2011年12月31日 星期六

日本核災必然禍及三代 at least the next three generations

BBC 的2011年亞洲大事當然選日本核災

The big stories affecting you in 2011

Kuji city tsunami damage. Photo: Lee Wood Just some of the damage Kuji city saw after the tsunami hit. Pic: Lee Wood

More than 15,000 people were killed when Japan was hit by a 9.0 magnitude earthquake, followed by a massive tsunami on 11 March 2011.

Cars, ships and buildings were swept away by a wall of water, while further danger erupted just days later when the cooling system at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant failed.

At the time, Japan's then prime minister - Naoto Kan - said his country was facing its toughest crisis since World War II.

But the Japanese people have proved resilient and for others who chose to remain in the country life must go on. Ten months on some residents reflect on the events and the future.

Regis de Lavison, Fukushima

I was in Fukushima City when the earthquake hit, driving to pick up children for afternoon classes at my school.

I didn't realise at first how strong it was. The utility and telephone poles were violently moving as was the car but it was not at all traumatic.

Regis de Lavison The explosions at the nuclear power plant made things much more horrific for me and my family

Listening to the radio and hearing the panic in the announcer's voice and frantic tsunami warnings made me realise how serious it was.

Fukushima City was basically unaffected by the initial earthquake and ensuing tsunami. It was the power outage and lack of gasoline which made life inconvenient.

The explosions at the nuclear power plant made things much more horrific for me and my family.

Within a week of the earthquake we managed to fly out of Fukushima airport and stayed in Fukuoka, Kyushu for four weeks.

Due to the lingering radiation we are very careful about what we eat avoiding locally produced food. We also keep the children indoors and playing outside is very limited.

Start Quote

I am happy to be alive and to know no-one who lost their life”

Regis de Lavison

The radiation problem is very worrying and will remain for at least the next three generations.

The government dealt with the situation very poorly. They gave out bad information and were slow to admit the seriousness of the disaster.

The Japanese people who were to limited to local news for information (and that's almost everyone) were unable to make proper decisions on their own regarding what to do.

I am happy to be alive and to know no-one who lost their life due to the horrendous tsunami. And, my wife is expecting our third child for February. I continue to count my blessings.

2011年12月30日 星期五

More women is better. 更多女性參與會更好/ 日本印度反制中國

Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and his wife, Hitomi, pay their respects after offering a floral wreath at Rajghat, a memorial to Mahatma Gandhi, in New Delhi on Dec. 28. (AP Photo)

Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and his wife, Hitomi, pay their respects after offering a floral wreath at Rajghat, a memorial to Mahatma Gandhi, in New Delhi on Dec. 28. (AP Photo)

Japan-India agreements aimed at countering China

December 29, 2011

NEW DELHI--Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda confirmed wide-ranging cooperative relations with his Indian counterpart, Manmohan Singh, in the fields of security and economy on Dec. 28 in the Indian capital.

Noda apparently intends to strengthen cooperation between Japan and India to counter China's emergence as a military power, while increasing Japan's presence in the huge Indian market.

During a lecture in New Delhi, Noda emphasized that Japan and India have vital interests in marine security in Asia.

India faces sea lanes on the Indian Ocean that lead to the Middle East. Strengthening relations with India is important for Japan's security as China is intensifying its activities in the South China Sea.

In an interview with an Indian newspaper before visiting New Delhi, Noda showed a sense of caution regarding China.

"The strengthening of China's national defense capabilities that lacks transparency is a common concern in this region," Noda said.

India has also grown concerned about China's increased involvement in Sri Lanka, Nepal and Pakistan in recent years. Because of this situation, India has been expanding military exchanges with the United States, Australia and Southeast Asian countries. They all have a common objective to keep China in check.

In 2008, Japan and India agreed to create a comprehensive framework for cooperation in security. In 2012, the two countries will hold their first joint exercises on the sea.

"India has no historical problems with Japan. There are no obstacles for strengthening relations. Such a country is rare for Japan," an aide to Noda said.

However, intensifying bilateral relations to counter China is risky.

In early December, China suddenly postponed the dates of Noda's visit to China, which was scheduled for around Dec. 12 and 13. Later, Beijing proposed changing the dates to Dec. 28 and Dec. 29--the days planned for Noda's visit to India.

"Beijing intentionally sounded out the dates of Noda's visit to India as those of his visit to China. China has begun to pay attention (to the growing relations between Japan and India)," a high-ranking Japanese government official said.

The government led by the Democratic Party of Japan regards "infrastructure exports to emerging economies" as one of the pillars of its new growth strategies. It wants to expand Japanese companies' businesses in India by extending loans to infrastructure projects in the country.

Due to chronic fiscal deficits, the Indian government lacks budgets to construct infrastructure for industrial use.

However, companies from China, South Korea and some European nations are also working hard with their governments to win orders for Indian infrastructure projects. In such a situation, Japanese companies are struggling to obtain orders because their personnel costs are high and they lack the know-how to make products of average quality at low costs. This know-how is indispensable for businesses in emerging economies.

The metro railway construction project planned in Chennai in southern India is subject to the Japanese government's official development assistance. However, French company Alstom SA won the orders in the bidding for train cars.

Japan and India are also cooperating in the construction project of an industrial corridor stretching from New Delhi to Mumbai. However, Japanese consulting companies have lost repeatedly in the biddings held by state governments for urban planning programs.

"If Japan offers only monetary assistance, all the orders for the project will be won by Chinese and South Korean firms," said an official of a major Japanese construction company.

In the Dec. 28 summit between Noda and Singh, Japan and India also decided to expand their currency swap arrangement, in which both governments put up foreign currencies to each other when they face shortages of those currencies.

Due to the Europe's sovereign debt crisis, the growth of India is slowing. In such a situation, the expansion of the currency swap arrangement is expected to play the role of "sea walls" to prevent economic confusion in advance, said an official of the Japanese Finance Ministry.

Lex_Women on boards
英國《金融時報》 Lex專欄

More women is better. Well, that's the theory. Studies conducted by the likes of Goldman Sachs, the UN and McKinsey have suggested that greater gender balance in the boardroom improves financial results. That, in turn, has encouraged various countries to consider quotas. Norway went first, requiring listed companies to reserve 40 per cent of board seats for women from 2008. Spain and France have followed, setting targets for 2015 and 2017. Germany and the UK are now considering the idea. Even the European Union might consider mandatory measures if its call for voluntary action does not catch on. So how are women doing when it comes to steering companies through choppy recessionary waters? That's not so clear.

有更多女性參與會更好。嗯,理論上說是這樣的。諸如高盛(Goldman Sachs)、聯合國(UN)和麥肯錫(McKinsey)等機構的研究都表明,提高董事會中男女比例的均衡程度,有利於改善公司盈利狀況。這一理論進而鼓勵各國考慮為女性留出配額。最早採取行動的是挪威。該國規定,從2008年起,上市公司的女性董事比例必須達到40%以上。西班牙和法國緊隨其後,分別制定了2015年和2017年的目標。德國和英國也正考慮出台類似舉措。歐盟(EU)則要求企業採取自願行動,但假如企業沒有領會個中真意,歐盟也可能考慮強制性措施。那麼,當經濟處於波濤洶湧的退潮期時,負責掌舵的女士們表現如何呢?答案並非一目了然。

Take the UK. Thirteen companies in the FTSE 100 and 250 indices have female chief executives. Seven of those have outperformed the FTSE All-Share, on a total return basis, over the past year (to December 22). That happens to be the average.

以英國為例。富時100和富時250兩大指數的成分股公司中,共有13家公司由女性首席執行官掌舵。在過去一年裡(截至12月22日),以總體回報水平衡量,其中有7家公司的表現勝於富時全股指數(FTSE All-Share)。這是平均而言。

Spreading the exercise into Europe is more difficult. There are no female bosses at France's CAC 40 companies and the best-known torchbearer there was Areva's Anne Lauvergeon. She left in July and her (male) successor ​​quickly announced a very large asset writedown. In Germany, Ines Kolmsee runs steel and iron refiner SKW Metallurgie but that has been a sorry underperformer against the broad CDAX index.

在歐洲進行類似的分析就比較困難了。法國CAC 40指數的成分股公司中,沒有一家由女性掛帥。該國最知名的“火炬手”是阿海琺(Areva)的羅薇中(Anne Lauvergeon)。她已於7月離職,繼任者(男性)則迅速宣布了數額龐大的資產減記措施。在德國,伊奈斯•科爾姆瑟(Ines Kolmsee)掌管著鋼鐵冶煉公司SKW Metallurgie,但令人遺憾,這家公司的表現遜色於大盤指數CDAX。

How about Norway, that bastion of enlightenment, where the female share of board seats is double that in the US, France or Germany? In a Bloomberg ranking of 91 world equity indices, the Oslo All Share index was outside the top two dozen, beating the French and German markets but still outshone by the FTSE All-Share. True, this is a rough exercise compared with McKinsey's work, but still food for thought. Sorry, sisterhood.

在開明的堡壘、女性董事比例為美法德等國兩倍的挪威,情況如何呢?在彭博社(Bloomberg)對世界各地91個股指的排行中,奧斯陸全股指數(Oslo All Share)排在24名之後,比法國和德國的股指靠前,但落後於英國的富時全股指數。和麥肯錫的研究相比,本文只是一個粗疏的分析,但仍可以作為思考的“食糧”。得罪了,女同胞們。



2011年12月29日 星期四

感謝有您 邁向2012

感謝有您 邁向2012


戴明圈: A Taiwanese Deming Circle

"交情千千" 電子連絡簿(日報)

胡適的世界 The World of Hu Shih


Books Birdviews 書海

People 人物

品質世界 quality world


英文人行道 et cetera, et cetera .




日本 心得帖



韓國打擊中國漁船/ 荷蘭政府向印尼屠殺受害者道歉/中國太空計畫進一步令美國擔心

Space Plan From China Broadens Challenge to U.S.

A five-year development timeline unveiled Thursday by the Chinese government could establish it as a major rival in space at a moment when the American program is in retreat.







在其最近的表態中﹐韓國表示將在海警中部署特種部隊負責捕獲漁船﹐ 改善海警貼身武器裝備﹐增加巡邏船只的數量。沒收多次違規漁船的捕魚設備。



轉型正義週訊 No.168(2011/12/29)




這件發生在1947年的案子,起因於荷蘭軍隊攻擊西爪哇一處村莊巴隆薩利(Balongsari,當年名為拉瓦格德Rawaged),村中絕大部分男性遭到射殺。根據「荷蘭道義責任委員會」(The Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts)的估計,當年在Rawagede431人被殺害,1969年荷蘭官方委員會的統計是150人。

年日本投降後,印尼宣布獨立,但原殖民國荷蘭不願意放棄荷屬東印度,發動了大規模的軍事行動。聯合國調查後將這些殺戮認定為「有計畫而且冷血」的行動。根據統計,在 1947-49年的衝突中,超過15萬印尼人喪生。2008年起,有九名寡婦與一名生還者決定要對這場屠殺採取法律行動,他們要求撫卹金或生活津貼,因為幾乎失去所有男丁的村莊從此經濟崩潰,一直生活在貧窮當中。不過其中三名原告來不及目睹正義實現,已經辭世。


現年93歲的Anti Rukiyah出席紀念儀式後,向記者表示收到荷蘭官方正式道歉讓她終於得到撫慰。不過案發已久,如今她與兒子們過著知足的生活,對這起悲劇已經沒有什麼感覺。荷蘭大使送給出席家屬一塊木牌,上面刻著風車與棕櫚樹,下面寫著:「拉瓦格德家屬最終得到正義」,然後附上判決日期。


2011年12月28日 星期三

日本的預防核災難方案“存在嚴重缺陷”/ 中國動車事故主因

Beijing Launches GPS Rival
China has begun operating a homegrown alternative to the U.S. Global Positioning System which, experts say, could help its military track U.S. ships.


新聞報導 | 2011.12.28







包括動車組在內的中國高速鐵路網2007年才開通使用,但是由於國家投入巨資支持,高鐵網以驚人的速度發展膨脹,截至今年年底,全國高速鐵路全長已達8358公里,為全世界之最。 2010年12月,鐵道部宣布,中國的高速鐵路最高時速能夠達到486公里,創下世界紀錄。但是在高速鐵路正式投入運營之後不久,種種問題就接連暴露:多次出現列車因遭遇雷擊而斷電停車的情況,而7月23日的動車追尾事故更是造成了嚴重的傷亡。目前,出於安全問題的擔憂,中國當局決定,將高鐵運行速度控制在300公里/小時以內。



新闻报道 | 2011.12.28

2011年12月28日 13:48 PM
Report slams response to nuclear crisis
英國《金融時報》 中本美智代東京報導

The operator of the Fukushima nuclear power plant and its regulators all failed in their duty to adequately prepare for and respond promptly to a major emergency, contributing to the worst nuclear accident in a quarter century, according to a committee investigating the disaster.

調查日本核事故的委員會表示,福島第一核電站(Fukushima Daiichi)運營商及其監管機構均未能履行自己的職責,沒有為重大突發事件做好充足準備並迅速作出回應,從而導致了25年來最嚴重的核事故。

Tokyo Electric Power, the operator of the Fukushima plant, and its regulators were so unprepared for a major nuclear emergency that they lacked even the basic safety measures to respond to a disaster of the scale that hit Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant in the wake of the March 11 tsunami, the committee states in an interim report of its findings.

該委員會在其發布的中期調查報告中表示,福島第一核電站運營商東京電力公司(Tokyo Electric Power)及其監管機構完全沒有為應對一場突發的重大核事故做好準備,以致於在今年3月11日海嘯之後,他們甚至沒有對福島第一核電站發生的巨大災難採取基本的安全措施。

Tepco's off-site emergency response headquarters for example, was housed in a building that “was not designed to withstand elevated radiation levels, although it was intended for use in nuclear emergencies”, and did not even have air cleaning filters, it says.


“Tepco did not take precautionary measures in anticipation that a severe accident could be caused by tsunami such as the one (that hit Fukushima Daiichi) … Neither did the regulatory authorities,” the committee states in its report.


The committee of 10 independent experts, which was commissioned by the government, also cites insufficient information gathering and poor communication among those in the government, the regulators and at Tepco as major factors that worsened the situation.


The accident at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, following the March 11 earthquake and tsunami that struck Japan's northeastern coast, led to explosions at three reactors and the release of high levels of radioactivity into the atmosphere and ocean.


An area of​​ up to 20km from the site has been closed off, more than 110,000 people have been forced to evacuate their homes and concerns about radioactive contamination plague farmers, fishermen and consumers alike.


It comes as the utility faces the prospect of nationalisation, to prevent bankruptcy, as the costs of compensating victims and decommissioning the damaged power plants threaten to increase liabilities in excess of assets.


The committee, which is set to continue its investigation until next summer, concludes that Japan's nuclear disaster prevention programme “had serious shortfalls” and calls for a “paradigm shift” in the country's approach to disaster prevention.



2011年12月27日 星期二

中國衛視停播近百檔娛樂節目/ 韓國人必須放輕鬆點: Exams in South Korea

2012年 01月 04日 11:19





新 的規定是政府加強對中國媒體行業控制的廣泛舉措之一﹐其他舉措還包括控制中國暢所欲言的互聯網文化。對互聯網的控制意味著決策者認識到﹐在鮮有其他全國性 公開平台來討論時事的中國﹐網絡的力量不斷增強。對媒體的控制儘管旨在遏制低級趣味的傾向﹐卻也顯示出﹐隨著中國尋求在全球發揮更大作用﹐它越來越有興趣 發展自身軟實力(藝術、媒體和文化)﹐以便與好萊塢等競爭。

最新公佈的中國國家主席胡錦濤的講話也顯示出北京希望限制好萊塢的影響。去年 10月﹐胡錦濤提醒共產黨高層領導說﹐外國敵對勢力尋求西化中國。據美聯社(Associated Press)報道﹐胡錦濤說﹐我們要深刻認識意識形態領域鬥爭的嚴重性和複雜性﹐警鐘長鳴、警惕長存﹐採取有力措施加以防範和應對。胡錦濤的上述講話發表 在本週出版的中國共產黨《求是》雜志上﹐由西方新聞機構翻譯。

在去年10月召開的會議 結束時﹐中國官員公開呼籲加強對社交媒體的控制。社交媒體挑戰了傳統上中國政府對中國信息渠道的控制。此後﹐中國互聯網公司宣佈了抵制“謠言”(一般被認 為指的是共產黨不希望看到的信息)的行動﹐而各市政府開始實施新的規定﹐要求微博等服務的用戶在發表微博前用實名註冊帳戶。

西方媒體則面 臨信息數量和主題方面的限制。不過﹐好萊塢繼續在中國擁有巨大影響力﹐2010年影片《阿凡達》(Avatar)在中國獲得2.04億美元票房﹐《福爾摩 斯2》(Sherlock Holmes)將於本月晚些時候在中國上映。據維基解密(WikiLeaks)公佈的一份美國外交電文﹐中國國家副主席習近平曾對當時的美國駐華大使說﹐ 他喜歡看美國戰爭片。外界普遍認為在今年晚些時候舉行的10年一次的領導人換屆中﹐習近平將接替胡錦濤擔任國家主席。




中 國的媒體監管部門已經禁止電視台播出涉及犯罪、暴力和社會問題的敏感節目。相應的﹐力爭獲得全國電視觀眾喜愛的地方衛視近年來轉向真人秀節目(有些時候節 目中會有家人互相謾罵)或相親節目(相親結果似乎常常取決於追求者的財富狀況)﹐而這在貧富嚴重分化的中國是很有爭議的話題。

新的規定或 許會損害一個對西方公司來說可能獲利頗豐的市場。WPP PLC旗下廣告公司群邑(GroupM)估計﹐2010年中國電視廣告總收入為274億美元。不過﹐這對廣告客戶卻可能帶來好處﹐因為中國最近播出的大部 分娛樂節目都是跟風抄襲的產物﹐損害了原創節目的收視率。

Carlos Tejada


Exams in South Korea

The one-shot society

The system that has helped South Korea prosper is beginning to break down

ON NOVEMBER 10th South Korea went silent. Aircraft were grounded. Offices opened late. Commuters stayed off the roads. The police stood by to deal with emergencies among the students who were taking their university entrance exams that day.

Every year the country comes to a halt on the day of the exams, for it is the most important day in most South Koreans’ lives. The single set of multiple-choice tests that students take that day determines their future. Those who score well can enter one of Korea’s best universities, which has traditionally guaranteed them a job-for-life as a high-flying bureaucrat or desk warrior at a chaebol (conglomerate). Those who score poorly are doomed to attend a lesser university, or no university at all. They will then have to join a less prestigious firm and, since switching employers is frowned upon, may be stuck there for the rest of their lives. Ticking a few wrong boxes, then, may mean that they are permanently locked out of the upper tier of Korean society.

Making so much depend on an exam has several advantages for Korea. It is efficient: a single set of tests identifies intelligent and diligent teenagers, and launches them into society’s fast stream. It is meritocratic: poor but clever Koreans can rise to the top by studying very, very hard. The exam’s importance prompts children to pay attention in class and parents to hound them about their homework; and that, in turn, ensures that Korea’s educational results are the envy of the world. The country is pretty much the leading nation in the scoring system run by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). In 2009 it came fourth after Shanghai, Singapore and Hong Kong, but those are cities rather than full-sized countries.

Korea’s well-educated, hard-working population has powered its economic miracle. The country has risen from barefoot to broadband since 1960, and last year, despite the global slowdown, its economy grew by 6.2%. In the age of the knowledge economy, education is economic destiny. So the system has had far-reaching and beneficial consequences.

Yet it also has huge costs. For a start, high school is hell. Two months before the day of his exams Kim Min-sung, a typical student, was monosyllabic and shy. All the joy seemed to have been squeezed out of him, to make room for facts. His classes lasted from 7am until 4pm, after which he headed straight for the library until midnight. He studied seven days a week. “You get used to it,” he mumbled.

His parents have spent much of Min-sung’s life worrying about his education. His father, a teacher, taught him how to manage his time: to draw up a plan and stick to it, so as to complete as much revision as possible without collapsing exhausted on the desk. His mother kept him fuelled with “delicious food” and urged him to “study more, but not too much”.

Min-sung says he doesn’t particularly want to go to university, but he feels “social pressure” to do so. He dreams of getting a job as an agent for sports stars, which would not obviously require a university degree. But he reluctantly accepts that in Korea, “You can’t get [any] job without a degree.”

Min-sung’s happiest time was playing football with his friends during the lunch hour. Every child in his school dashes to the cafeteria when the bell goes and gulps down the noodles like a wolf in a hurry. The quicker they eat, the more precious minutes of freedom each day will contain.

A poll by CLSA, a stockbroker, found that 100% of Korean parents want their children to go to university. Such expectations can be stressful. In one survey a fifth of Korean middle and high school students said they felt tempted to commit suicide. In 2009 a tragic 202 actually did so. The suicide rate among young Koreans is high: 15 per 100,000 15-24-year-olds, compared with ten Americans, seven Chinese and five Britons. Min-sung’s older sister, Kim Jieun, who took the exams a few years ago, recalls: “I thought of emigrating, I hated the education system so much.”

As more and more students cram into universities, the returns to higher education are falling. Because all Korean parents want their children to go to university, most do. An incredible 63% of Koreans aged 25-34 are college graduates—the highest rate in the OECD. Since 1995 there has been a staggering 30 percentage-point increase in the proportion of Koreans who enter university to pursue academic degrees, to 71% in 2009.

This sounds great, but it is unlikely that such a high proportion of young Koreans will actually benefit from chasing an academic degree, as opposed to a vocational qualification. A survey in August found that, four months after leaving university, 40% of graduates had not yet found jobs.

Unemployment represents a poor return on what for most families is a huge financial sacrifice. Not only is college itself expensive; so is getting in. Parents will do anything to help their children pass the college entrance exam. Many send them to private crammers, known as hagwon, after school. Families in Seoul spend a whopping 16% of their income on private tuition.

Seoul children

Korea’s rigid social model aggravates the nation’s extreme demographic problems. Korean women have stopped having anywhere near enough babies to provide the country with the workforce it will need in the future.

Since Korean women started entering the labour force in large numbers, the opportunity costs of having children have risen sharply. The workplace makes few allowances for women who want to take a career break. If a woman drops off the career track for a couple of years, Korean firms are far less likely than Western ones to welcome her back. And if a firm does take back a working mother, she will face a stark choice: drop off the fast track or work long and inflexible hours.

Flexitime and working from home are frowned on. This makes it staggeringly hard to combine work and child care, especially since Korean mothers are expected to bear most of the responsibility for pushing their children to excel academically.

The direct costs of raising children who can pass that all-important exam are also hefty. Sending one child to a $1,000-a-month hagwon is hard enough. Paying for three is murder. Parents engage in an educational arms race. Those with only one child can afford higher fees, so they bid up the price of the best hagwon. This gives other parents yet another incentive to have fewer children.

Since 1960 the fertility rate in Korea has fallen faster than nearly anywhere on earth, from six children per woman to 1.15 in 2009. That is a recipe for demographic collapse. If each Korean woman has only one baby, each generation will be half as large as the one that came before. Korea will age and shrink into global irrelevance.

Small wonder the government is worried. President Lee Myung-bak talks of the need to create a “fair society”. That means, among other things, changing attitudes to educational qualifications. He says he wants employers to start judging potential employees by criteria other than their alma mater. In September he promised that the government would start hiring more non-graduates. “Merit should count more than academic background,” he said.

The forces for change

The president is also urging Korean firms to recruit people with a wider range of experiences. Some have agreed to do so. In September, for example, Daewoo Shipbuilding said it would start hiring high-school graduates and set up an institution to train them. But the managers who run big Korean companies are mostly from the generation in which academic background was everything, so they may be reluctant to change.

The government is trying to reduce the leg-up that private tuition gives to the children of the well-off. Since 2008 local authorities have been allowed to limit hagwon hours and fees. Freelance snoops, known as hagparazzi, visit hagwon with hidden cameras to catch them charging too much or breaking a local curfew. The hagparazzi are rewarded with a share of any fines imposed on errant educational establishments. Yet still the hagwon proliferate. By the government’s count, there are nearly 100,000.

The other force for change is Korea’s young people. Many are questioning whether the old rules about how to live one’s life will make them happy. Kang Jeong-im, a musician, puts it bluntly: “I think it’s difficult to live the way you want to in South Korea.” High school was the worst, she recalls: “We were like memorising machines. Almost every day, I’d fall asleep at my desk. The teacher would shout at me or throw chalk.”

Ms Kang made her parents proud by getting into Yonsei, one of Korea’s leading universities. But once there, she rebelled. She hung out with radicals and read Marx and Foucault. She went on protest marches, waving a placard, inhaling tear gas and almost getting herself arrested. “I kinda enjoyed it,” she says, “I felt I was doing something really important.”

She learned to play the guitar. She wrote a thesis on female Korean rock musicians that involved a lot of “field studies”: ie, going to concerts and talking to cool people. She even interviewed the singer of 3rd Line Butterfly, a group she loved.

She formed a band with a male friend. They played some gigs in small venues, but eventually he took a full-time job at a news agency and no longer had time for rocking. So Ms Kang started a solo career, writing songs and performing them herself, using the stage name “Flowing”. She is working on an album, she says, and performing in clubs. Her parents are not exactly thrilled; they want her to find a respectable job and get married. Their friends and relatives ask: “What is your daughter doing?” and “Why do you let her live like this?”

Ms Kang cannot live on what she makes as a musician, so she takes temporary jobs. She is one of many. Among the young, the proportion of jobs that are part-time has exploded from 8% in 2000 to 23% in 2010; the proportion of workers under 25 on temporary contracts has leapt from zero to 28%. This is partly because cash-strapped companies are backing away from the old tradition of lifetime employment, but also because many young people do not want to be chained to the same desk for 30 years.

According to TNS, a market-research firm, Koreans are markedly more fed up with the companies they work for than people in other countries. Only half would recommend them as a good place to work, compared to three-quarters of TNS’s global sample. Only 48% think they receive suitable recognition, as individuals, for their work, compared with 68% of workers in supposedly collectivist China. Only Japanese workers are more disgruntled.

Despite these gripes, 79% of Korean workers expect still to be working for the same employer in a year’s time. TNS speculates that this attitude reflects the difficulty of switching employers rather than genuine loyalty; it talks of “captive” employees.

Such averages mask wide variation, of course. Some highflying Korean salarymen feel intensely loyal to their employers and are prepared to slave long hours to help them conquer new markets. But this inner circle is quite small: the chaebol employ only 10% of the workforce. And the rigid way that chaebol tend to seek talent—recruiting only from prestigious universities and promoting only from within—means that, as well as failing to get the best out of Korean women, they miss clever people who are not much good at exams and late developers whose talents blossom in their 20s or 30s. They also shunt older people into retirement when they still have much to offer. (The chaebol tend to promote by seniority, which sounds good for older employees but isn’t. There are only a few jobs at the top, so when you reach the age at which you might become a senior manager, you are either promoted or pensioned off.)

Parents praying for their children’s success in exams

Subversive ideas from abroad

It is still rare for a Korean who is clever enough to reach the top by the conventional route to choose a different one; but it is becoming less so. One fertile source of subversion is the Koreans who have studied overseas. Some 13% of Korean tertiary students study abroad, according to the OECD, a higher proportion than in any other rich country. In recent years, many have come home, not least because the American government, in a fit of self-destructive foolishness, made it much harder after September 11th 2001 for foreign students to work in America after they graduate. A survey by Vivek Wadhwa of Duke University found that most foreign students at American universities feared they would not be able to obtain a work visa. And since the application process is long and humiliating, many do not even bother to try. America’s loss is Korea’s (and India’s, and China’s) gain.

Returnees are typically bright, and less beholden to tradition than their stay-at-home peers. For example, Richard Choi, whose father was a globe-trotting manager for a chaebol, attended a British school in Hong Kong and learned about America’s start-up culture while studying biomedical engineering at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore.

Having returned to Korea, he has devised a business model in which customers receive store credits from merchants for recommending their products to their friends. “Let’s say you think this pie is good,” says Mr Choi, pointing at a chocolate confection your correspondent has just bought. “And you tell your friends about it [via a smartphone app developed by Mr Choi’s company, Spoqa]. And they come to this café and spend money. Then you get store credits.”

If this model will work anywhere, it will work in Seoul, figures Mr Choi. The Korean capital is densely populated and splendidly connected: nearly everyone with spare cash has a smartphone. And if it does not, he can probably get a good job, he thinks. But he has to hurry. Even with his skills, he reckons that no chaebol would hire him once he is over 30.

A few locally educated Koreans are also challenging the system. Charles Pyo, a young internet entrepreneur, borrowed his mother’s credit card when he was 14 and started a business helping people set up websites. His parents did not approve; they thought he should be studying instead. But then they saw all the money coming in, and relented. He made $200,000 in three years.

He then won a place at Yonsei University. He took the exam like anyone else, but what really counted was his interview, in which he argued that he had exceptional talents. Korean universities have traditionally spurned interviews, but the government is now urging them to select many more of their students this way.

On the ladder to prosperity

While at university, Mr Pyo teamed up with a former hacker, Kim Hyun-chul. (In his teens, Mr Kim set off cyber-terror alarm bells by infecting hundreds of thousands of computers with a virus that deleted files on his birthday. He was caught, but he was too young to send to prison.) Now a reformed character, he helped Mr Pyo start another company, Wizard Works, that supplies “widgets”—little packets of software that make corporate websites work better—and is about to start selling “cloud computing” apps for smartphones. Still only 25, Mr Pyo has now started yet another company, Rubicon Games, that designs online social games.

Mr Pyo says that what he does is much more fun than being a salaryman. But it is hard for him to recruit good staff. People assume that if you don’t work for a chaebol, it must be because you are not bright enough, he gripes. “They say: ‘Why should I work for you? You’re not Samsung.’”

Mr Choi has the same problem. “Older people look at my business card and say: ‘What’s this?’ Younger people admire the fact that I am doing something no one else is doing. But given the choice of working for me or Samsung, people are naturally inclined to go with a big company.”

Mr Pyo believes that Korea would be a happier place if more people had the courage to strike out on their own. But talented students “care too much about other people’s expectations,” he sighs. “They don’t want to fall behind their friends. They fear that if they do something different they might be viewed as a failure.”

The Land of Miracles must loosen up

The Korean economic boom was built on hard work, benign demography (a bulge of working-age Koreans between 1970 and 1990) and plenty of opportunities to catch up with richer countries. But the world, and Korea, have changed.

Korea is rich, so it can no longer grow fast by copying others. It cannot remain dynamic with an ageing, shrinking workforce. It cannot become creative with a school system that stresses rote learning above thinking. And its people cannot realise their full potential in a society where they get only one shot at doing well in life, and it comes when they are still teenagers. To remain what one writer called “The Land of Miracles”, Korea will have to loosen up, and allow many routes to success.

2011年12月25日 星期日

臭名: 黃世銘的狠話難釋疑: 高育仁何許人 (倫飛電腦)/郭台名/誰來特偵特偵組

"郭董( 郭台銘)在企業上充滿豪氣、義氣和霸氣,在政治上也鋒芒畢露。"這是過份美言
一個在中國企業上有"中南海"的人 員工猛跳樓的老闆

特偵組過去放話辦案的紀錄 以後會有超級特偵來特偵它

最高法院檢察署特別偵查組(英語譯名:Special Investigation Division,SID),簡稱特別偵查組、特偵組,是中華民國最高法院檢察署的特設單位,於民國96年(2007年)4月2日成立[1],其前身為臺灣高等法院檢察署於民國79年(1990年)7月1日成立的「查緝黑金行動中心」[2]。特偵組改制成立後,其辦公室先設於台北市館前路的三井物產株式會社舊廈之內,後於2009年10月遷至台北市信義路一段的國防部文化營區[3][4]。


根據中華民國《法院組織法》第63-1條規定[5], 最高法院檢察署設特別偵查組,職司下列案件:







等黃前天對外表示不是只辦宇昌案,社會才知道富邦和夢想家也已開始偵辦。黃的理由是偵查不公開。很好,偵查本來就不可公開。但是為什麼宇昌案剛出 現,特偵組就飛速展開扣卷調查,而且還讓媒體知道?法界的人都了解宇昌和富邦都是在法律灰色地帶的空包彈,蔡、馬都沒有涉貪證據,最後極可能不起訴或無 罪。



對於這種人 要稿什麼企業


朱立倫升官岳父得利? 倫飛電腦 營運虧損 股價沖上天

〔記者卓怡君、陳永吉/台北報導〕由副閣揆朱立倫岳父高育仁擔任董事長的倫飛電腦,股價長期低迷,但總統府七日晚間公布朱的人事案後,倫飛便以「副閣揆概 念股」之姿,連續十一個交易日漲停板,漲幅已達一○八%,短短半個月,高育仁家族、相關企業及基金會在這檔股票的帳面獲利逾六千萬元。

2011年12月22日 星期四

蘋論:基金運作應和大選脫鉤/ 二二八國家紀念公園於嘉義市啟用



營建署指出,公園的雛型是國際競圖優勝第一名,美國加州柏克萊大學Judith Stilgenbauer團隊規畫設計,設計理念「顯/隱」,是以時間、生命力與無法迴避的歷史真相為主題概念。










2011年12月21日 星期三

賣了:中國的銀行參股本地銀行/ 中共緊張兮兮地想方設法干預台灣的內政/"請北京閉嘴"停手....


1999年台灣921大地震 中共捐款十萬美金
中國時報 現在早已易手 變成確實的中國旺報


中國江蘇校車事故 十多名學生死亡

台灣的總統為領導 副總統為副領導
10 (Xinhua) -- A televised debate among three candidates for Taiwan's next deputy leader was staged Saturday,






Beijing, Washington watch closely as neck and neck Taiwan presidential race enters final month

TAIPEI, Taiwan — Taiwan’s two leading presidential candidates have much in common: both are products of prestigious foreign universities, both come from well-established families, and neither is particularly charismatic.

But that’s where the similarities end. Incumbent Ma ying-jeou wants Taiwan to move closer to China while contender Tsai Ing-wen refuses to accept China’s claim over the democratic island.

As the final month of campaigning began Thursday, their neck-and-neck race will be closely watched by Beijing and Washington even though the Jan. 14 poll has so far revolved mostly around domestic economic issues.

“It’s basically coming down to choosing the lesser of two evils,” said Taipei teacher Stanley Ho, 47. He said he has yet to make up his mind, largely because he can’t get too excited about either.

Chinese and American interest is keyed to the question of whether Ma will be able to continue his signature China policy, which in the past 3 1/2 years has lowered tensions across the 100-mile- (160-kilometer-) wide Taiwan Strait to their lowest level since the Taiwan and the mainland split amid civil war in 1949.

Ma’s main emphasis has been on tying Taiwan’s high-tech economy ever closer to China’s lucrative markets, mostly through a series of ambitious initiatives including a far-reaching tariff slashing agreement, and the launching of hundreds of weekly cross-strait flights.

This has delighted Beijing, which sees in Ma its best hope of promoting its long held policy of bringing Taiwan under its control, not least because of his declared willingness to consider entering into political talks if he is re-elected.

It has also pleased the United States, because it regards a continuation of good cross-strait ties as a key to regional peace and economic development.

In the current race, Beijing clearly favors Ma, while the U.S. says it is neutral. However, some senior officials in the Obama administration appear to share Beijing’s anti-Tsai bias, despite her repeated efforts to take a moderate stance on the China issue and distance herself from the robust support for formal Taiwanese independence that has characterized her Democratic Progressive Party in the past.

Recent opinion polls say the race is a virtual dead heat.

Ma, 61, who has a Harvard law degree, had a solid, if not altogether distinguished, record as justice minister and mayor of Taipei, and a somewhat remote personality that makes it difficult for him to connect with people outside his inner circle. His father was a mid-level official in the Nationalist Party that Ma now heads.

Tsai, 55, the scion of a wealthy family from southern Taiwan, was educated at Cornell University in New York state and the London School of Economics. She has served as the head of the government agency that oversees dealings with mainland China and as a vice-premier in the previous government. She acknowledges having some difficulty in unleashing the passion in DPP supporters that many take as their due.

“I voted for the DPP last time but this time I’m not too sure,” said Jason Lin, a 36-year-old engineer from the southern city of Kaohsiung. “In the end I think it will come down to whoever I think will handle the economy better. For me, the economy is the main issue.”

Early on in the campaign Ma stumbled over his assertion that he might work toward the signing of a peace treaty with Beijing if re-elected. That alarmed many Taiwanese voters, the majority of whom are enthusiastic about closer economic relations with Beijing, but want no part of a formal political relationship, because they fear it would undermine their hard-won democratic freedoms.

Ma has also come under attack for his economic policies, which Tsai alleges have spurred income inequality, and made it difficult for young Taiwanese to afford decent housing.

But Ma has hit back forcefully, insisting that a Tsai victory would lead to a resurgence of the cross-strait tensions that proliferated during the eight-year presidency of Ma predecessor Chen Shui-bian, the disgraced DPP politician who is currently serving a lengthy prison term after his conviction on corruption charges.

Ma’s Nationalist backers also raised questions about Tsai’s own probity, alleging that she profited from her interest in a biotech company that she allegedly helped establish while serving as vice-premier under Chen.

But after a DPP-initiated analysis of company documents, a senior Ma official was forced to acknowledge that that the date on a key document had been in error and Tsai’s connection to the company began only after she left government service. The DPP labeled the error a deliberate forgery and called for Ma to apologize.

The case took a further turn on Wednesday after prosecutors announced they were looking into the company’s formation, a move the DPP immediately slammed as a transparent attempt to enlist the machinery of government to undermine Tsai.

Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

2011年12月20日 星期二





馬英九說明富邦案 批民進黨魚目混珠

民進黨連日來緊咬國民黨總統候選人馬英九有無收受富邦獻金,及吃了5次魚翅宴等事,馬英九今天親上火線 說明。他強調,他自己及富邦金控均多次說明,他沒有收受政治獻金,但民進黨仍於沒有證據下進行指控,令人遺憾;至於所謂的5次魚翅宴,其中僅2次是富邦邀 約,且均是在台北銀行和富邦合併換股核定公布後,與換股案無關。


馬英九說,北銀和富邦銀換股核定,於2002车8月8日簽約宣布,民進黨所稱的5次魚翅宴,其中僅2002年8月11日、2002年9月16日兩次,是富 邦餐會,席間都有他人,均在簽約後,不涉及利益輸送;至於其他3次於2003年間的餐會,則分別是高盛顧問公司、工商建研會和敦安社會福利基金會邀約,與 富邦無關,民進黨是張冠李戴、魚目混珠。



小英新竹之夜: 前所未有的熱情

Dear HC,


Ken Su

民 進黨總統候選人蔡英文昨天連跑新竹縣市多個鄉鎮,全力搶攻客家票與科技票,她到寶山鄉德蘭兒童中心,陪院童歡度耶誕,隨後參加寶山、新豐、湖口後援會成立 大會,也連拜好幾家廟祈福,晚上則參加新竹市民進黨總統蔡英文、立委張學舜競選總部及科技界小英後援會成立大會,受到支持者簇擁,展現人氣。

蔡英文與德蘭兒童中心院生親切互動,並送給小朋友糖果點心,提前過耶誕。縣議員邱振瑋送「竹塹小豬」給蔡英文,讓蔡英文很驚喜。邱振瑋說,竹桶撲滿結合小 豬造型的「竹塹小豬」有在地特色,鄉親可以在撲滿上頭隨心提字,他寫上「幸福滿滿」,意為小英當選,經濟起飛,人民幸福滿滿。








小英「產業之旅」 科技業相挺 【2011/12/20 21:40】

蔡英文今天在苗栗、新竹展開「產業之旅」,首站為LCD大廠聯嘉光電,集團總裁黃國欣特地在展示區佈置「Taiwan Next」 logo字樣的LED燈,力挺小英。(記者陳慧萍攝)




 同時,LCD大廠聯嘉光電集團總裁黃國欣也在蔡英文造訪時親自出面相迎,並在展示區佈置「Taiwan Next」 logo字樣的LED燈,力挺小英。





藝人白冰冰前天參加國民黨總統候選人馬英九造勢活動時,脫口而出「泰國選出女總統即大淹水」,被外界質疑失言。白冰冰昨天一早發表聲明致歉,強調絕無貶抑女性意圖;馬英九則說,白冰冰發言確實不妥,「表示歉意是正確的」。 白冰冰在聲明指出,身為女性,絕不可能有貶抑女性的意圖,相關言論只是想凸顯,相較於泰國面臨水患,台灣今年是風調雨順,這代表台灣人民真福氣,馬總統也很福氣;若舉例方式不恰當,「冰冰感到真歹勢」。

政府補助明華園2.8億 孫翠鳳拿公帑挺藍營



〔記 者李宇欣、顏若瑾/台北報導〕壹週刊報導馬政府「獨厚明華園」,過去三年多來得標總 金額兩億八千萬元,遙遙領先其他劇團。立法院民進黨團幹事長蔡煌瑯昨對此痛批,這又是另一個「夢想家」的翻版,馬政府為何總是圖利特定藝文團體?要求馬政 府出面說清楚、講明白,接受全民的檢視。







Time's Person of the Year: The Protester

"These are folks who are changing history already and will change the future."

nd Time magazine's person of the year is ... "the Protester."

"A year after a Tunisian fruit vendor set himself ablaze, dissent has spread across the Middle East, reaching Europe and the U.S., reshaping global politics and redefining people power," the magazine explains on its website.

You can see the cover photo here and read the person-of-the-year story here.

As you can tell from the cover, the title was earned, perhaps most notably, by those who took part in the Arab Spring movement that toppled governments in North Africa and the Middle East. But the group also includes those across the globe, including protesters who took to the streets in Russia, Europe and the United States, where the Occupy Wall Street demonstrators set up encampments around the country.

"These are folks who are changing history already and will change the future," Time editor Richard Stengel said on the Today show, while unveiling his magazine's selection.

Others who were reportedly considered for the title: Adm. William McCraven, the head of U.S. special operations who oversaw the raid that killed Osama Bin Laden; Chinese artist Ai Weiwei; Kate Middleton; and Rep. Paul Ryan.

《時代》風雲人物 示威者改變世界


政府補助明華園2.8億 孫翠鳳拿公帑挺藍營






標案多 排擠小團
本刊掌握資料顯示,截至今年十一月底,在馬英九執政三年多期間,明華園從政府取得的標案就有一百三十九場、金額達二億八千萬元,比第二名的唐美雲歌仔戲團 一千三百餘萬元,足足高出二十倍。若加計第二名至第九名獲得政府標案的歌仔劇團總金額五千二百萬元,連明華園二.八億元的零頭都不到。


賺公帑 拉抬藍委
據調查,這場名為「二○一一築夢藝文之旅」的演出,指導單位是行政院文建會,主辦單位為築夢基金會,林郁方國會辦公室則掛名協辦單位,早在演出前,林郁方 選區內的街頭巷尾,就四處張貼宣傳海報,有民眾就誤以為能免費看明華園的演出,都是林郁方的功勞,但相關人士質疑,這場花費公帑的演出明顯在為林郁方造 勢,根本就違反行政中立。
更早之前,明華園也於十二月一日在台北市南港路三段演出「蔡正元領航秀」,主辦單位掛的就是蔡正元主導的領航基金會,蔡正元國會辦公室則掛名協辦 單位。演出前,表演場地更掛上大幅布條寫著:「蔡正元邀請孫翠鳳明華園在此公演,免費入場」,布條正上方還有蔡正元的大幅宣傳看板。
據看過該場演出的民眾說,活動開始前,現場大型螢幕秀的就是蔡正元領航秀,活動開始後,孫翠鳳更在台上說:「他(指蔡正元)今天特別辦這麼大場的 歌仔戲給大家看免錢的,各位都知道,到國家戲劇院看明華園表演,一張票要三、四千元,說不定還搶不到票,我們是不是應該給他鼓勵和加油!」

跑行程 南北輔選
據調查,當天明華園演出的劇碼《蓬萊大仙》,在國家戲劇院演出時,票價要五百到二千五百元,和蔡同選區的民進黨立委候選人李建昌就質疑,蔡的行為已達賄選 標準,具有律師資格的前立委徐國勇也表示,根據政治獻金法規定,基金會屬於財團法人,不能捐助政治獻金給候選人,若這些基金會還拿政府補助款,蔡正元拿基 金會資金挹注自己選舉活動已經觸法。