁发 给中国异议人士,会被视为"不友好的举动",将会影响奥斯陆和北京的关系。伦德斯塔同时指出,诺贝尔奖委员会以前就曾经受到过来自中国方面的警告,但这并 不会对诺奖委员会的决定作出影响。2008年,中国维权人士胡佳被认为有望获得诺贝尔和平奖,当时中国外交部发言人刘建超曾警告诺奖委员会"不要做出任何 伤害中国人民感情的事"。

徐友渔:中国政府干涉诺奖荒谬可笑

最近以来,许多国际和国内知名人士纷纷发表文章,呼吁将本年度诺贝尔和平奖授予刘晓波,其中包括捷克前总统哈维尔以及数百名中国知识分子,比如徐友 渔等人。徐友渔以个人名义发表公开信,呼吁诺奖委员会将和平奖授予仍在狱中的刘晓波。在得知中国政府向诺奖委员会施压的消息后,徐友渔表示,

"我觉得这是中国政府赤裸裸地干涉诺贝尔奖的评审和颁奖工作,这是一个非常荒谬和可笑的事情。全世界的人都会信任诺贝尔奖评审委员会,他们会有自己独立的标准,他们会把奖颁给恰当的人选。用政府权力干涉,实际上说明他们自己非常心虚,非常恐惧,而且我坚信是无效的。"

诺奖委员会是否会屈服于中方压力?

各大通讯社在报道"中国政府警告诺奖委员会"的消息时往往会提到,挪威与中国的自由贸易协定谈判已经历时数年,可能即将签署。在这样的情况下,挪威 方面是否能够抵挡住来自中方的压力呢?挪威奥斯陆国际和平研究所研究员托尼森(Stein Tønnesson)对德国之声表示,诺奖委员会成员虽然是由挪威议会提名组成,但该委员会独立运作,并非挪威政府的一个下属机构,不受任何外来力量的干 涉和操纵。中国方面的警告不会产生任何对北京方面有利的效果,甚至会带来负面效应。而中国自由知识分子崔卫平则表示,"在面对压力的时候,我呼吁(西方世 界)不要屈服,不屈服于经济压力,要坚持价值的原则。"

徐友渔表示,他本人认为刘晓波是最应该获得诺贝尔和平奖的人之一,这并不意味着本年度诺贝尔和平奖得主就一定是刘晓波,因为全世界还有很多人也有资 格获得这一殊荣。因此他将带着期待和期望,迎接答案揭晓的那一天,"我还是相信诺奖委员会有自己的独立态度,不会因为屈服于国外政府的压力,或者经济上的 诱惑,来改变诺贝尔奖的精神。"

作者:石涛

责编:叶宣

2010年9月27日 星期一

去去去 去中國



矜持--俄承诺满足中国天然气需求 北京反应矜持

09/27/2010: Assignment: China -- new documentary from USCI
USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, Room 207
Los Angeles, CA 90089
Cost: free
Time: 4:00PM - 6:00PM

Building on the overwhelmingly positive response to Election ’08 and the Challenge of China, the USC U.S.-China Institute has launched a new multimedia project exploring the work of China correspondents and the role they have played in shaping American perceptions of China and U.S. policy toward China.

Assignment: China features interviews with journalists who were based in China and Hong Kong as well as interviews with scholars who have studied the work of these journalists and government officials who had to be mindful of how such reporting influenced public opinion and thereby affected their ability to make and implement policies.

This screening features our segment on the 1979-1983 period, when the normalization of diplomatic relations allowed American reporters to return to China on a full-time basis. Correspondents talk about the excitement of the era and the challenges they faced. Richard Bernstein (Time), Fox Butterfield (NY Times), Graham Earnshaw (Reuters), Sandy Gilmour (NBC), Jim Laurie (ABC), Liu Heung-shing (AP), Melinda Liu (Newsweek), Jay Mathews (Washington Post), Linda Mathews (Los Angeles Times), John Roderick (AP), and Yao Wei (Chinese Foreign Ministry) are among those featured.

Assignment: China reporter Mike Chinoy (USCI senior fellow and former CNN Beijing bureau chief ) will introduce the film and take questions afterwards.

This screening is sponsored by the US-China Institute and the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism.

Why You Should Learn Chinese

By Kayla Webley

Deborah Fallows, author of 'Dreaming in Chinese: Mandarin Lessons in Life, Love, and Language', talks about what her study of Mandarin taught her about life in China, the country's dizzying transformation and the value of learning languages



Fast Boat to China

Corporate Flight and the Consequences of Free Trade; Lessons from Shanghai

Written by Andrew RossAuthor Alerts:  Random House will alert you to new works by Andrew Ross


Fast Boat to China



ABOUT THIS BOOK

Corporate outsourcing has bitterly divided advocates and critics of free trade; the transfer of jobs overseas to cheaper locations has had a profound effect on dislocated employees and their communities, and, increasingly, it is the high–skill, white–collar positions that are feeling the impact.

In Fast Boat to China, Andrew Ross looks at the controversial issue of offshore outsourcing to China—specifically that of white-collar jobs at U.S. global manufacturing and high-tech companies.

Having spent a year talking with skilled local employees and their foreign managers in Taiwan, in Shanghai, and in the far west of China, Ross reports on China’s workforce, where employees, for the first time, are emulating a corporate mentality of job–hopping as a way of life. Ross looks as well at the effects of foreign investment on China’s (newly capitalist) economy and at how multinational companies such as GM, GE, Philips, Lucent, IBM, and Motorola are taking advantage of Chinese nationalism in planning for their future growth there.

The author makes clear the impact of globalization on Chinese workers, who, he discovered, have become as insecure as their Western counterparts. He reports on the daily reality of corporate free trade and how it doesn’t at all correspond to its classical definition . . . how India and China, the world’s two most populous countries, are competing for low–paying jobs and affecting the growth of white–collar jobs in Asia . . . and, finally, how China’s huge gains in technology will soon allow it to compete for top–level jobs at the same time that it absorbs lower-end jobs, and how this will affect workers and economies in East Asia and the West.




YLC46
當產業都外移中國之後
Fast Boat to China

作者:Andrew Ross
譯者:奚修君、高仁君
出版:2010/4/1 . 出版社:遠流出版


內容大要

全球化曾經許給世人一個美麗新世界:撤除貿易障礙,讓資金、商品、技術、想法自由流通,彼此分享。夕陽產業、高污染工業與低端工作外移,本國經濟體則往價值鏈的高端移動,致力發展服務業與研發創意產業,如此一來,將能享有經濟繁榮、商品價格低廉與乾淨的環境。

實 際的情形是,企業比政府、一般消費者更能利用資金、技術、創意自由流通的優勢,將產業外移。加上中國崛起的磁吸效應,外移的不僅是個別的工廠而已,而是整 個產業鏈連根拔起。企業或許創造了亮麗一時的獲利,但是對社會造成的傷害久久難以平復:大量的失業人口、薪資在低檔徘徊、破敗的社區,連帶對於政府稅基與 人際信任的傷害,國族之間的仇視……。

作者以社會學家的敏銳與深度、新聞記者的生動筆觸,檢視過去幾年美國的產業外移中國所造成廣泛而深刻的衝擊。同樣的故事,當然會在世界其他地方上演。

作者介紹

安德魯.羅斯(Andrew Ross),1956年生於蘇格蘭,亞伯丁大學畢業之後,曾在北海油田工作,繼續在肯特大學、加州大學柏克萊分校深造,曾任教於普林斯頓大學,現為紐約大學社會與文化分析系教授,長期為《國家》、《村聲》等刊物撰稿。

長期關注經濟成長所帶來的勞工、人權、環保代價,專精於研究流行文化、都市社會學、生態學與科技史,被視為美國首屈一指的文化研究學者,也是《世界是平的》作者佛里曼的理論勁敵。

著 有《低薪,高資歷:推動全球勞動公平》(Low Pay, High Profile: The Global Push for Fair Labor)、《無領階級:人性的工作場所及其隱藏成本》(No-Collar: The Humane Workplace and its Hidden Costs)

曾擔任《社會文本》(Social Text)期刊編輯委員十五年之久。索卡(Alan Sokal)曾引用物理學名詞和文化研究理論,捏造了一篇「偽論文」投稿獲刊登,演成喧騰一時的「索卡事件」。

譯者介紹

奚修君

台大外文研究所碩士,長期從事電視工作,喜歡旅遊。譯有《情婦》、《建築之旅/當代──香港》、《DH勞倫斯》、《珍奧斯汀的他》、《鑽石》等書。

高仁君

美國密西根州立大學電訊傳播碩士,曾從事新聞、雜誌、軟體品保、房貸仲介等行業,現為自由撰稿人

目錄

導言──資金、技術、知識全球自由流竄的結果

.回顧半世紀以來的美中貿易關係

.企業外包與民族主義的抬頭

.勞動力短缺與勞資糾紛

.自由化圖利了誰?

第一章 上海──從帝國主義殖民地到高科技產業鏈的聚落

.工作外包──從藍領到白領

.工作外包──從白領到高科技業

.上海重拾昔日繁華

.高離職,高薪資,高物價

.高成長,高失業,高房價

第二章 美國──徘徊在產業外包與貿易制裁的困境

.美國對華貿易的傳統

.美國商會影響美中貿易政策

.業務外包對美國產業環境的傷害

.美國人面對工作外包的矛盾心理

.攔不住的撈錢列車

第三章 上海──全球資本主義的堡壘與外包中繼站

.走一趟浦東軟件園

.當外國主管碰上中國員工

.中國的科技工程師

.「灰領階級」的興起

.外包到內陸

.摩登上海的白領女性

第四章 印度──面對中國競爭的優勢與劣勢

.塔塔家族與中國的百年淵源

.在印度榮景的背後

.孟買vs上海

.中國員工與印度員工的差異

第五章 蘇州──從古代絲綢中心到高科技產業園區

.打造蘇州工業園

.引入新加坡公積金制度的園區管理

.在價值鏈上移動跳槽的工人

.外商的難題:留或不留?

.愛國教育與產業外移的腳步

第六章 西進──產業從沿海移向內陸

.開發西部的背後因素

.開發重慶

.成都致力發展軟體產業

.樂山鎖定半導體產業

第七章 台灣──面對中國崛起的產業磁吸與均勢消長

.晶片的崛起

.貿易與戰爭的規則

.扶植產業

.晶片製造聯合國

.最後的訪談

後記──平坦的世界助長全球化的黑暗面

推薦

媒體推薦

「對於關注兩岸問題的人來說,這是一本值得深思的書。」──美國哥倫比亞大學政治學博士候選人 張鐵志

「可讀性極高……。作者對公平貿易和國際勞工人權的概念清晰。一般以為全球化歷程無可抵擋,但作者提供了一些別的選擇。」──《紐約生活誌》(Time Out New York)

「越來越多歐美公司把工廠和工作移到中國,而本書另闢蹊徑來看待正在發生的事情。」──《亞洲書評》(The Asian Review of Books)

「作者採取截然不同於湯瑪斯.佛里曼熱切擁抱自由貿易的立場,走訪大陸與台灣的高科技業,發現企業在世界各地都利用員工的不確定感,讓薪資不斷調降。……第一手報導寫來引人入勝,與鼓吹外包的人大唱反調。」──《出版人週刊》(Publishers Weekly)

譯者簡介

奚修君

台大外文研究所碩士,長期從事電視工作,喜歡旅遊。譯有《情婦》、《建築之旅/當代──香港》、《DH勞倫斯》、《珍奧斯汀的他》、《鑽石》等書。

高仁君

美國密西根州立大學電訊傳播碩士,曾從事新聞、雜誌、軟體品保、房貸仲介等行業,現為自由撰稿人。

精采試閱

平坦的世界助長全球化的黑暗面

台灣和中 國沿海的距離,大約相當於古巴與美國海岸的距離,而且和古巴一樣,都因為冷戰歷史的遺緒而被隔離。但是我在中國蘇州及在台灣龍潭採訪的同一家公司員工,更 像是裂成兩半的同一枚硬幣:兩岸擁有共同的文化、相同的語言,也是經濟上的命運共同體。雙方無法具體的商談彼此共享的命運是一個悲劇,但兩者的困境也是全 球經濟體制內所有勞工的困境。雙方的雇主並沒有相同的問題,反而得以利用員工之間的缺乏溝通來獲利。事實上,這些員工賣命的公司直接獲利的來源,就是其境 內與境外工作場所的差異所衍生出來員工的不安全感。

倡導由企業來推動全球化的人士會希望保持現狀。其中倡議最力的,莫過於可以利用地區差異 剝削弱勢孤立勞工而獲利的全球公司。他們學會了玩弄勞動套利的把戲,本領之高不亞於靠著跨國交易短期套利的投機炒手,一旦風險轉移便在眨眼之間挪動手上的 資金。當然,在這個全球金融的大賭場裡,投資工廠、辦公室和人力還做不到這麼高的流動性。但是目標很顯然是朝這個方向走,而且越快越遠越好。大企業在技術 與法律層面,輕鬆轉移實質與帳面資產的能力,顯然是達成目標的關鍵,而且擬定自由貿易的規則也是為了助長此一趨勢。

知識轉移固然較為棘手, 但是知識轉移不需要人的遷徙,只需要腦袋裡的想法和點子,而且現在這些都被合法定義為雇主的智慧財產。從這個角度來看,晚近爆發的技術外移並不是一時的商 業潮流,也不是因應經濟全球化的權宜措施。這已經逐漸成為一種生活形態,是一種社會習性、也是經濟習性。這在短期內能為某些投資者帶來好處,但長期來看卻 會損及多數人的利益。因為,如果欠缺適當的法令規範,此一現象會讓社區與國家喪失保護生活水準的能力,侵蝕員工對雇主與企業的忠誠度,最終則會讓所有員工 的前途變成一場賭局,因為今天還捧住的飯碗,明天可能就不保。無法認清此一事實的政府官員和國家領導人,以及將其底層之自由貿易教條視為不可抵抗自然力的 人,都將鑄下濤天大錯。

中國和印度開放外資是促進海外轉移的一大推進力。這些國家貿易壁壘的瓦解,將全世界最龐大、最廉價的勞動力帶進資本 主義的遊戲當中,而且範圍涵蓋了技術與非技術性的勞力。雖然中印勞動力之間的套利還在初始階段,我為中印產業境外生產所寫的專章顯示,這已經開始影響全球 職務與工作的配給。但最要特別注意的是中國的崛起,憑著中國強力的政府介入、龐大的過剩勞力、已開發的基礎建設以及內需市場的前景,在在讓投資者目眩神 迷,爭先恐後追尋這個具有極權特色的資本主義香格里拉。

中國領導人賦予商人各式各樣的自由和特權,但是對勞工卻什麼也沒給,只有對勞動法的 空泛承諾,連官方的工會組織都甚少遵守,雇主就更別提了。除了常見的合約陷阱,資本家在中國經商的阻礙已經越來越少。實業家(包括外國人)甚至還能加入共 產黨,並出任高階黨職。不過爭取經濟與社會正義的人士卻沒有這樣的待遇,他們常常要面對審查、刁難和牢獄。全世界的工會、非政府組織和異議活動份子,正針 對勞工與環保議題建立跨國界的合作,但是在他們的全球溝通網當中,除了極少數的例外,中國卻是個大漏洞。這些個人和團體所發起的國際活動和行動,已經成為 全球化局勢中不可忽視的特色。他們的努力讓檯面上出現其它有利永續發展的選項。大企業和世界銀行及國際貨幣基金權威的聲音不再是影響全球的唯一玩家,他們 恣意而為的作法也不再沒人加以挑戰。但是這些都不適用於中國。從另立全球化的運動來看,中國依然是緊閉門戶。

就算和國際促進正義的運動欠缺聯繫,對毫無社會良知的一般投資客來說,中國也並算不上

China Prolongs Dispute With Japan,

Shippers Say China Slows Handling of Japan Goods
ABC News
AP By JOE McDONALD AP Business Writer China has stepped up customs inspections of goods shipped to and from Japan, slowing trade, logistics companies said ...



Japan asks China to cover damage to patrol boats
Washington Post
By SHINO YUASA AP TOKYO -- Japan asked China to pay for damage to Japanese patrol boats hit by a Chinese fishing vessel near disputed islands, as simmering ...


China Prolongs Dispute With Japan, Bristles at US Support for Asian Allies
CNSNews
(AP Photo/Jason DeCrow) (CNSNews.com) – China apparently has decided to deepen its most serious rift with Japan in years, issuing a foreign policy white ...

Where The Economist is censored

Censorship of The Economist

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Where The Economist is censored

SINCE January 2009 The Economist has been banned or censored in 12 of the 190-odd countries in which it is sold, with news-stand (as opposed to subscription) copies particularly at risk. India, the only democracy on our list, has censored 31 issues and at first glance might look like the worst culprit. However its censorship consists of stamping “Illegal” on maps of Kashmir because it disputes the borders shown. China is more proscriptive. Distributors destroy copies or remove articles that contain contentious political content, and maps of Taiwan are usually blacked out. In Sri Lanka both news-stand and subscription copies with coverage of the country may be confiscated at customs. They are then released a couple of weeks later (sometimes sooner if the story is also reported by another news outlet). In Malaysia the information ministry blacks out some stories that it judges may offend Muslims, among other things. And in Libya, four consecutive editions were confiscated in late August/early September 2009, the first of which featured a piece critical of Muammar Qaddafi.

Images can also prompt action. The cover of last year's Christmas issue showing Adam and Eve was censored in five countries. Malaysian officials covered up Eve's breasts. Pakistan objected to the depiction of Adam, which it said broke a prohibition on depicting Koranic figures.

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2010年9月26日 星期日

六百元,可能掩蓋基層愈來愈大的怒吼聲嗎?

基本工資調漲 六百元背後的怒吼聲

作者:林倖妃  出處:天下雜誌 456期 2010/09

基本工資調漲六百元,勞方不滿、資方也想翻盤。所得低落、房價卻持續飆漲,連中產階級都發出怒吼,五都候選人聽見了嗎?

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最新》小S、黑人一句玩笑話,成就了「偉忠幫」?中國進行一場不公平的競爭!台灣只吃碎屑?更多精采文章請見第456期天下雜誌

經過長達五小時的苦戰,勞委會基本工資審議委員會上星期宣布,基本工資調漲六百元,從現今每月一七二八○元調升為一七八八○元。

但這項決議勞資雙方都不滿。勞方代表臉色鐵青,氣得將「尊嚴」二字倒著放,放話要跟監察院陳情。資方也沒有好臉色,揚言要到行政院翻盤,主委王如玄露出淺淺酒窩,笑得好尷尬。

低所得高房價的雙重困境

就在同一天,由十二個弱勢團體組成的「社會住宅推動聯盟」,鎖定北市和新北市兩黨參選人展開拜會,要求將興建「只租不售」的廉價社會住宅,納入政見並簽署承諾。政見好談、承諾好說,沒人敢忽視他們的訴求,但未來執行與否卻很難說。

從要求基本工資調漲,到推動社會住宅,反映出目前社會面臨所得分配兩極化,以及房價不合理飆漲的雙重困境。他們為何在此時發出怒吼?「窮人」的怒吼聲會不會撼動年底的五都選舉?

關鍵其實在所得持續低落,導致貧富差距快速擴大。從內政部最近公布的數字來看,今年落在貧窮線以下的家庭有十.八萬戶,比十年前增加四.二萬戶,也比去年金融海嘯來襲前增加近一萬戶,也就是說,台灣還有二十六.三萬人在貧窮中掙扎度日。

平均所得最高的五%家戶和最底層五%差距達六十六倍,全國產業總工會估算,超過百萬勞工每月所領薪資低於兩萬元,基本工資「微調」,根本無法解決他 們的處境。以國內家戶平均人口數三.二五人(每戶就業人數一.四九人)來推估,就有二至三百萬人連維持最低消費支出都不可得,何況是棲身之所。

政府的公共角色,應該要解決弱勢者食、衣、住、行的基本需求。但社會住宅推動聯盟從政府列冊的低收入戶、獨居老人、身心障礙者等推估,沒有自有住宅的弱勢者約佔全國總戶數一六.五%。若加上離鄉就業青年、新婚夫妻、失業勞工等新弱勢,為數更可觀。


聯盟發言人、崔媽媽基金會執行長呂秉宜說,國內因缺乏房屋政策,放任市場機制操控,政府又未扮演救濟角色以保障「居住人權」,以至於社會住宅數量僅有全國住宅總量的○.○八%,「這是個可恥的數字,」他補充說。

中產階級的恐懼愈來愈深

解決之道除興建社會住宅,政治大學地政系教授張金鶚認為,長期應健全租屋市場,既然有很多現成的空屋和餘屋,唯有進行專業經營管理和維護,才會發揮更大效用。

薪資低、房價高,令很多人再也忍不住發出怒吼,連中產階級都感受到這股「寒意」。一位學者舉例說,台大助理教授薪資約六萬多,因為學校提供類似社會 住宅的宿舍,不但可以住到退休,房租又比市價低,才讓人安心。若沒有宿舍,夫妻兩人其中一份薪水就要付給房租或房貸,若是單身更連薪水都沒了,「誰去做研 究?誰去管卓越計劃?」他的聲調因為憤怒而愈來愈高。

台灣大學社會系教授陳東升直指,貧富差距拉大不但是事實,更牽涉世代不正義,大學畢業生平均薪資低,沒有富爸爸、富媽媽,根本沒有能力買房子,「年輕人愈來愈覺得自己沒前景、沒希望,這個社會怎麼辦?」若政府沒有更積極的作為,放任這種現象持續,最後會淪落到全盤皆輸。

全民負擔企業成本?

企業家長期採低薪降低成本,最後的成本更將轉嫁到全民身上。因為勞動所得低落造成落入貧窮線以下家戶愈來愈多,不但比十年前增加十萬人,也比去年同期多二.六萬人。

行政院十六日通過《社會救助法》部份條文修正草案,調整貧窮線計算方式,目前低收入戶佔全國人口一.一四%,未來低收入戶與中低收入戶合計三十一. 二萬戶,涵蓋範圍達八五.二萬人,佔全國人口三.六八%。但在低薪資結構下,外界不禁好奇,中低收入戶有可能靠著工作脫貧嗎?努力,再也無法保證收穫。

六百元,可能掩蓋基層愈來愈大的怒吼聲嗎?陳東升提醒,政府和企業家都應了解,只有讓廣大受雇者有支持生活的起碼薪資所得,才可以一起努力、一起奮 鬥。但現在政府對富人大減稅,企業家不但說不夠,還說薪資調整會導致成本過高,「業界拿到的好處都不說,只會說成本高,那勞工拿到什麼好處?」陳東升反 問。

五都大選將屆,誰能聽到人民內心真實的聲音,恐怕才是勝選的關鍵所在。

China rises and rises, yet still gets foreign aid

China rises and rises, yet still gets foreign aid

BEIJING — China spent tens of billions of dollars on a dazzling 2008 Olympics. It has sent astronauts into space. It recently became the world's second largest economy. Yet it gets more than $2.5 billion a year in foreign government aid — and taxpayers and lawmakers in donor countries are increasingly asking why.

With the global economic slowdown crimping government budgets, many countries are finding such generosity politically and economically untenable. China says it's still a developing country in need of aid, while some critics argue that the money should go to poorer countries in Africa and elsewhere.

Germany and Britain have moved in recent months to reduce or phase out aid. Japan, long China's biggest donor, halted new low-interest loans in 2008.

"People in the U.K. or people in the West see the kind of flawless expenditure on the Olympics and the (Shanghai) Expo and it's really difficult to get them to think the U.K. should still be giving aid to China," said Adrian Davis, head of the British government aid agency in Beijing, which plans to wrap up its projects in China by March.

"I don't think you will have conventional aid to China from anybody, really, after about the next three to five years," he said.

Aid to China from individual donor countries averaged $2.6 billion a year in 2007-2008, according to the latest figures available from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Ethiopia, where average incomes are 10 times smaller, got $1.6 billion, although measured against a population of 1.3 billion, China's share of foreign aid is still smaller than most. Iraq got $9.462 billion and Afghanistan $3.475 billion.

The aid to China is a marker of how much has changed since 1979, when the communist country was breaking out in earnest from 30 years of isolation from the West. In that year, foreign aid was a paltry $4.31 million, according to the OECD.

Today's aid adds up to $1.2 billion a year from Japan, followed by Germany at about half that amount, then France and Britain.

The U.S. gave $65 million in 2008, mainly for targeted programs promoting safe nuclear energy, health, human rights and disaster relief. The reason Washington gives so little is because it still maintains the sanctions imposed following the 1989 military crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators at Tiananmen Square, said Drew Thompson, a China expert at the Nixon Center in Washington, D.C.

China is also one of the biggest borrowers from the World Bank, taking out about $1.5 billion a year.

Asked why China still needed foreign aid after making so much economic progress, the Commerce Ministry ed back that China remains a developing country with 200 million poor and big environmental and energy challenges.

The current debate spotlights the challenges of addressing poverty in middle-income countries such as China, India and Brazil, where economic growth is strong but wealth is unequally spread. After the U.S., China has the world's most billionaires, yet incomes averaged just $3,600 last year.

Roughly three-quarters of the world's 1.3 billion poor people now live in middle-income countries, according to Andy Sumner, a fellow at the Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex in the U.K.

That's a major shift since 1990, when 93 percent of the poor lived in low-income countries, Sumner said. It raises the question of who should help the poor in such places: their own governments or foreign donors?

Experts say it's hard to justify giving aid to China when it spent an estimated $100 billion last year equipping and training the world's largest army and also holds $2.5 trillion in foreign reserves.

"China's made a strategic choice to invest in building its military and acquiring these massive reserves, but at the same time it's underfunding social services, so I think it's going to be harder and harder for donor nations to continue to fund projects in China," said Thompson.

Japan's generosity has historically been driven at least in part by a desire to make amends for its invasion of China in the 1930s. But in recent years Japanese lawmakers and officials have repeatedly questioned whether the money flow should continue, pointing to China's emergence as a donor to African countries.

China provided around $1.4 billion in aid to Africa last year, according to Professor Deborah Brautigam, an expert on China-Africa relations at the American University in Washington, D.C.

Japan has cut its aid down to grants and technical help for environmental and medical projects. Germany's current projects are due to be completed by 2014.

China is cautious about its new status. It is proud of having lifted half a billion people out of poverty and is beginning to flex the muscle that comes with being an economic power. Yet when, for instance, it is called on to agree to binding reductions in carbon emissions, it replies that it can't because it's still a developing country.

At this week's U.N. global summit on fighting poverty, Premier Wen Jiabao pledged to expand Chinese foreign aid and announced an additional $200 million in aid to flood-hit Pakistan.

But he also stressed that China still had to help its own tens of millions of poor. And when Europe's top diplomat, Catherine Ashton, visited China this month, her hosts made sure to take her to a poor village in the remote southern province of Guizhou.

Development aid is not always solely based on need either. Aid groups say China is an ideal place to try out projects, because the authoritarian government can expand successful ones rapidly on a large scale.

But China is effectively robbing the poor by competing for grants, said Dr. Jack C. Chow, who was the lead U.S. negotiator in talks that set up the Geneva-based Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, a major funder of health programs.

The $1 billion China has been awarded in grants from the fund could have paid for 67 million anti-malarial bed nets, 4.5 million tuberculosis treatments, or nearly 2 million courses of AIDS therapy in poorer countries, Chow said.

"I think the milestone that China is now the second largest economy, arguably, I would say that it's no longer a developing country with the likes of sub-Saharan Africa," Chow said in an interview. "Having money from the Global Fund going to China really detracts and depletes that mission of helping people in the poorest of countries."

Global Fund spokesman Jon Liden said China has not taken any money away from other countries so far, because the organization has had sufficient funds to approve all applications "of quality" that it has received. But China could help by contributing more to the fund, he said.

The World Bank defends its assistance to China, saying it enables the bank to work with Beijing on climate change and projects in sub-Saharan Africa.

"Sometimes there's a simplistic view that there should just be the developed countries and the very poorest countries," the bank's president, Robert Zoellick, said recently in Beijing. "But that would run exactly against ... the changes in the world economy, where the role of the emerging economies are to support demand, to take on responsibilities as stakeholders with the environment, to help support other poor countries."

___

Associated Press writer Mari Yamaguchi in Tokyo and researcher Xi Yue in Beijing contributed to this report.

___

Online:

China's Billion-Dollar Aid Appetite: http://bit.ly/a3ilwQ

Global poverty and the new bottom billion: http://bit.ly/b8owKo

2010年9月25日 星期六

愛惜公務員 給他們28%

這是一篇可以借鏡的思考
為什麼郝市長等等那麼愛惜公務員 哈哈


2010年09月26日 06:28 AM

美国公仆变成主人
America’s public servants are now its masters




There really are two Americas, but they are not captured by the standard class warfare speeches that dramatise the gulf between the rich and the poor. Of the new divisions, one is the gap between employed and unemployed that President Barack Obama seeks to close with yet another $50bn stimulus programme. Another is between workers in the private and public sectors. No guesses which are the more protected. A recent study by the Mayo Research Institute found that “private-sector workers were nearly three times more likely to be jobless than public-sector workers”.

美国的确存在两个阶层,但标准的阶级斗争言论阐述得并不准确,它们夸大了富人与穷人的 差距。在各种新的差距中,有一个是就业者和失业者之间的差距。美国总统巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)正寻求再出台一项500亿美元刺激计划,来弥合这一差距。另一种差距存在于私营与公共部门的雇员之间。哪个部门更有保障就不用猜了。梅奥研究 所(Mayo Research Institute)近期完成的一项调查发现,“私营部门雇员失业的可能性比公共部门高出近3倍。”



Political tension is bound to grow when jobs disappear faster in the private sector than in the public sector just as compensation in the former is squeezed more. There was a time when government work offered lower salaries than comparable jobs in the private sector, a difference for which the public sector compensated by providing more security and better benefits. No longer. These days, government employees are better off in almost every area: pay, benefits, time off and security, on top of working fewer hours. Public workers have become a privileged class – an elite who live better than their private-sector counterparts. Public servants have become the public’s masters.


如果在私营部门减薪幅度比公共部门更大之际,工作机会也比公共部门流失得更快,政治上 的紧张局势肯定会加剧。曾经有一段时间,政府工作岗位给出的薪酬低于私营部门相应的岗位,而公共部门通过保障和福利上的优势弥补了这一差距。这种日子已经 一去不复返了。如今,政府雇员的待遇几乎在各个方面都好于私营部门:除了工作时间更短,薪酬、福利、休假和保障也更好。公共部门的雇员已成为一个特权阶 层、一个比私营部门雇员生活得更滋润的精英阶层。公仆变成了公众的主人。

Take federal employees. For nine years in a row, they have been awarded bigger average pay and benefit increases than private-sector workers. In 2008, the average wage for 1.9m federal civilian workers was more than $79,000, against an average of about $50,000 for the nation’s 108m private-sector workers, measured in full-time equivalents. Ninety per cent of government employees receive lifetime pension benefits versus 18 per cent of private employees. Public service employees continue to gain annual salary increases; they retire earlier with instant, guaranteed benefits paid for with the taxes of those very same private-sector workers.

以联邦雇员为例。他们的平均加薪额和福利增加额连续九年都高出私营部门雇员。2008 年,以全职人员计算,190万联邦公务员的平均薪酬超过7.9万美元,而1.08亿私营部门雇员的平均薪酬仅为5万美元左右。90%的政府雇员享受终身退 休津贴,私营部门的这一比例只有18%。公共部门雇员每年仍会得到加薪;他们的退休年龄更早,退休时马上就会拿到由私营部门雇员所缴税款支付的有保障的福 利。



More troubling still is the inherent political corruption. Elected officials tend to be accommodating when confronted by powerful constituencies such as the public service unions that agitate for plush benefits and often provide (or deny) a steady flow of cash to election campaign funds. Their successors will have to cope with the inherited debt burden – and ultimately the nation’s taxpayers are stuck with the bill.

更令人不安的,是其中蕴含的政治腐败。民选官员面对公务员工会等强大的选民团体时,往往采取迁就态度——这些团体鼓动发放慷慨的福利,并常常向竞选基金提供(或拒绝提供)稳定的现金流。民选官员的继任者们不得不应付继承下来的债务负担——最终,美国的纳税人将为他们买单。

As Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger has pointed out, spending on retirement benefits for California’s state employees is growing at three times the rate of state revenues, now exceeding $6bn annually and growing at the rate of 15 per cent a year. In other states, however, the politics of public pensions appear to be changing. In Michigan, Governor Jennifer Granholm, a Democrat, recently enacted a teacher pension reform that should save about $3bn over 10 years by increasing the amount workers must contribute. Illinois raised its retirement age for newly hired public workers from as low as 55 to 67. Chris Christie, the Republican governor of New Jersey, decided that even if it took bruising clashes with public worker unions, public service compensation reform was essential for the fiscal health of the state. His stance surprised many, but it made him a national figure.

正如加州州长阿诺德•施瓦辛格(Arnold Schwarzenegger)所指出的,加州在州雇员退休津贴上的支出正在以州财政收入三倍的速度增长,如今每年支出额已超过60亿美元,年增速达到 15%。但在其它州,围绕公共部门退休金的政治策略似乎正在发生改变。在密歇根州,州长、民主党人詹妮弗•格兰霍恩(Jennifer Granholm)最近颁布了一项教师退休金改革。通过提高政府雇员必须缴纳的退休金数额,此项改革应该会在未来十年里节省大约30亿美元的资金。伊利诺 伊州则提高了新聘用的公共部门雇员的退休年龄,从最低55岁提高至67岁。新泽西州州长、共和党人克里斯•克里斯蒂(Chris Christie)断定,公共部门薪酬改革对于该州的财政健康至关重要,即使这意味着要与公务员工会爆发激烈对抗。克里斯蒂的立场令许多人感到惊讶,但他 也因此成为了一位全美瞩目的人物。




There is no quick fix to deal with the billions in unfunded liabilities. Public service employees are almost impossible to fire, except after a long process and only for the most grievous offences. What is more, the courts have ruled in many states that pension increases granted by elected bodies are vested benefits that must be paid no matter what, precluding politicians from going back and changing past agreements.

要消解数十亿美元无资金准备的债务,没有什么快速解决之道。解雇公共部门雇员几乎是不 可能的——只有那些犯下最严重过失的雇员,才有可能在经过一套漫长的程序后被解雇。更重要的是,许多洲的法庭都已裁定:民选机构批准的退休金上调属于既定 福利(vested benefits),任何情况下都必须予以支付。这使得政治家们无法回溯并修改过去的协议。

The only fair solution is to take the politicians out of the equation and have fully independent commissions in charge, fixing the scale of salaries and benefits for public-service workers and establishing an affordable second retirement tier for new employees. More reasonable retirement ages should be in order, such as 65 for general employees and 55 for public safety employees. This would take nothing away from the existing benefits of current employees.

唯一公平的解决办法是,把政治家们排除在解决过程之外,组建完全独立的委员会来负责此 事,固定公务员的薪酬和福利水平,为新雇员建立负担得起的第二套退休体系。更合理的退休年龄应该是层级化的,如一般雇员为65岁,公共安全部门雇员为55 岁。这么做丝毫不会损害到现有雇员的福利。



A fundamental rethinking of the public workforce is necessary. Americans cannot maintain their essential faith in government if there are two Americas, in which the private sector subsidises the disproportionate benefits of this new public sector elite.

我们有必要从根本上重新思考公共部门雇员队伍。如果美国人分为两个阶层,私营部门必须为新形成的公共部门精英阶层过于丰厚的福利买单,那么美国人就不可能维持对政府的基本信任。


译者/汪洋



美国亚洲峰会

新闻报道 | 2010.09.25

美国愿在亚洲扮演领袖角色

美国总统奥巴马与东南亚联盟国家领导人周五在联大会议期间在纽约举行峰会,会议强调东南亚在世界政治上的重要地位和对美国外交政策以及贸易的意义。会议还讨论了世界关注的东盟诸国与中国的领海争端。

这是美国与东盟举行的第二次峰会,上一次峰会去年在新加坡召开。美国总统奥巴马在会上称东盟有成为世界舞台领导人的潜力,重申了美国在这一 充满活力的地区欲重新打造实力的计划。奥巴马在讲话强调,东南亚地区在他的外交政策中意义重大。他说:"作为总统,我已经明确表示,美国有意在亚洲扮演一 个领袖角色。"

峰会发表的联合声明说,奥巴马和东盟领导人都认为,和平解决包括南中国海在内的地区争端十分重要。中国方面在该峰会前警告美国不要插手包括中国南沙 群岛和西沙群岛在内的南中国海领海争议。中国和东盟一些成员国以及台湾都坚持对这一海底能源资源丰富的海域享有主权。在联大会议期间,奥巴马还在与中国总 理温家宝的会谈中提及南中国海问题。

峰会上,双方还同意共同努力扩大新兴的东盟与美国的贸易关系。今年上半年,东盟与美国的双边贸易总额达到840亿美元,与上年同期相比增长了28%。

峰会还讨论了反恐、打击毒品走私、防止核扩散等问题,并强调致力寻找和平解决伊朗与朝鲜核问题的办法。奥巴马在会上还提到了缅甸问题,他呼吁缅甸军政府立即释放包括反对党领导人、民主运动领袖昂山素季在内的所有政治犯,并希望缅甸11月份的大选能公正自由地举行。

今年11月,奥巴马将访问印度尼西亚,随后将访问韩国和日本。到达印度尼西亚前,奥巴马将在印度短暂停留。下个月,美国国务卿希拉里.克林顿将出席在越南首都河内举行的东亚安全峰会。东亚安全峰会包括东盟十国以及澳大利亚、中国、印度、日本、新西兰和韩国。

作者:潇阳(综合报道)

责编:叶宣

US-Vietnam nuclear deal has experts divided

International Relations | 24.09.2010

US-Vietnam nuclear deal has experts divided

The United States and Vietnam are close to a nuclear deal that would allow Hanoi the right to enrich uranium and reprocess plutonium. While China and some experts have criticized it, others view it more positively.

Roughly six months after signing a memorandum of understanding on civilian nuclear cooperation, Washington and Hanoi, according to various reports, are now in the final stages of reaching a deal on sharing nuclear technology.

The agreement will likely lack a provision that prohibits Vietnam to engage in uranium enrichment and reprocessing plutonium, steps that aside from its civilian use are also essential to produce nuclear weapons.

To cope with growing energy needs of its rapidly expanding economy, Hanoi wants to build 13 nuclear power plants by 2030, with the first reactor to produce energy scheduled for 2020. According to Vietnamese media reports, the first power plant will be built with Russian technology.

Neighboring China, which has ongoing border disputes with Vietnam, has carefully calibrated its response to the US-Vietnam deal. A foreign ministry spokesman acknowledged every nation's right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy as long as it doesn't engage in proliferation.

'Double standard'

However, the deputy director of the China Arms Control and Disarmament Association accused the US of applying a double standard and of destabilizing the international order.

"The US is used to employing double standards when dealing with different countries ... as a global power that has promoted denuclearization, it has challenged its own reputation and disturbed the preset international order," Teng Jianqun was quoted in the official China Daily newspaper.

Chinese experts are not alone in criticizing the deal.

Charles K. Ebinger, the director of the Brookings Institution's Energy Security Initiative, also charged that the agreement establishes an "unconcealed double-standard" and urged the Obama administration to adopt a "singular nuclear energy cooperation policy" applicable to all countries.

Critics of the deal refer to the nuclear cooperation agreement Washington signed with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) last year. As part of the deal, the UAE accepted to completely forego enrichment and reprocessing activities. Due to those tough conditions - essentially waiving the right for enrichment granted to every country that has signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) - the agreement with the UAE was dubbed the ‘gold standard' of civilian nuclear cooperation deals.

By not pushing Vietnam, which is a signatory of the NPT and has stated that it has no intention to pursue enrichment itself, to accept the same conditions, the Obama administration will make it harder to apply the gold standard in negotiations with other countries, argue critics. What's more, they add, the move is counterproductive to Barack Obama's grand vision of reaching a world without nuclear weapons.

'Important step'

However, other experts think this criticism is overblown.

Vietnamese workers in Hanoi produce garments for a German textile company   Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Vietnam wants nuclear power plants to fuel its rapidly growing economy Miles Pomper, a senior research associate at the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies in Washington DC, notes that most nuclear deals actually don't restrict countries to enrich and simply don't explicitly mention the issue.

"The only deal that didn't do that was the deal the United States struck with United Arab Emirates which was finalized last year and was negotiated under the Bush administration," he told Deutsche Welle. "And that deal was kind of unusual because the US wanted to set the gold standard for how countries in the Middle East should deal with nuclear energy."

While Sebastian Harnisch, professor of international relations at Ruprecht-Karls-University Heidelberg, understands why some people perceive a double standard in those different nuclear deals, he points out that the US-Vietnam deal is entirely in line with the NPT which foresees the peaceful use of the nuclear energy under the International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) safeguards.

"The signal that peaceful nations in full compliance with the NPT have a right to the full fuel cycle is an important step right now," he told Deutsche Welle, adding that many countries like Brazil and Turkey worry that the US wants to restrict their ability to pursue the full fuel cycle in light of Tehran's nuclear ambitions.

Besides the obvious economic aspects of supplying nuclear technology to Vietnam, Harnisch believes Washington has two additional motives for the deal:

"First of all they want to signal to China that they are hedging against Beijing's influence in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea in particular. And secondly of course, it's a signal to the Vietnamese government that the normalization is an ongoing process and that the United States is interested in deepening that relationship."

Not as problematic as US-India deal

Pomper agrees that everything that is done politically in that region is done with Beijing in mind.

Indian External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee with former US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: The controversial US-India nuclear deal was finalized by the Bush administration"But I think the more dangerous deal in terms of nuclear energy that we did to counter China was the US-India deal which was a clear case - much more than the Vietnam case - of sacrificing our non-proliferation principles for strategic reasons."

After all, the US had agreed to cooperate with India despite the fact that the country had not signed the NPT and had amassed a stockpile of nuclear weapons.

For Pomper, the US-Vietnam deal then is more about establishing good relations between the former enemies and business ties. "And I am sure Germany just like the United States will be looking to try to sell nuclear technology to Vietnam."

Aside from some verbal criticism out of Beijing, the experts don't think the issue will negatively impact US-China relations. They also don't expect Hanoi to pursue nuclear weapons in the foreseeable future.

Beijing for its part, has also signed a nuclear deal with Hanoi and is planning to sell two nuclear power plants to Pakistan.

How long it will take to complete the final negotiations for the US-Vietnam deal is still open. But since the agreement - unlike the US-India deal - is expected to comply with the US nuclear non-proliferation act of 1978 it doesn't require explicit approval by Congress to become law.

Author: Michael Knigge
Editor: Rob Mudge

2010年9月24日 星期五

內部監督都會失效的

內部監督都會失效的
如台北市的審計單位 政風處 或什麼顧問小組
或什麼「法官檢察官評鑑法」「官員評鑑法」......

*****
網友今晚上街 向恐龍法官抗議

正義聯盟發起的「925白玫瑰運動」集會,今晚6點到10點在凱達格蘭大道舉行,串連網友的力量,從虛擬走向實體集會,抗議法官輕判兒童性侵判決不公,主題曲「伊是咱ㄟ寶貝」以親子為主軸聚集溫柔力量,要求司法改革。......

女權會秘書長表示,司法一定要建築在人民的信任之上......近日司法判決揭露司法審理系統出現很大的問題,許多年輕無生命經歷的法官獨自承擔審理大任,養成系統讓法官拘泥法條、咬文嚼字,自然與庶民百姓的經驗法則產生嚴重落差。

勵馨基金會呼籲儘速通過「法官檢察官評鑑法」,淘汰不適任法官;設置專家證人制度;仿效日本的司法系統,建立「公民參審制度」,讓法官不必獨自承擔審理重責等3項訴求。


*****
花博渡輪 遭爆幽靈船借屍還魂
將提供花博藍色公路渡輪服務的大佳碼頭,昨天大雨後一度「滅頂」。 (記者劉榮攝)

〔記者劉榮/台北報導〕配合台北花博營運,北市府公運處砸八千萬元向民間船舶公司租用新造彩繪船舶八艘,在基隆河提供藍色公路渡輪服務,北市議員洪健益昨爆料,船舶配備的引擎竟是日本漁船報廢品,型號還是廿年前的骨董引擎,根本是「幽靈船借屍還魂」,遊客安全毫無保障。

新船殼用日漁船報廢引擎 遊客安全無保障

北市公共運輸處主秘常華珍說,契約並未規範引擎等主輔機具的新舊,且航政單位審驗合格,航行安全無虞。

台北市議會交通委員會昨會勘藍色公路大佳碼頭現況,但連日大雨,造成基隆河水位暴漲,碼頭幾乎「滅頂」,議員批評,碼頭動輒淹水,安全性堪慮。北市交通局表示,一旦降雨超過一定標準,將隨時關閉大佳碼頭及展區,以防萬一。

大佳碼頭因河水暴漲淹水 安全性也遭質疑

洪健益說,藍色公路八艘船原本應該在八月底點交,十月九日花博試營運前就要上線,到目前僅二艘船取得執照,其他六艘船不是還沒下水測試,就是還在南部組裝。

洪健益爆料說,花博彩繪船舶用新船殼,卻用日本漁船的報廢引擎,且是用「廢鐵」名義進入台灣,根本沒有完稅證明,遊客被當成白老鼠,安全沒有保障。

常 華珍說,依公運處與船舶公司所訂契約規範,「是買新船」,船舶引擎等主輔機具,並無要求新舊及管道來源,且航政單位有出具審驗合格證明,代表航行安全無 虞,且廢鐵不可能審驗合格,會要求船公司提供報關資料。按照契約規範,八艘船若未在十月底取得執照交船,每艘船可處罰一萬一千元。



*****
花博弊端多 北市審計處早查出

〔記者王貝林/台北報導〕民進黨立委昨指北市新生高架橋改善工程,被公共工程會查出四項弊端。事實上,台北市審計處早在九十八年度決算報告中,就查出花博多項工程有未覈實估驗計價、監造不實等弊端;但北市府僅回覆相關缺失已扣減廠商工程款,未見任何行政懲處。

市府僅對廠商扣款 不見行政懲處

據北市審計處九十八年度決算報告,花博不但以工程發包孔急為由,未依規定編列預算及請款,花博展場建設估驗計價不實及施工管理欠當,也被標舉出來明確要求改善。

報 告指出,北市工務局衛生下水道工程處負責的北美館出入口及台北故事館介面整修工程,不但鋼構各工項未按實際施作情形及數量估驗計價,超音波測試也發現,基 樁長度不足;混凝土工程計畫未提報就先施工,且監造的衛工處及承包商均未執行混凝土搗實等相關檢查作業,剪力釘、銲線、高張力及基礎螺栓未辦理檢(試) 驗,品管人員也短少一人,勞工安全衛生管理的缺失重複發生。

報告顯示,水利工程處花博展場旁的護岸及水防道路新建工程,施工圍籬綠美化部分 未施作就辦理估驗計價,實際施作時,又有多處不符設計。大佳河濱公園展場設計及碼頭擴建工程的施工、監造及估驗計價也未覈實;林安泰古厝整建工程,負責監 造的公園路燈管理處,也未會同承包商辦理鋼筋試驗的取樣及送驗,且尚未繪圖就先辦理繪圖費用的估驗計價,違失明確。

美眾院下周表決人民幣「低估」制裁法案

美眾院下周表決人民幣「低估」制裁法案

人民幣與美元

籌款委員會通過草案是朝向「制裁」中國「操縱匯率」立法的第一步。

美國國會眾議院將在下周表決因人民幣被「低估」而對中國產品征收懲罰性關稅的法案。

眾議院籌款委員會周五通過了這個可能引發中國報復的法案草案。

眾議院如果通過,草案尚需經過參議院通過,才能成為法律。

但是美國國會將在11月局部改選,也就是所謂的中期選舉。因此現在尚不清楚是否會在中期選舉之前完成立法程序。

戰雲籠罩

籌款委員會主席列文萊文指責中國持續操縱匯率,嚴重衝擊美國的工人和就業機會。

如果未來草案成為法律,美國商務部將以此法案來決定人民幣被「低估」的程度,有可能對中國產品開徵懲罰性關稅。

分析人士則擔心,如果美國採取如此的措施,中國必然會採取報復措施,中美兩國勢必爆發貿易戰。



美国国会向制裁中国迈进一步
美国众议院筹款委员会在两党一致支持下,通过了针对人民币的汇率法案,为该法案下周提交众议院全体投票表决铺平了道路,这将加剧美中经济紧张局势。

來來來 來台灣釣魚台


China now trying to scale back tourism to Japan

BY KOICHI FURUYA THE ASAHI SHIMBUN

2010/09/24


photoOsaka Castle is a popular sightseeing spot for Chinese tourists. (THE ASAHI SHIMBUN)

BEIJING--City authorities here, reacting to the row with Japan over the arrest of a Chinese trawler captain, have called on local travel agencies to refrain from aggressively selling and promoting tours to Japan.

The step appears to be a deliberate measure to express Beijing's displeasure with Tokyo.

Earlier, China shelved Cabinet-level contacts with Japan.

Japanese authorities arrested the Chinese trawler captain after he rammed two Japan Coast Guard vessels in waters off the disputed Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea.

The incident two weeks ago soured bilateral ties because both countries claim sovereignty over the islands, which Chinese call Diaoyutai.

According to several travel agencies, Beijing's municipal tourism authorities summoned representatives of dozens of tourist companies Tuesday night to request they be less assertive in promoting tours to Japan.

The request was made verbally, according to people who attended the meeting.

An official with a leading travel agency in Beijing said Wednesday that tours to Japan up to early October that have been already booked will go ahead as scheduled.

But the agency is not recommending tours after that because Japan-China relations remain so strained.

An official with another tour operator said, "We are recommending that people not go because of concern for their safety."

The Chinese government has not made an explicit announcement about travel restrictions to Japan.

China's Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu told a regular news conference Tuesday that Chinese tourists will choose to travel to destinations where they are safe and feel comfortable.

The call for voluntary restraints on travel came after Japan's new tourism minister, Sumio Mabuchi, announced Tuesday he was cancelling a meeting with Zhu Shanzhong, vice chairman of the China National Tourism Administration (CNTA), according to government sources.

Zhu was to pay a courtesy call on Mabuchi on the sidelines of a meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation tourism ministers in Nara on Wednesday and Thursday.

Mabuchi said he decided not to meet with Zhu after careful consideration, although he did not directly refer to the heightened tensions caused by the detention of the Chinese trawler captain.

Sources close to both governments said that Mabuchi's last-minute cancellation likely triggered the Chinese decision on tourism as Beijing was displeased with his decision.

China's delegation of 10 members, including Zhu, abruptly canceled their attendance at a reception hosted by Mabuchi on Wednesday night.

Representatives of neither country held talks during the APEC meeting, nor did Zhu attend a joint news conference after the conference finished.

Zhang Xilong, deputy director-general at the CNTA who attended the conference in place of Zhu, said, "There could be more serious fallout if Japan does not correct its mistake. We believe that bilateral relations are faced with a serious difficulty and we stick to our stand that Japan is solely responsible."

Zhang noted that the fallout is spilling over to tourism promotion between Japan and China.

Mabuchi said after the news conference, "As tourism minister, I will push for measures to spur tourism promotion with all countries, not just Japan-China tourism ties."

The latest development will likely cause headaches for the Japanese tourism industry, which was counting on an influx of Chinese travelers following the easing of visa restrictions on individual visitors from China in July.

For many Chinese, October is the season to go traveling, starting with a long vacation that includes China's National Day on Oct. 1.

An official with the Japan Association of Travel Agents said the fallout will hit the tourist industry hard.

"The number of Chinese travelers to Japan has finally reached the level it was before anti-Japan protests raged in China in 2005," said an official with the JATA. "Chinese travelers can give a much-needed boost to revitalize Japan's tourism industry. Cooling demand will hurt the industry."

Some 290,000 Chinese visited Japan in 1999. The figure exceeded 1 million in 2008.

About 165,100 Chinese tourists visited Japan in July, about 2.4 times the figure a year ago.

According to the Japan Tourism Agency, Chinese visitors spent an estimated 50.3 billion yen ($594 million) between April and June, accounting for 22 percent of the total spent by all foreign tourists to Japan.

The Mitsukoshi department store set up a counter for foreign tourists with four Chinese speaking staff at its Ginza outlet.

"We are hoping that Japan-China relations will return to normal as soon as possible," an official of the store said. "We want to see many Chinese shoppers to visit us."

a national test of Chinese generosity

stiff-arm

Reports that Chinese billionaires might stiff-arm a philanthropy invitation from Warren Buffett and Bill Gates have spawned a national test of Chinese generosity.



The Heisman Trophy in American college football shows a player anticipating a stiff-arm fend.

The stiff-arm fend (known as a hand off in rugby league and rugby union and sometimes as a don't argue in Australia, a straight arm in American football) is a tactic employed by the ball-carrier in many forms of contact football.

合格廢鐵打造花博彩船

上海.西安展區花博獨厚中國? - 【民視新聞網】

11月花博將開幕8艘彩船只完成2艘. 已下水彩船被爆引擎竟是20年廢鐵. 廢鐵打造花博彩船議員批借屍還魂.

2010年9月23日 星期四

Singapore and Hong Kong,

The rich are flocking to Singapore and Hong Kong, which offer some of the world's most secret accounts, amid a growing crackdown on Swiss private banking. But there is a twist: Many of the banks growing in these low-tax oases have Swiss pedigrees.

Go to Article from The New York Times»

研究報告:中國「海鮮足跡」世界最高

研究報告:中國「海鮮足跡」世界最高

市場展示販賣的魚肉

食用食物鏈上層的魚類,足跡計算就會提高

加拿大和美國的科學家調查發現中國的「海鮮足跡」名列世界第一,日本名列第二、美國第三。

這個由加拿大英屬哥倫比亞省大學和美國皮尤慈善基金會共同進行的調查,是以各個國家所消費的不同魚類以及海鮮消費總量來判斷這個國家消耗海洋資源的程度。

例如美國因為民眾喜歡食用大西洋三文魚之類的「掠食性」魚類,故而排名靠前。

計算足跡

進行研究的科學家說,粗略的講,計算「海鮮足跡」的方式就好像「消費一磅重的金槍魚(鮪魚)之類食物鏈上層的魚類,比重就是同重量的沙丁魚等下層魚類的幾百倍」。

一條大約一千磅重(近500公斤)的鮪魚,每年大概吃掉15000條小型魚類,所以「消費一磅重的鮪魚,海鮮足跡就是大約等於消費100磅重的羅非魚(吳郭魚)」。

科學家認為,以這種海鮮足跡的計算方式「可以幫助人們以減少碳足跡的相同概念,來減少對海洋生態的破壞」。


分析原因

人口是消費海鮮數量多少的主要因素,例如中國13億人口,每年消費1360萬公噸的海鮮,但是人均消費量就低於美國。

報告還指出,富裕國家向貧窮國家購買魚類的數量也越來越多,而貧窮國家雖然出口魚類,但是本身在魚類的食用上卻嚴重偏低。

例如日本的「海鮮足跡」名列第二,每年進口的魚類總數是本身撈捕數量的大約兩倍。

但是漁獲量世界第二的秘魯,本身魚類的食用量卻很低,主要是因為秘魯撈捕的魚類主要是小銀魚之類的低價海鮮,大多用來當作豬、家禽飼料的添加物。

研究人員希望能夠推動各國重視保護海洋資源,簽署海鮮消費限制條約,並且在部分海域嚴格實施禁止捕魚。

Cashed out China/ 印度吸引力

印度總理辛格緊急召集各有關部門部長開會,討論下周在新德里舉行的英聯邦運動會準備工作問題。

儘管外界對運動會的主要設施之一---運動員村內的衛生和保安問題存有諸多擔心,但是運動員村仍在周四(9月23日)開門迎客。

BBC在印度的記者說,雖然已經增加了數以百計的工人, 施工還沒有完成。

印度的雨季也增加了施工方面的難度。

英格蘭隊經理說,許多房間都有很深的積水,整個運動員村很危險。

澳大利亞總理吉拉德說,將增派更多官員去新德里加強保安。

新西蘭隊也宣佈,推遲運動員抵達的時間。

*****

新闻报道 | 2010.09.23

德国难御印度吸引力

联邦德国经济部长布吕德勒周四开始他的印度之行,陪同他前往的是一个高级别的经济代表团。在经济奇迹国度中国的阴影里,印度日益成长为德国经济的一个重要伙伴。

9月22日傍晚,在登机前往德里之前,联邦经济部长布吕德勒(Rainer Bruederle)承认,本周的印度之行是他首次前往印度。他已经到中国去了20次,去美国的次数更多,但印度从来没有去过。在这方面,德国企业家们行 动就快多了,那些康采恩,但也有越来越多的中小企业发现了这个次大陆的意义。孟买德印商会的施泰因吕克(Bernhard Steinruecke)表示,印度对德国经济的意义越来越大了,他指出,"印度是除中国之外世界上最大的增长市场之一,因此对德国企业来说是重要的。德 国企业来到了印度,部分企业已经在印度待了很长时间,非常成功。不进入这个市场,是个严重的错误。"

印度迅速从世界金融危机里恢复了过来。去年,那里的股值下挫了三分之一,出口额减少了五分之一。而现在印度股票综指Sensex处于2008年后的 最高点,印度政府预期今年的经济增长率将达8.5%。明年人们甚至认为会更高。经济增长造成了对各种工业产品的强旺需求。以印度为重点的企业咨询师瓦姆瑟 (Johannes Wamser)称,德国产品特别被看好,无论是机械制造业的,能源供应业的,还是环境保护领域的。

德国企业不光向印度提供机器、汽车和其它特殊产品,德国康采恩很久以来已经扎在印度,在当地生产了,但不光是大企业,中小型企业也受到了这座次大陆 的吸引。目前有1000家德国企业在印度当地生产。宝马和大众落户在了印度西部的浦那(Puna)和南部的金奈(Chennai)。它们的零配件生产企业 也跟了过去。德国贸易与投资协会的总干事普费弗尔(Michael Pfeiffer)指出,跟中国相比,印度对德国企业来说有一系列重要的优点,他指出,"业务语言是英语。印度的民主体制是一个高度稳定的因素。再就是, 印度有一个有效的司法体系,适用英国法律,这是一种行动比较缓慢的法律体系,但是是一个可靠的司法框架。"

印度1991年才开放它的市场,比中国晚了近10年。这10年是印度需要补上的。孟买德印商会认为,印度在中期对德国企业来说将具有跟中国一样重要 的意义。印度专家瓦姆瑟估计,中国将坚持它的世界车间角色,德国公司的生产地,而印度将成为德国产品的吸收地, 他认为,到中国去,借助那里价格低廉的结构为世界市场生产,这要比在印度容易,但是要走进一个市场,以诱人的价格把技术卖给当地人,这在未来的印度会更容 易。

目前,对德国经济界来说,印度的重要性还远远比不上中国。去年,德中贸易总额达1000亿欧元,而德印贸易总额只有其十分之一。但联邦经济部长乐观地表示,两年后,德国跟印度的贸易额将接近于翻一番。

作者:Christoph Ricking 编译:平心

责编:凝炼

*****





Buying a stake in China Inc is no shortcut to market share Foreign investment in China Even harder than it looks By The Economist
From The Economist
Published: September 23, 2010

AT FIRST glance, Vodafone has nothing to complain about. On September 8th it sold for $6.6 billion the 3.2% stake in China Mobile that it had bought for $3.3 billion between 2000 and 2002. Such a handsome profit ought to be a cue to crack open the champagne and roast some Beijing duck. Yet the British mobile-phone giant did not get what it really wanted: a way into China. In other countries, Vodafone has had a knack of turning a small investment into a controlling stake, but not in the Middle Kingdom. And it is not alone.

Since the late 1990s, several large state-owned Chinese companies have listed their shares. These initial public offerings typically included "cornerstone" investments by big Western firms. For example, BP, Exxon and Shell (three oil firms) and ABB (a Swiss-Swedish conglomerate) took strategic stakes in PetroChina and Sinopec (two big Chinese oil companies). Alcoa, an American aluminium company, invested in Chalco, a Chinese one. And Western banks bought chunks of the leading Chinese state banks when they were listed.

Foreign firms brought several things to the table: capital, technology, management skills and the prospect of better corporate governance. The Chinese press often referred to them as "elder brothers". In return, these Western firms wanted access to China's huge domestic market.

It did not work out that way. The Chinese state-owned firms did not need capital so badly that they were prepared to cede control to foreigners. Some also found that the Westerners had less to teach them than they had hoped. "Fly-in" expat managers were often unfamiliar with China, says David Michael, a partner at the Boston Consulting Group. Chinese firms tended to learn more from multinationals that had taken the trouble to build their own large sales forces in China, he says.

Chinese firms no longer feel like little brothers. China Mobile now has a market value half as large again as Vodafone's. PetroChina is much bigger than BP. Both Chinese firms are now rich enough to buy whatever expertise they want.

Western energy companies were quick to notice this shift. BP, Shell, ABB and Exxon all sold their holdings in state-owned Chinese firms by 2005. Alcoa got out in 2007. Financial firms followed, in whole or part, during the financial crisis. When China's state-owned Agricultural Bank was recently listed, no big Western bank bought a significant stake.

Western firms grumble about their failure to turn their stakes in China Inc into a foothold in the Chinese market, but not too loudly, so that they do not annoy the government. Besides, thanks to a rising stockmarket, most made sacks of money from their investments.

A few have not yet cashed out. Telefónica, a Spanish telecoms firm, owns 8.8% of China Unicom and politely rebuffs bankers who advise it to sell. AT&T has 25% of a telecoms business in the Pudong district of Shanghai. Despite regulatory problems, it provides a nationwide service from Pudong, largely to multinational clients. It is a nice business, but a far cry from the dreams some Westerners once had about China.


西方企業出脫中國持股 外資在中國的夢醒時分

作者:吳怡靜譯  出處:天下雜誌 456期 2010/09

相關關鍵字:經濟學人

從石油、媒體到電信 業,西方企業紛紛出脫在中國的持股,顯示外資開始領悟,中國這塊餅雖大,但很難爭食,因為他們發現,無論資金或技術,中國企業並沒有想像中那麼需要他們。 九月八日,英國行動電信巨擘伏得風(Vodafone)宣布以六十六億美元的價格,出售持有的三.二%中國移動股權。

伏得風在中國移動的投資,九年翻一倍,值得開香檳慶祝。事實上,擅長以入股投資取得其他企業控制權的伏得風,這次卻在中國踢到了鐵板。

自九○年代後期開始,中國的大型國營企業陸續上市,而且通常都由西方大企業以「基礎投資」方式入股,例如,英國石油、艾克森、殼牌三家大油商與重工 業集團艾波比(ABB)在中石油、中石化這兩大國企都有策略性持股。美國鋁業(Alcoa)投資中國鋁業,而西方銀行更在幾家中國大型國銀上市時,紛紛入 股投資。

這些外資都打著如意算盤:用資金、技術與管理,換取中國內需市場管道。但事與願違,中國的國企並沒有那麼缺錢,而且有些國企發現,西方人能教他們的,也沒想像中的多。

波士頓顧問公司北京代表處資深合夥人麥維德指出,中國企業認為,他們從那些在中國布下龐大銷售網的跨國公司身上,學到的更多。而中國企業也不再是過去的小老弟,中國石油的總市值,如今遠高於英國石油。

不少西方大廠早就察覺風向轉變,英國石油、殼牌、艾波比和艾克森都在二○○五年前,陸續出脫了中國國企的持股。美國鋁業在二○○七年抽腿;西方銀行也在隨後的金融海嘯期間,全部或部份撤出。前陣子中國農業銀行上市,已經看不到西方大銀行搶著入股的盛況。

入股中國,不再是捷徑

大部份廠商都跟伏得風一樣,在出脫持股時,大賺了一票。他們原本把入股中國企業,當作搶攻中國市場的捷徑,踢到鐵板後,就算不高興,也不敢太張揚,免得得罪中國政府。

目前,仍有幾家電信大廠還沒退出中國:西班牙電信(Telefonica)持有中國聯通八.八%的股份;AT&T與上海電信合資成立了信天通信,持有二五%股權。信天的業務以跨國客戶為主,雖然是門好生意,但比起許多業者當初的中國市場大夢,還是差了十萬八千里。

2010年9月22日 星期三

香港

香港的觀察和 研究需要更全盤
這篇可能視角有限
且當參考
希望以後有機會補入


*****自由時報社論
香港可悲的數據可作台灣殷鑑

香港有一種出租房屋叫做「板間房」,也就是一戶住宅用木板隔成多個房間,廚廁共用,分別 出租給多個房客,是經濟底層人士的主要住所。這幾天香港「社會服務聯會」公佈一份針對低收入戶所做的問卷調查指出,這種「板間房」的租金,居然因為香港貧 窮人口的不斷增加,因而「水漲船高」。同時,香港低收入戶每月繳交的租金,平均每平方呎約二十一元港幣,這個數據比九龍地區私人大樓的每平方呎平均十八餘 元還貴上一成以上;尤其令人咋舌的是,由於租金節節調升,有六成領取香港政府救濟金的受訪者表示,他們拿到的租金津貼還不夠支付這些房舍房租。

香 港下階層民眾的住屋品質有多低落?當地有一個特殊名詞叫做「擠迫戶」,指的是住屋內每個成員的平均居住面積如果低於六十平方呎(即不到一.七坪)者稱之。 結果香港是項調查顯示,有將近一半的受訪者其住所的每人平均面積少於五十平方呎(即不到一.五坪),可以說比「擠迫戶」還要擠迫。

那麼香港 的整體概況又如何?香港慈善團體「樂施會」最近發表的另一個研究報告,同樣很不好看。今年第二季,香港有十%的在職家庭跌入貧窮網,也就是每十個有工作的 家庭,就有一個是貧窮戶,總數達十九萬二五○○戶,較二○○五年上升了十二%,人數已增至六十六萬人。這裡所謂的貧窮戶,是指收入低於全港平均月收入的一 半以下者,也就是說,受薪家庭正在向下陷落,短短五年已經增加一成多的家庭掉到了貧窮線上掙扎,這個趨勢非常怵目驚心。

香港在二○○三年簽 訂「內地與香港關於建立更緊密經貿關係的安排」(CEPA)之主體文件,比台灣與中國簽署「兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)早了七年,因此,當國內朝 野為ECFA是利是弊爭論不休之際,香港社會發展的經驗,很可以做為實證上的對照參考。在CEPA的架構下,香港之後逐年加簽「補充協議」,到今年已完成 七個「補充協議」,為什麼隨著與中國協議的愈簽愈多,香港的窮人也愈增愈多?甚至成為世界上貧富差距最大的城市?這個疑問是最近又開始拿著ECFA當選舉 利基到處宣揚的馬政府必須面對與解答的。

香港與中國結為經濟與政治共同體,不只是港人的薪資收入發生了變化,最近的英國經濟學人雜誌還報導 了中國孕婦大量湧進香港產子的奇怪現象。去年一年,中國到香港的遊客所生下的小孩,佔了香港當年新生兒的三十六%,這個比率還在快速增加中。之所以如此, 主要是受到香港的產婦保健制度以及十二歲前兒童教育與醫療免費所吸引。然而,香港的福利制度是由港人納稅所支撐,中國其他地區享受比較便宜消費水準的人, 如果跑到香港來分一杯羹,這豈不是對港人權益的剝奪與侵蝕?為此,香港當局一度限制社會福利的申請人必須在香港居住至少一年以上,但由於是「一國」,政府 不能限制人民的遷徙自由,這個規定很快就被香港法院否決了。這說明,對中國的門戶大開與不准設防,現在的港人肩頭上有兩個重擔,一個是養家活口壓力日益沉 重的擔,一個是不斷有中國婦女生下了「香港之子」,港人必須協助幫忙撫養的擔,這兩個沒有選擇自由非挑不可的重擔,才是掩蓋在香港光鮮外表下的庶民真相。

CEPA 簽訂七年,香港被割裂為兩個社會,中國港商的特區,中產普羅的牢籠,台灣呢?ECFA已經生效,今年底將再度洽簽投資協議,明年元月即將開放中國產品降稅 進口台灣,究竟是誰獲利?一群台商從中國返台過中秋,最近在國民黨召集下,組成「五都後援會」,獲得副主席江丙坤頒贈國民黨華夏獎章的台商會長說,兩岸政 策不能走回頭路,因此十一月底要動員台商回來投票。這個場景很清楚標示:國民黨的兩岸政策是台商政策,不是人民政策;海基會簽的協議是台商協議,不是人民 協議。台灣儼然也成了兩個世界,一個是台商降稅的天堂,一個是人民買單的地獄。

香港已經走上了不歸路,台商也要國民黨不能走回頭路, 問題是,當馬政府透過政策獨厚台商時,廣大台灣人嚮往「擠迫戶」、愛住「板間房」嗎?或者不久的將來,當ECFA開放中國人員自由流通時,台灣人樂於額外 承擔其健保、福利支出嗎?如果答案是否定的,那麼特定台商所支持的政黨,台灣民眾必須群起徹底反對,才能阻止台灣被推向「香港化」的無底深淵。

德国之声 | 22.09.2010 都計與防洪脫鉤 砸錢治水照淹






都計與防洪脫鉤 砸錢治水照淹
目前執行中三大水患治理計畫

〔記者劉力仁、黃以敬/台北報導〕二○○六年行政院通過八年一千一百六十億元整治易淹水地區,這次南部地區豪雨成災,環團檢討,防洪計畫跟都市計畫脫鉤,導致都市地區排水不易,大筆錢砸下去,有沒有花在刀口上,大有疑問。

每次颱風災難過後,官方就會編列數百億經費治水,現在執行中的治水計畫,除了易淹水地區整治計畫一千一百六十億元外,還包括石門水庫、曾文、南化、烏山頭水庫共七百九十億元,造成財政上極大負擔。

易淹水整治計畫一千一百六十億元中,水利署八百億負責縣(市)管河川、區域排水、事業性海堤,內政部營建署分配六十億元負責雨水下水道,農委會三百億負責山坡地水土保持、農田排水、原住民地區治山防洪。

水患治理監督聯盟易淹水地區召集人徐蟬娟表示,雖然易淹水整治計畫持續推動,但凡那比颱風發生在高雄,高雄淹水,前年卡玫基發生在台中,台中也淹水,顯見整治都市淹水相當不易。

她認為目前都會區整治易淹水問題最大的阻礙是都市計畫跟防洪計畫脫鉤,官方設計都市計畫時只考慮經濟層面,完全不考慮防洪層面,有些建築物興建在滯洪區,成為淹水成因。

都會須有全新防洪思維

成大水利與海洋工程系主任詹錢登指出,這次凡那比水災掀起的,是都會區防洪問題,必須對目前的都市建設有全新思維,一旦雨勢大,「花錢裝防水閘門等臨時性做法,只怕是治標不治本」,重要的是要讓降在都市的雨水有地方容納、排除。

河川整治搶掉多數預算

徐蟬娟另指出,嘉義、雲林、東石屬於易淹水地區,應該是首要治水之地,但一千多億的經費或許太誘人,以至於每一個縣市、每一條河川幾乎都規劃了整治方案,稀釋了高風險淹水地區整治的急迫性,錢有沒有花在刀口上?

綠 色陣線協會常務理事林長茂則批評,公部門並沒有確切地把洪氾區列出來,很多河道被長期佔用,成為淹水幫兇,易淹水整治計畫中規劃編列經費徵收,這樣緩不濟 急,應該要立即公告,強制拆除。林長茂建議以河川為中心,整合所有相關部會,進行流域管理,資源有效整合,才不會浪費。



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