2013年2月28日 星期四

中国百余名学者呼吁全国人大批准《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》“天安门母亲”/

“天安门母亲”要求以法律手段解决“六四”问题



北京
据德新社报道,中国本年度“两会”召开在即,1989年天安门大屠杀事件的受害者家属组织“天安门母亲”日前(2月27日)发表一封公开信,要求中国政府澄清当年动用军队镇压民运行为,并要求公开讨论,并以法律途径解决六四问题。公开信指出,中共新领导层应勇于与过去决裂,纠正当年领导人的错误。公开信提出“真相、赔偿、问责”六字要求:由全国人大常务委员会组成“六四”事件调查委员会,对整个“六四”事件进行“独立、公正的调查”,并公布调查结果,包括公布此次事件中的死者名单及人数;给予受难者及受难家属相应的赔偿;由人大常委会责成检察机关对“六四”惨案立案侦查,追究责任者的法律责任。123名签名者在公开信中提出,全国人大应把“六四”问题作为专项议案递交大会讨论、审议,通过相关决议,以求“六四”问题得到公正解决。

新闻报道

学者联署抗议中共网络封杀公民建言

中国百余名学者呼吁全国人大批准《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》的公民建言,在互联网发表的第一时间便遭到"有关方面"的全面删除。参与联署的学者对政府这种一如既往的蛮横管理方式提出抗议。
(德国之声中文网)由百余名学者、民间维权人士等社会各界人士联名签署,呼吁全国人大批准《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》的公民建言,已遭到百度、新浪微博等网络媒体的删除。甚至,声明在社交媒体发布的第一时间就被网站列为"涉嫌违法内容",不予刊登。
要求北京对质疑作出解释
周四(2月28日),联名签署人在互联网发表抗议声明。文中要求舆论管理部门对删贴作出解释,并发出疑问:"这种行为是否代表舆论管理部门对我们公民建言的一个基本态度?进而,对人权公约的一个基本态度?进而,对基本人权的一个基本态度?"
曾获得过独立中文笔会"自由写作奖"的中国作家野夫是参与签署公民建言的学者之一。他在接受德国之声采访时表示,自己并没想到舆论管理部门会展开如此迅速的"封杀"行为,他认为:
"网络上公开的联署信写得非常'平和',而且一直表现出很'鼓励'执政党。在我看来,整个文章也没有什么'锋芒'之处,并且国务院也早就批了那个方案 (《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》),只是最终卡在人大那里。我们认为采取了这么温和的态度(应该就不会被封杀),结果还是发现被封的严严实实。"
"人大本身是个装饰品"
实际上,早在1998年中国就已经签署了《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》。野夫表示,不过当时政府是为了北京申奥,那次签署的只是一个"象征性"的举 动,"但根据中国的特有制度,这份公约的生效还必须经过全国人大的批准,而我们那个'人大'并没有这个权力,我们的人大本身是个装饰品,幕后的决策者很显 然还是党。"
China Vice-President Xi Jinping stands during a trade agreement ceremony between the China and Ireland at Dublin Castle in Dublin, in this February 19, 2012 file photograph. China's ruling Communist Party unveiled its new leadership line-up on November 15, 2012 to steer the world's second-largest economy for the next five years, with Vice President Xi Jinping taking over from outgoing President Hu Jintao as party chief. Xi was also named head of the party's Central Military Commission, state news agency Xinhua said. REUTERS/David Moir/Files (IRELAND - Tags: POLITICS BUSINESS HEADSHOT) 对新领导人的考验?
提到两会期间将正式接管权力的新一届领导人,目前正在荷兰从事写作的野夫表示,眼前看,并不对新一届中央政治局常委的"真正改革"抱太大希望。他有些失望 地表示,眼前的试探说明,"中共在对待人权的问题还是一如既往。他们不会对一些具体问题,比如'禁言'和一些党的宣传政策方面马上作出调整。"
望习近平迈开政改步伐
这份抗议声明最后呼吁:"舆论管理部门立即停止拦截和删除我们的公民建言的不法行为,呼吁社会尤其是舆论界高度关注这一严重事件……要求批准人权公约的呼吁,履行代表委员应尽的职责,在今年全国两会上提交相关提案议案,展开充分的辩论、充分的协商与对话。"
作家野夫仍寄希望于新一届接管政府权力者能从真正启动政改开始。他说,"习近平的讲话里曾谈到过'尊重宪法'的议题。相信,只要他迈出'宪政'这一步,也算是一个进步。"
作者:严严
责编:石涛

DW.DE

延伸阅读:公民联署吁人大批准公民权利政治权利公约

“两会”召开在即,逾百名中国学者、媒体人等各界人士联名签署公民建言,呼吁全国人大尽快批准《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》。参与联署的学者认为,这是中国自由派“最后一次集结”。 (26.02.2013) 

2013年2月25日 星期一

A New Cold War, China Won't Cut Its Cyberspying. Chinese Buoys Focus of Latest Dispute Over Contested Islands

 

A New Cold War, in Cyberspace, Tests U.S. Ties to China

The Obama administration is weighing how directly to confront China over hacking as it escalates demands that Beijing halt the state-sponsored attacks.

 

日本稱中國在爭議島嶼附近放浮標

東京——一位日本政府發言人周五稱,日本要求中國政府解釋,中國船隻為什麼在東海一系列有爭議島嶼附近戰略性地安放幾個浮標。
日本內閣官房長官、政府發言人菅義偉(Yoshihide Suga)對記者說,這些來自國家海洋局(一個與海岸警衛隊性質相似的機構)的船隻,上周在這些島嶼附近中國控制的水域中放置了這些浮標,日本稱這些島嶼 為尖閣諸島,中國稱之為釣魚島。這些無人居住的島嶼幾十年來一直由日本控制,但中國和台灣對這些島嶼都宣布擁有主權。
日本媒體報道,這些浮標可能是用來追蹤日本在這些無人居住島嶼附近的潛艇,中日雙方的船隻在這片水域中相互追逐已有數月。如果真是這樣,布置這些浮 標可能意味着中日僵局進一步升級。這次僵局一開始只是海岸警衛隊和其他非軍隊船隻的對峙,但最近開始捲入了武裝力量更大的海軍船隻。
去年9月份,在日本政府宣布從私人擁有者手中購買五個島嶼中的三座以來,關於這些島嶼的緊張局勢突然爆發,引發中國出現街頭暴力抗議。作為回應,中國政府幾乎每天都向這個日本宣稱主權的水域派出海洋管理船隻和其他非軍事船隻。
本月早些時候,緊張狀況似乎有所升級,日本稱一艘中國海軍護衛艦曾短暫地用導彈指揮雷達瞄準過一艘日本軍艦。中國否認曾這樣做。
菅義偉沒有說這些浮標被放置在距離這些島嶼多遠的地方。他說,它們位於由中方控制的無爭議水域,但2月17日曾被放置在距離屬於日本控制水域邊界約300米以內的地方。
他說,日本政府曾要求中國對此作出解釋,這些浮標也可能是用來追蹤洋流或者天氣情況的。然而,日本防衛大臣小野寺五典(Itsunori Onodera)告訴記者,這些浮標可能會被用來追蹤附近的船隻。
關於島嶼的新一輪爭吵發生時,韓國也在批評日本政府最近的行為,日本為強調其對另一系列島嶼宣稱的主權,派高官參加了島嶼上的一次紀念活動,韓國對這些島嶼宣稱擁有主權。韓國外交部在一份聲明中說,“我們強烈抗議日本政府派官員參加這種不正當活動的決定。”
翻譯:張亮亮

 

Chinese Buoys Focus of Latest Dispute Over Contested Islands

TOKYO – Japan has asked the Chinese government to explain why Chinese ships have strategically placed several buoys in the East China Sea near a group of disputed islands, a Japanese government spokesman said Friday.
The spokesman, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga, told reporters that ships from China’s State Oceanic Administration, which is similar to the coast guard, had placed the buoys last week in Chinese-controlled waters near the islands, known as the Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in Chinese. The uninhabited islands have been controlled by Japan for decades, but are claimed by China and also Taiwan.

Japanese media reported the buoys might be used to track Japanese submarines in waters around the uninhabited islands, where Japanese and Chinese ships have chased each other in recent months. If so, their placement could represent another step in an ominous escalation in the standoff, which began with coast guard and other non-military ships, but has recently begun to involve more heavily armed navy ships.
Tensions over the islands flared up in September, after the Japanese government announced that it would buy three of the five islands from their private owner, setting off violent street protests in China. The Chinese government responded by sending oceanic administration and other non-military ships into Japanese-claimed waters on almost a daily basis.
Earlier this month, tensions seemed to rise when Japan said that a Chinese navy frigate had briefly used a missile-directing radar to make a target of a Japanese military ship. China has denied doing that.
Mr. Suga did not say how far the buoys were located from the islands. He said they were in undisputed waters controlled by China, but had been placed on Feb. 17 less than 1,000 feet from the edge of Japanese-controlled waters.
He said his government had asked China for an explanation, saying it was also possible that the buoys were being used to track ocean currents or weather. However, the Japanese defense minister, Itsunori Onodera, told reporters that the buoys may be used to track nearby vessels.
The sparring over the islands came as South Korea criticized Japan for sending a top government official to ceremonies highlighting Japan’s claim to another set of islands, which are claimed by South Korea. In a statement, the South Korean foreign ministry said, "We strongly protest the Japanese government’s decision to send a government official to such an unjustifiable event."

China Won't Cut Its Cyberspying


LONDON — President Obama registered his serious concern in the State of the Union address over cyberespionage by what he called “our enemies.” His remarks on Feb. 12 came two days after leaks from a U.S. intelligence estimate named China — again — as the most serious menace in the cyberdomain.

Some Obama advisers have recommended harsh action to send a clear signal to China to change its ways. But even if the Americans retaliate, China is unlikely to respond as they might hope. The spying will continue and probably intensify regardless of what the United States does.

One of the two main complaints against China’s espionage is that organizations, both private and governmental, are stealing design secrets from Western corporations on a massive scale.

Such theft of intellectual property rights (I.P.R.) is contrary to China’s domestic law and international treaty commitments in place for more than a decade. Recent efforts by China to honor its commitments have been substantial considering that it had no such laws for most of its history. But there is a joke in China that its courts are where American corporations go to lose I.P.R. cases.

Bilateral cooperation on cyberespionage against each other by the United States and China more or less exhausts itself at this rather unsatisfactory point.

It is the second main complaint — very distinct from I.P.R. theft — that gives a clearer picture of what is at stake for China in this escalating diplomatic confrontation about cyberthreats. This is the charge that China is actively penetrating critical information infrastructure in the United States with hostile strategic intent.

The Obama administration asserts that China, using cyberprobes of various kinds, is occupying certain positions inside the information networks of some critical U.S. infrastructure so that it can interfere with it if a military confrontation over Taiwan became imminent.

To planners in China, such activity would be seen as no different from the sort of contingency planning and cyberoperations the United States undertakes toward Chinese military and infrastructure targets. Chinese military analysts and leaders have been studying the United States’ use of cyberattacks against critical infrastructure ever since unconfirmed reports surfaced of U.S. attacks in 1999 against Serbia’s electricity supply and telephone system.

China’s view is also colored by the leadership’s heavy dependence for political stability on the intelligence services and armed forces, the main perpetrators of the espionage.
Yet there is disbelief in China that the United States would expect it to make a principled rejection of military cyberespionage. The Chinese would argue that the United States is doing it, and so should China. There is commitment in China to the idea that in terms of military preparedness in the Information Age, a country has to be able to use cyberassets, if it can, to disable adversary infrastructure on which a military campaign might depend. Last November, the Chinese leadership announced it would hasten the development of information technology for military purposes.

Military advisers in China have an easy case to make. Why should China abandon its nonlethal, contingency operations related to possible cyberattacks on critical infrastructure where the United States itself now is vigorously pursuing offensive cyberoptions?
The United States, they will say, is the principal architect of a direct and unlawful sabotage attack on the critical infrastructure of Iran in peacetime through Stuxnet. Internal assessments in China paint its cyberwar capability (as opposed to its information siphoning) relative to that of the United States as basic versus advanced. This assessment is shared by some former senior U.S. military officials.

Chinese military planners believe that they would only launch a cyberattack on U.S. critical infrastructure in the event of an imminent large scale military clash with the United States over Taiwan. While Americans cannot have equal confidence, and their concern is legitimate, it is the Chinese perception that shapes China’s responses.

The American case is not helped by its blurring of the two distinct complaints: I.P.R. theft and national security threats. This confusion comes about because some in the United States have assessed that China has an explicit policy of eroding American national economic power through large-scale cyberespionage. This is presented as a form of economic warfare — an argument that many American analysts dispute.
It is true that China has a policy of using any means available — including covert intelligence collection — to improve its own technology and, through that, its economic power. After all, it has to get around U.S. high-technology export bans in place for China. But Chinese officials say — and most foreign economists agree — that China has a huge vested interest in the stability and vitality of the U.S. economy.
The United States has a good and urgent cause to argue for: strategic stability in cyberspace. To work toward that goal with China as an unavoidable partner, the United States will need to make arguments about cyberspying that fit more sensibly than they have so far into a vision of the interconnected, interdependent digital world.
Greg Austin is director of policy innovation at the EastWest Institute.

中國不會減少網絡間諜活動

倫敦——奧巴馬總統在2月12日的國情咨文演講中表達了他對網絡間諜活動的嚴重擔憂,稱這些活動是“我們的敵人”所為。就在他發表此次演講的兩天前,從一份美國情報評估報告泄露出的信息顯示,中國再次被稱為是網絡領域最嚴重的威脅。
奧巴馬的一些顧問建議採取嚴厲措施來向中國發出明確信號,要求它改變行事方式。但即使美國方面發起報復,中國也不太可能如他們所希望的那樣進行回應。不管美國做何行動,這種間諜活動還將持續,並有可能進一步增加。
對中國間諜活動最主要的兩大控訴之一便是,私人組織和政府組織都在大規模地竊取西方企業的設計機密。
這種竊取知識產權的行為違反了中國的法律和已經實行了十幾年的國際條約承諾。考慮到中國在其歷史上的大部分時期都沒有類似的法律,它最近做出的履行承諾的努力是巨大的。但是在中國有一個笑話,說美國企業到中國的法庭上打知識產權的官司都會以敗訴告終。
在這個極其令人不快的時期,美中在防禦網絡間諜活動上的雙邊合作,幾乎到了盡頭。
第二個主要控訴有別於知識產權竊取,它讓我們更清楚地看到,在這次關於網絡威脅的不斷激化的外交對峙中,中國面臨著怎樣的風險。美國指控,中國正在以充滿敵意的戰略意圖積極地滲入美國的重要信息基礎設施。
奧巴馬政府稱,中國通過多種網絡探測手段佔據了美國一些重要基礎設施信息網絡的內部位置,這樣一來,中國就能在兩國因台灣問題而將要產生軍事衝突時對這些機構進行干擾。
在中國的間諜活動策劃者看來,這樣的行動與美國對中國軍事和基礎設施進行的應急計劃以及網絡行動別無二致。在未經證實的關於美國1999年攻擊塞爾維亞供電系統和電話系統的報告浮出水面之後,中國軍事分析人士和領導人就一直在研究美國如何對重要基礎設施進行網絡攻擊。
中國方面的觀點還受到領導層的影響,中國領導人嚴重依賴情報機構和武裝部隊來維護政治穩定,這些人是間諜活動的主要實施者。
但中國不認為美國會指望中國方面從原則上放棄其軍方的網絡間諜活動。中方會爭辯,既然美國在這麼做,中國也應該這樣做。中國堅信這樣的理念,即在信 息時代的軍事準備方面,一個國家必須能夠在能力允許的情況下動用網絡資產來破壞敵方軍事活動所依靠的基礎設施。去年11月,中國領導層宣布,中國會加快以 軍事為目的的信息技術的發展。
對中國的軍事顧問來說,證明他們的觀點很容易。如今,美國自己都在積極推進針對基礎設施的攻擊性的網絡活動,為什麼中國要放棄它非破壞性的針對此類目標的應急行動?
他們會說,伊朗的重要基礎設施在和平年代遭到來自震網(Stuxnet)的直接、非法的蓄意攻擊,而美國就是行動的主要策劃者。中國自己的評估指出,它的網絡戰能力(和信息竊取不同)和美國相比簡直是小巫見大巫。一些美國軍方前高級官員也認同這種評估。
中國的軍事策劃者認為,只有在中美兩國因台灣問題而即將發生大規模的軍事衝突時,中方才會對美國的重要基礎設施發動網絡攻擊。美國沒有同等的自信,其擔憂也是合理的,中國的回應是形成自中國自己的這種認識。
美國混淆了知識產權竊取和國家安全威脅這兩個不同的控訴,這對美國的立場毫無助益。出現這一混淆是因為美國的一些人認為,中國有明確的政策來通過大規模的網絡間諜活動侵蝕美國的國家經濟實力。這被認為是經濟戰的一種形式——很多美國分析人士不同意這種觀點。
確實,中國有這樣一項政策,即不惜一切手段(包括秘密收集情報)來發展科技,從而增強其經濟實力。畢竟,中國還需應對美國針對中國的高科技出口禁令。但中國官方稱——大多數外國經濟學家也表示同意——中國能從穩定活躍的美國經濟中獲得大量既得利益。
美國方面有充分而迫切的原因來說:網絡空間需要戰略層面的穩定性。要和中國這位繞不開的合作夥伴一起實現這個目標,美國需要就網絡間諜活動提出比從前更合理的說法,與這樣一個互相連接、互相依存的數字世界的願景更為合拍。
格雷格·奧斯汀(Greg Austin)是東西方研究所(EastWest Institute)的政策創新主任。
翻譯:陶夢縈

2013年2月24日 星期日

美國制裁保利集團/ 《白樂崎專欄 》台灣與日漸升高的尖閣危機


 《白樂崎專欄 》台灣與日漸升高的尖閣危機

■白樂崎
過去幾週,尖閣群島周邊緊張情勢明顯升高,中國持續派遣海監船進入附近海域,往往非常接近尖閣群島外十二英里的海疆線,或穿越這個界線。一月中,中國也派出偵察機進入尖閣群島空域,日本因此匆忙出動F-15戰鬥機。
尖閣群島危機升高,時間點恰巧在日本與中國雙雙經歷領導班子交替之後。習近平去年十一月躍居中國最高位,安倍晉三則是在去年十二月的大選後成為首相。
習近平一月二十八日在中共中央政治局發表上任後首場外交政策演說,讓人氣餒的是,他非常武斷地主張中國對這些群島擁有主權。他並未特別提及尖閣議題,只堅稱「任何外國不要指望我們會拿自己的核心利益做交易」。
北京政府使用「核心利益」一詞,反映的是一個硬邦邦的立場:北京掩蓋在西藏與東突的強硬鎮壓,以及對台灣議題的不具彈性,在逐漸將台灣推向其不受歡迎的經濟懷抱之際,拒絕撤除與拆除瞄準台灣的一千六百多枚飛彈,維持能迫使台灣屈服的工具。
中 國對尖閣議題依舊強硬,歐巴馬政府因此向中國與日本強烈施壓:一月中助理國務卿坎貝爾領導重量級代表團前往東京與北京,希望情勢冷靜下來。幾天後,國務卿 希拉蕊與日本外務大臣岸田文雄連袂現身,表示歐巴馬政府反對「尋求暗中傷害日本政府的任何片面行動」(明顯在指中國)。
由於美國很清楚地想讓情況在掌控之中,台灣有必要試著穩定情勢,不要掀波。台灣一月二十四日允許搭載抗議人士的船隻前往釣魚台之舉,因此非常讓人不解。
據媒體報導,這艘漁船甚至是由四艘台灣海巡隊船隻陪同,最後是造成船隻與日本海上保安廳船隻對峙,重演二○一二年九月底雙方互相噴水的場景。
必須強調的是,這並非負責任的政策,這種挑釁行動沒有幫助,還會傷害台灣在這個地區的利益,以及與美國的關係,使得台灣與民主的鄰國疏離,也有損台灣在美方心中的形象:台灣在美國心中,必須扮演建設性角色,而非挑起麻煩。
如我先前所說:台灣與這個地區的民主國家、美國、日本、南韓等保持良好關係很重要,此舉有助捍衛台灣做為自由民主國家的存在。中國並非民主政體,因此表現的像是與中國立場越來越近、對抗日本,將傷害台灣的自由與民主。
(作者白樂崎曾任美國副助理國務卿與美國駐波札那大使,一九九○到九五年出任美國在台協會理事主席,現為本報團顧問,本文僅代表作者個人觀點/國際新聞中心譯)





保利集團“有麻煩了”美國政府宣布對包括保利科技在內的中國多家企業實施制裁,理由是他們違法美國法律,向伊朗、敘利亞和朝鮮提供軍工產品和技術。相關中方企業和官方口徑一致,強烈反駁美國的製裁指控。(德國之聲中文網)針對美國最近對多家中國軍工企業宣布實施制裁,中國外交部本週二(2月12日)表示強烈不滿。發言人華春瑩表示,中方致力於維護國際防擴散體系,並嚴格有效執法。美方應該"立即糾正錯誤做法",不能"動輒以製裁相威脅和損害對方利益。"對此,中方已經向美方提出嚴正交涉。美國政府本週一最新公佈了對一名中國商人和數家企業的製裁決定。指責他們違反了美國遏制伊朗發展導彈計劃的法令,向伊朗出售產品。隸屬美國國務院的一個名為"聯邦公報"(Federal Register)的信息發佈網站公佈了相關消息,其中指出,從2006年開始,一位名叫李方維(音)的人已經至少三次因向伊朗的導彈研發工作提供物質支持而受到美國司法機關的懲罰。
 被制裁的華企披 露信息援引"可靠情報"指出,這位又名卡爾·李(Karl Lee)的男子和大連盛輝公司(Dalian Sunny Industries)、大連中邦化學工業公司(Dalian Zhongbang Chemical Industries Company)、西安軍韻(音)電子公司(Xian Junyun Electronic)以及包括保利集團在內的多家中國企業都曾從事武器技術擴散活動,違反了美國《防止向伊朗、朝鮮和敘利亞擴散法》中的具體規定。另外,中國精密機械進出口公司、深圳市倍通科技有限公司(BST Technology and Trade Company)也在被制裁的中國企業之中。同時,因為違反《防止向伊朗、朝鮮和敘利亞擴散法》而受到製裁的還包括來自白俄羅斯、伊朗、朝鮮、敘利亞和委內瑞拉的企業。公佈的消息中沒有具體指出這些企業向伊朗、敘利亞或者朝鮮出售了哪些違禁產品。但消息表示,它們的做法違反了控制導彈技術制度的規定,也違反了禁止化學武器公約、核供應國集團以及其他國際性的防止大規模殺傷性武器擴散條約的規定。新華社替保利集團發布聲明
路透社記者曾於本週一嚐試聯繫中國最大的軍工企業之一保利科技有限公司,但無人接聽電話。同時,中國官方媒體新華社當天刊登了保利科技有限公司的一條聲明稱:"幾十年來,保利科技有限公司嚴格遵守中國法律以及中國加入的相關國際法規、條約,依法經營,從未幫助過任何國家或地區發展違禁武器,也沒有向任何受聯合國安理會決議制裁的國家或地區出口或承諾出口違規產品和技術。"美國依據其國內法律對保利的製裁"是毫無根據和毫無道理的" 中國外交部發言人華春瑩11日表示,美國的製裁行為已經"嚴重違反國際關係準則,損害中方利益"。但她在聲明中沒有提及製裁措施背後的指控,也沒有提到任何企業的名字。美司法機構的"老相識":李方維一位美國國務院官員告訴路透社,李方維和大連盛輝公司受到製裁的具體原因是"向伊朗擴散(武器)"。這位官員透露,特別是李方維2009年以來從事的幾次銷售活動,也讓他因面對類似的指控而受到過制裁。之前,李方維拒絕承認向伊朗出售過任何違禁品。 2006年,美國財政部曾明令禁止金融系統和李方維以及大連LIMMT經貿公司有所接觸。理由是他們向伊朗出售了可能被用於軍事用途的物資。一些美國官員表示,李對此表示拒絕承認。三年後,美國紐約郡地區檢察官對李方維以及大連LIMMT經貿公司涉嫌用虛假姓名通過美國銀行處理伊朗業務款項的欺詐行為提起公訴。威斯康星核軍備控制項目關注伊朗信息的網站披露,大連盛輝公司以及LIMMT經貿公司是LIMMT冶金礦產公司使用的25個代名之一。公佈的消息顯示,制裁決議於2012年12月20日公佈,並於2013年2月5日開始生效。其中規定,美國政府各部門或機構不得從這些實體採購任何貨物、服務、技術或與之簽訂任何採購合同。美國政府各部門或機構不得向這些實體提供任何援助。這些實體亦無資格參加美國政府的任何援助項目。並禁止美國政府向這些實體出售美國軍品管制清單(USML)上的任何物品,終止出售任何列入《武器出口管制法》(Arms Export Control Act)的國防物資、國防服務或設計以及營建服務。來源:美聯社、路透社、德新社綜合報導:任琛責編:雨涵



保利集团“有麻烦了”

美国政府宣布对包括保利科技在内的中国多家企业实施制裁,理由是他们违法美国法律,向伊朗、叙利亚和朝鲜提供军工产品和技术。相关中方企业和官方口径一致,强烈反驳美国的制裁指控。
(德国之声中文网)针对美国最近对多家中国军工企业宣布实施制裁,中国外交部本周二(2月12日)表示强烈不满。发言人华春莹表示,中方致力于维护国际防 扩散体系,并严格有效执法。美方应该"立即纠正错误做法",不能"动辄以制裁相威胁和损害对方利益。"对此,中方已经向美方提出严正交涉。
美国政府本周一最新公布了对一名中国商人和数家企业的制裁决定。指责他们违反了美国遏制伊朗发展导弹计划的法令,向伊朗出售产品。
隶属美国国务院的一个名为"联邦公报"(Federal Register)的信息发布网站公布了相关消息,其中指出,从2006年开始,一位名叫李方维(音)的人已经至少三次因向伊朗的导弹研发工作提供物质支持而受到美国司法机关的惩罚。
Chinese People's Liberation Army missile carrier trucks drive past the Tiananmen Square during a military parade marking China's 60th anniversary in Beijing, China, Thursday, Oct. 1, 2009. To mark 60 years of communist rule China put together its biggest-ever military parade: hundreds of thousands of marchers, batteries of goose-stepping soldiers and weaponry from drone missiles to amphibious assault vehicles. (AP Photo/Vincent Thian)
中国的军事技术也要"走出去"
被制裁的华企
披露信息援引"可靠情报"指出,这位又名卡尔·李(Karl Lee)的男子和大连盛辉公司(Dalian Sunny Industries)、大连中邦化学工业公司(Dalian Zhongbang Chemical Industries Company)、西安军韵(音)电子公司(Xian Junyun Electronic)以及包括保利集团在内的多家中国企业都曾从事武器技术扩散活动,违反了美国《防止向伊朗、朝鲜和叙利亚扩散法》中的具体规定。另 外,中国精密机械进出口公司、深圳市倍通科技有限公司(BST Technology and Trade Company)也在被制裁的中国企业之中。同时,因为违反《防止向伊朗、朝鲜和叙利亚扩散法》而受到制裁的还包括来自白俄罗斯、伊朗、朝鲜、叙利亚和委 内瑞拉的企业。
公布的消息中没有具体指出这些企业向伊朗、叙利亚或者朝鲜出售了哪些违禁产品。但消息表示,它们的做法违反了控制导弹技术制度的规定,也违反了禁止化学武器公约、核供应国集团以及其他国际性的防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散条约的规定。
新华社替保利集团发布声明
Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, left, shakes hands with China's Premier Wen Jiabao prior to a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Wednesday, June 6, 2012. (Foto:Ed Jones, Pool/AP/dapd)
温家宝: "珍视同伊朗的传统友谊",但反对中东任何国家研制和拥有核武器。
路透社记者曾于本周一尝试联系中国最大的军工企业之一保利科技有限公司,但无人接听电话。同时,中国官方媒体新华社当天刊登了保利科技 有限公司的一条声明称:"几十年来,保利科技有限公司严格遵守中国法律以及中国加入的相关国际法规、条约,依法经营,从未帮助过任何国家或地区发展违禁武 器,也没有向任何受联合国安理会决议制裁的国家或地区出口或承诺出口违规产品和技术。"美国依据其国内法律对保利的制裁"是毫无根据和毫无道理的"。
中国外交部发言人华春莹11日表示,美国的制裁行为已经"严重违反国际关系准则,损害中方利益"。但她在声明中没有提及制裁措施背后的指控,也没有提到任何企业的名字。
美司法机构的"老相识":李方维
一位美国国务院官员告诉路透社,李方维和大连盛辉公司受到制裁的具体原因是"向伊朗扩散(武器)"。这位官员透露,特别是李方维2009年以来从事的几次销售活动,也让他因面对类似的指控而受到过制裁。
之前,李方维拒绝承认向伊朗出售过任何违禁品。2006年,美国财政部曾明令禁止金融系统和李方维以及大连LIMMT经贸公司有所接触。理由是他们向伊朗出售了可能被用于军事用途的物资。一些美国官员表示,李对此表示拒绝承认。
三年后,美国纽约郡地区检察官对李方维以及大连LIMMT经贸公司涉嫌用虚假姓名通过美国银行处理伊朗业务款项的欺诈行为提起公诉。威斯康星核军备控制项目关注伊朗信息的网站披露,大连盛辉公司以及LIMMT经贸公司是LIMMT冶金矿产公司使用的25个代名之一。
公布的消息显示,制裁决议于2012年12月20日公布,并于2013年2月5日开始生效。其中规定,美国政府各部门或机构不得从这些实体采购任何货物、 服务、技术或与之签订任何采购合同。美国政府各部门或机构不得向这些实体提供任何援助。这些实体亦无资格参加美国政府的任何援助项目。并禁止美国政府向这 些实体出售美国军品管制清单(USML)上的任何物品,终止出售任何列入《武器出口管制法》(Arms Export Control Act)的国防物资、国防服务或设计以及营建服务。
来源:美联社、路透社、德新社 综合报道:任琛
责编:雨涵

2013年2月21日 星期四

Taiwan among world’s top-ranked democracies( Freedom House)

Taiwan among world’s top-ranked democracies

Staff writer, with CNA, Brussels
An annual report released by Freedom House has ranked Taiwan in the same class as democratic countries such as the US and major European nations.
The Washington-based non-governmental human rights watchdog unveiled its Freedom in the World 2013 report at the European parliament on Tuesday.
The watchdog’s Research vice president Arch Puddington said in an interview that Taiwan is one of the highest-ranked Asian democracies.
Taiwan, Japan and South Korea are all paragons of East Asian democratic development, Puddington said.
The latest report from Freedom House gauges the state of freedom in 187 countries in terms of political rights and civil liberties.
Taiwan was rated one out of seven for political rights and two out of seven for civil liberties.
In the Freedom House rankings, one represents the highest level of freedom and seven the least degree of freedom.
All the countries in the report are grouped into categories of “free,” “partly free” and “not free.”
Taiwan has repeatedly been assessed by the annual reports as one of Asia’s leading democracies.
However, Puddington said that Taiwan should pay more heed to maintaining the independence of its judicial system to prevent it from being influenced or manipulated by politicians.
Generally speaking, he said, Taiwan remains one of the more impressive democracies in East Asia, with the country’s democratic institutions appearing to function well.
In contrast, China was rated as “not free,” with its political rights given the lowest possible rating and its civil liberties rated at just six out of seven.
Puddington said there is ample room for China to improve its state of freedom.
Its government should tolerate political dissent, or at least allow greater civil liberties for its people, he said.

中國短訊






 解放軍 61398部隊 China’s growing corps of cyberwarriors...


Hack-attack

A timeline of cyber-attacks from China
A new report released by Mandiant, an American cyber-security consultancy, and commissioned by the New York Times, reveals an astonishing history of hacking and online theft by a group based in Shanghai, China. Mandiant believes the hackers are part of the Chinese army. The firm saw at first hand how the group, dubbed the "Comment Crew", broke into the computer networks of over a hundred Western corporations and government institutions. Over the course of many years, the cyber thieves targeted nearly two dozen industries, with special attention paid to those in technology and sectors considered "strategic" by the central government. Despite the detailed evidence presented by the firm in its report, the Chinese government denies wrongdoing.

DEUTSCHE WELLE facebook twitter fwd德國之聲 19.02.2013 | 16:00 UTC新聞報導
重慶不雅視頻女主角,到哪兒說理?
昨日重慶不雅視頻案女主角趙紅霞的代理律師張智勇,在其個人博客和微博上透露,該案仍處公安偵查階段;該案曝料人朱瑞峰表示,重慶警方控制趙紅霞們,是為了怕揭出更多重慶官場貪腐線索。重慶不雅視頻女主角,到哪兒說理? (音頻)






悲哀、憤怒、絕望:流亡藏人和102位自焚者
2月17日,藏人南拉才讓(Namlha Tsering)在甘南藏區夏河縣的拉卜楞寺附近自焚。這是2009年2月以來發生在中國的第102起藏人自焚事件。流亡印度的藏人如何面對一個又一個藏人自焚的消息?


貴州5男童點火窒息而死
北京:據美國聯合通訊社報導,在中國貴州省麻江縣朝陽村,有5個男童在一個烤煙棚玩耍時點火引燃稻草,導致窒息死亡。據中國官媒新華社消息,在本週一人們發現了4個孩子的屍體,第5個孩子被​​送往醫院後搶救無效而死亡。 5人年齡在4至6歲之間。據悉,該倉庫是個只有一個出口的廢棄場所。事發當天,孩子的父母正在幫助村民準備一場婚禮。在去年11月份,貴州曾經發生5名流浪孩童因為取暖,躲在垃圾箱裡生火而窒息死亡。此事件曾引起中國國內和國際上的廣泛關注。有公眾對政府提出指責,批評無人關心留守兒童的處境。歐盟計劃再次提供2200萬歐元支援馬里

“共產主義功夫高手”
中國“兩會”下月召開,香港功夫影星成龍有望成為下屆全國政協委員。 《南德意志報》週二(2月19日)刊文分析成龍有意進入政界的背景。 《商報》在一篇有關歐盟計劃制裁中國光伏產業的報導中強調,對歐盟相關產業而言,制裁可能是一把雙刃劍。 


中國短訊
  
中國體育當局不滿WADA指責
北京據德國體育通訊社(SID)報導,中國體育當局對世界反興奮劑機構(WADA)新近對中方的指責表“震驚”,並稱將展開調查。世界反興奮劑機構總幹事豪曼(David Hawman)上周稱,“99%的非法原料”產自中國,並因此將中國放在了全球興奮劑問題的中心位置。中國國家體育總局科教司司長蔣志學在接受新華社採訪時表示,“不知道豪曼總幹事這個數字從何而來,有什麼依據。我們感到很震驚。”他稱,“為了解數字是否客觀、準確,我們最近向世界反興奮劑機構發函,希望對方能告知數據來源和依據。”他同時承認,豪曼的說法已引起中方高度重視。他指出,打擊興奮劑工作十分複雜,當前還存在一些問題,比如網絡非法銷售興奮劑等,當局已決定,進行調查、摸底。中國堅稱,尚非最大貿易國

北京據美聯社報導,中國不願獲得全球最大貿易國身份。北京政府週二(2月19日)採取不同尋常的步驟,駁回相關報導。去年,中國貿易總額超過美國440億美元,從而取代美國成為全球第一貿易大國。根據這些報導,去年,中國進出口商品和服務總額為3.866萬億美元,美國為3.822萬億。中國商務部稱,這一統計數字不符合世貿組織的標準,根據該組織的相關標準,中國去年外貿總額比美國少153億美元,約佔中國貿易總額的0.3%。北京要求被視為全球居領導地位的大國之一,但同時堅稱自己是一個發展中國家。觀察家指出,北京政府對每一種可能導致要求中國承擔更多責任的新排名都持狐疑態度。這些要求中包括,採取振興世界經濟的措施,或在貿易協定方面做出讓步。



 ----


網絡社交媒體如何改變中國


頻網站土豆網創始人說﹐社交媒體網站讓中國億萬網民獲得了一條表達渠道﹐有可能為這個國家不可阻擋的轉型創造條件。



王微(Gary Wang)在《華爾街日報》“釋放創新”大會(Unleashing Innovation)上說﹐年輕人正嘗到能夠表達自我的那種感覺﹐這將很難關進籠子﹐我樂觀地認為這個趨勢不可阻擋。

智能手機加快了新浪微博等社交媒體工具在中國5億多網民中的普及。

筆名“安替”(Michael Anti)的中國博客作者、新聞人趙靜說﹐很多人第一次可以用手機來表達觀點。他說﹐這或許並不等於民主﹐但至少是一種民主訓練。

趙靜說﹐有時候言論自由在中國並不存在﹐但你應該練習言論自由﹐就當它是存在一樣。

王微在2005年創辦土豆網(Tudou Holdings Ltd.)。去年這家公司同競爭對手優酷網(Youku Inc.)合併﹐後者佔主導地位﹐王微卸任土豆網首席執行長一職。

中國政府動用軟件和成千上萬的人員來巡查互聯網﹐同時把很大一部分審查工作交給社交網站的運營方去做。

王微說﹐公司必須確保它們會在中國取得成功﹐而被視為好公民對於中國公司來說是至關重要的。

北京的持續審查給海外互聯網企業在中國的擴張造成了障礙。2010年﹐因為審查方面的顧慮﹐谷歌(Google Inc.)將其搜索引擎從中國內地轉移到香港。這家美國公司已經將搜索及其他網絡服務的市場份額輸給了中國本土的競爭對手。

王微說﹐谷歌撤出中國的那天晚上我無法入睡。他說﹐我們全都相信保持開放的道理。但王微也承認﹐谷歌的退出確實為土豆網等其他本土互聯網企業創造了契機。

Juro Osawa



2013年2月20日 星期三

旺中案被否決/被閹割的新聞/ 民主對抗媒體恐怖主義(顏厥安)/誰跟你統一, Taiwan’s democracy is much better

 3條件未達成 旺中案被否決

NCC去年七月以附加三項停止條件方式有條件通過「旺中併購中嘉案」,NCC昨天審查確認「條件未成就」否決旺中案。圖為媒改團體發起的「反媒體壟斷大遊行」,要NCC做好把關責任。 (資料照)
〔記者劉力仁、林嘉琪、李靚慧/台北報導〕旺中集團計畫將中天新聞台信託給台灣工業銀行,認為已達成國家通訊傳播委員會(NCC)要旺中集團「切割中天新聞台」的要求,但昨天遭NCC否決。
信託中天新聞台 未完全切割
NCC 去年七月以附加三項停止條件方式有條件通過「旺中併購中嘉案」,要求旺中集團應與中天新聞台完全切割、中視新聞台變更為非新聞台、中視應設立獨立新聞編審 制度等三項條件成就後,此併購案才能生效。但旺中集團總裁蔡衍明不服NCC的條件,去年曾說中天是他的最愛不能給別人,因此和NCC打行政官司、使得併購 案一度陷入僵局。
但春節前旺中集團又突然向NCC遞件申請,表示旺中集團已以信託方式委託台灣工業銀行,持有神旺投資中天電視的七十五%股份,此舉應已符合「完全切割」的要求。不過,NCC委員會昨天審查此案,確認「條件未成就」,因而否決此案。
監察人獨立性 NCC有疑義
NCC否決理由有三,第一為信託法主管機關經濟部回覆NCC,說明「控制公司如果將股權信託他人管理,既存從屬關係並不受影響」,亦即就算旺中集團將中天新聞台信託了,依法仍具有控制權,仍未能達到「完全切割」的條件。
NCC並檢視旺中集團信託契約條文,其中約定股東權之行使由信託監察人為之,而該信託監察人之報酬由其與委託人(旺中集團)另行約定,所以這個信託監察人的「獨立性」有疑義;另外,中視編審制度並未獨立。
旺中可另提方案 再申請審議
NCC主委石世豪表示,基於上面三點理由,NCC委員會一致同意「條件未成就」,信託申請案沒有法律效力,此案也沒有召開聽證會之必要。但NCC法律事務處長謝煥乾表示,旺中未來還是可以另提方案再申請審議。
九 ○一反媒體壟斷聯盟召集人陳曉宜表示,這個結果顯示NCC的確有進行實質審查,因為旺中集團的信託行為不會改變控制關係,手段上只是表面切割。基於旺中還 可以再提申請,以其他方式捲土重來,陳曉宜指出,反媒體壟斷專法也已出爐,明定系統、頻道不得水平與垂直整合,顯示這是朝野及社會共識,呼籲旺中盡速實質 切割中天電視,別再挑戰司法。
學者:旺中鑽漏洞 應該駁回
曾任金管會主委和公平會委員的中研院人文社會科學研究中心研究員施俊吉指出,旺中集團本來就不能併購中嘉系統,NCC應該逕予駁回,最後卻還是以三個停止條件有條件通過,結果旺中集團想出用信託手段「鑽漏洞」,施俊吉表示,請旺中集團不要再製造社會動亂,浪費社會成本。
旺中集團昨日在截稿前,未就NCC否決案做出正式回應;記者昨晚電話連絡上旺中寬頻特助趙育培,但他只說:「我現有事、我現有事。」立即掛上電話。台灣工銀表示,工銀只是單純的受託機構,沒有立場進行任何評論。


一則被閹割的新聞

◎ 黃勝淋
十幾位媒改學者、學生及傳播界人士,上月二十一日到二十六日在行政院前連續靜坐六天,要求行政院、立法院立即修改公視法,儘速讓延宕超過兩年的公視董事會完成改選。他們以接力靜坐的方式表達訴求,希望能讓行政院裡的官員們聽見台灣公廣媒體改革的聲音。然而這六天的行動,我沒看到任何一家民營電視台報導這則新聞。
公視屬於全民,並非政府或執政黨擁有的電視台,但國民黨重返執政後,透過「林益世條款」,強改公視法的董事席次名額,試圖干預公視董事會的運作,將政黨的黑手伸入本應屬於「全民的公共電視」中。
世界上媒體發展進步的國家,對於公廣媒體的扶植向來不遺餘力,英國BBC、日本NHK、韓國KBS等,都是具有公信力、享譽國際的公廣媒體,每年擁有的預算,更是台灣公廣的數十、數百倍之多!當其他國家以豐富的資源製作優質節目時,我們的公視卻連一個董事改選都無法完成。
年金制度的改革讓社會紛紛擾擾、對立嚴重,內閣又即將改組,公視的問題被掩藏在這些議題之下無人聞問。但公廣媒體的發展不能忽略,政府及新內閣亦不該裝死擺爛、或伸手胡攪一通!應儘早面對、改善,回應台灣媒體「反壟斷、要公廣」的民意訴求。
(作者為中正大學傳播系學生)




民主對抗媒體恐怖主義(顏厥安)
2012年11月17日
幾大產業與金融集團聯手買下壹傳媒,竟驚爆幕後大金主之一就是旺旺集團蔡衍明,引發全面譁然。筆者認為,台灣的媒體恐怖主義態勢,已經悄然成形。
恐怖主義有幾大特點:敵視自由民主與多元價值;欲以秘密方式,來破壞實踐前述價值的各種生活方式與體制;若其手段得逞,破壞力非常驚人,更重要的是,透過難以清楚察覺的方式,散布心理上的恐懼與擔心。
先是幾年前國民黨透過其政治力操作,大力干預公視董事會與公視的經營,使得公視董事會處於違法且癱瘓狀態多年。公視雖然僅是一個比較小的媒體,但 是公視體制卻是台灣民主化的重要里程碑,象徵且具體實踐著媒體不受政治力以及強勢財經集團干預的獨立性。政治力的背後操弄,顯示其敵視這些價值信念,不計 一切想要破壞。
過去一年多來,以旺中集團為核心的一連串事件,更讓媒體恐怖主義大幅發展。媒體大亨公然否認六四屠殺「事實」,這種大剌剌否定媒體挖掘真相、報導 真相的作為,充分顯現這個力量根本沒有要「經營」媒體,而是要「毀掉」媒體。毀掉媒體的做法,也顯示了其敵視自由民主與多元主義的價值觀,因為沒有真相, 缺少不計一切追求真相的精神決心與力量,就沒有民主可言。在這種價值觀下,各種干預編輯台、箝制記者,甚至刻意炮製假新聞的作為,就毫不意外。

財團恐嚇不服從者

更 值得注意的是,這個發展並不僅是單一個人或集團的作為,而是十餘年來逐漸累積發展的產金政學結構。台灣的媒體,已經大幅度地落入大財團的掌控之下。它們多 是台灣前十大財團,老闆們多是前幾大首富。而這些財團能快速持續累積財富的秘訣之一,就是透過「消息面」來進行精密操控。不但股市與融資依賴消息面,金 融、保險、不動產等產業都是建立在消息面之拿捏之上。高污染產業不希望其污染被民眾知悉,背著董事會或股東會進行公司資產大搬運,更不希望外界知道。
非 常關鍵的一點是,這些財團往往又需要政府的「特許」。而民主國家政治人物的政治生命,就是以媒體訊息為基石,因此掌握媒體,就掌握政治人物,不但有助於 「特許」之取得,也可進行各種政商交易。而這一切,都是「秘密」進行的。對於不服從者,更可以施以恐嚇或「制裁」。這就是媒體恐怖主義對民主的重大威脅, 被大財金集團「吞噬」的媒體,再也不是媒體,而是操弄消息面,幕後掌控民主的「工具」。壹傳媒買方先前隱瞞大金主包括蔡衍明,不但顯示這幾個財團對於最起 碼的媒體倫理與「真相」毫無興趣,蔡衍明的「何必低調」態度,更顯示恐怖主義對媒體以及民主的大破壞已經快完成了。因此不但媒體工作者人心惶惶,民眾們也 開始擔心憂慮,以後不知道要「相信」什麼了。
然而對抗這種恐怖主義,終究還是要回歸民主。雖然期望不高,但還是再次呼籲NCC要以積極態度面對處 理相關問題。立法院也應該推出新的法案,貫徹實施產媒、金媒分離原則,保障編輯台自主與媒體工會;運用更多調閱權、舉辦更多公聽會,讓更多資訊公諸於世, 激發更多討論。公民的自覺,甚至以各種方式抵抗假媒體,發起新媒體,也都是必要的路徑。民主無捷徑,也無幸運,永遠只能重複篳路藍縷之精神,不斷努力下 去。
作者為台大法律系教授,「台灣守護民主平台」監事

China congress highlights contrast with Taiwan, amid continuing struggle for influence


Lee Jin-man/Associated Press - Chinese paramilitary policemen march near a portrait of late Chinese leader Mao Zedong on the Tiananmen Square in Beijing Saturday, Nov. 10, 2012.



TAIPEI, Taiwan — While ties between China and Taiwan may be closer than at any time since they split in a civil war, the staid, formal Communist Party congress being held in Beijing highlights how far apart the two sides are politically.
“Taiwan’s democracy has learned from the United States,” said Wang Yingying, who moved from eastern China to Taiwan in 2005 with her Taiwanese spouse. “We in China cannot vote for our national leaders. Mainland politics are backward, Taiwan’s democracy is much better.”

The astonishingly rapid detente could send a message beyond just Asia.



With a population 50 times bigger and an economy 15 times greater, China overshadows Taiwan in almost every respect. But one area where Taiwan is envied by many in China is its freewheeling political system.
Split since Mao Zedong’s Communist forces drove Chiang Kai-shek and his Nationalist government from the mainland, China and Taiwan used to engage in a propaganda and ideological war against each other. Since Taiwan jettisoned one-party rule in the 1980s and moved toward democracy, the competition for hearts and minds continues but is more low-key.
“There is now no excuse for the Chinese government to tell its people that Chinese culture is somehow at odds with democracy,” said Emile Sheng, who served as culture minister during Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou’s just-completed first term. “Taiwan’s experience proves this wrong.”
Stepped-up trade and travel between China and Taiwan as well as a revival in longstanding cultural and social ties are all carrying Taiwan’s success with democracy to mainlanders. Wang, the mainlander bride, is one of 300,000 Chinese spouses living in Taiwan. More than 2 million Chinese tourists travel to Taiwan every year, often holing up in their hotels to watch Taiwan’s many politically relentless all-news television stations.

China’s ruling Communists continue to hail their model as superior, noting its state-directed economy has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty in recent decades and government policies have warded off the recession and weak growth that have wracked the West during the past four years. In his opening speech to the congress Thursday, President Hu Jintao said China would never adopt a Western-style political system.

“There is a contest of ideology between China and Taiwan,” said political scientist George Tsai of Taipei’s Chinese Culture University. “It is dictatorship versus democracy. Many people are wondering if Taiwan’s model of democracy is appropriate for China’s future.”
Sheng, the former culture minister, said a high watermark for Taiwan’s influence came earlier this year when millions of politically literate mainlanders closely followed Taiwan’s hard-fought presidential election between Ma and challenger Tsai Ing-wen.

He said the thousands of favorable comments that appeared on Chinese blogs — which mainlanders use to skirt government restrictions on officially sanctioned media — left little doubt that some in China had been won over by the vibrancy of the Taiwanese system.
“They were really taken with the openness of the electoral process, the way the candidates conducted themselves, the graciousness of Tsai’s concession speech after she lost,” he said.

Despite Sheng’s optimism, even some Chinese impressed by Taiwan’s democratic transition believe it is naive to assume that a robust democratic system can take root on the mainland anytime soon. Decades of repressive policies mean there is no ready opposition party, and many Chinese fear the chaos that might result from a collapse of the Communist Party. Then there’s the leadership’s resistance to losing power.

“They realize what kind of purge they could expect if democracy ever came,” mainlander Eric Zhang wrote in a recent post on Sina Corp.’s popular Weibo service, a Chinese version of Twitter. “They would no doubt fight democracy as if their lives depended on it.”
Copyright 2012 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

'The Act of A Home in Jakarta, Killing' is director's love letter to Indonesia/ Some News



Elderly transgender people find a home in Jakarta


Traditionally, the elderly in Indonesia are cared for by their families. But that's not the case for transgender people, who often have nowhere to go. A new home created specially for them is about to change that.


Film

'The Act of Killing' is director's love letter to Indonesia

DW talks to Joshua Oppenheimer, whose film has caused a sensation at the Berlinale. In 1965-66, some million so-called 'communists' were massacred in Indonesia. Their killers tell the story in 'The Act of Killing.'
DW: What is the idea behind the film?
Joshua Oppenheimer: You have a situation where the perpetrators of genocide have won and built a whole regime of terror on a mountain of corpses, a regime where they celebrate what they've done, both to reassure themselves that it's OK so that they can live with themselves and also to keep the rest of society afraid because it's scary to have mass killing celebrated and dangled before your eyes as a threat.
I came to this through a community of survivors who were too scared to tell their story - every time I tried to film we would get harassed by the police or the military, somebody would get detained, yet we thought it was very important to break the silence. They said "Josh, this is so important, go talk to the killers, they'll talk to you - they talk about this to everybody." I found that to be the case and that the killers were not giving me sober testimony in an effort to remember what they did but actually were eager to show off about what they did. I asked myself, what's going on here? Who do they think I am? How do they think I see them? How do they want me to see them? How do they want their society and the rest of the world to see them? How do they see themselves really?
The process of re-enactment did not emerge overnight. Anwar [Congo] was the 41st killer I filmed and everyone was boasting - I could have made an ensemble piece with many people, piecing together what happened with various reenactments.
But Anwar caught the attention of my filmmaking because he was honest in a way, he had a sort of stone in his shoe, his remorse - not his remorse - his trauma, his brokenness, the way he was haunted by what he did was so close to the surface that it was as if he was performing. Through this and his boasting, I felt he was trying to work something else out - he wasn't just glorifying himself, he was trying to work through some kind of pain.
I came to understand that if I just let them stage themselves, let them go all the way, I would find the answers to the above questions. So here's a film where you have seemingly unrepentant death squad leaders dramatizing their memories of genocide.
Why did you actively concentrate on the killers?
I have a lot of material about the survivors and that's going to be another film. But there was a clear decision that if we brought the survivors in as characters, the audience would immediately identify with them and see the killers as monsters; but the very thing that the film is struggling to do - which is to talk about the nature of evil and how human beings do this to each other - would falter because we would not see them as human beings. But I do think the victims haunt every frame of this film.
What do you want to happen now that you've made a film on behalf of the survivors?
The National Human Rights Commission of Indonesia published an 850-page report about what happened in August and made various demands, all of which I agree with. The report was rejected by the Attorney General.
Joshua Oppenheimer, (Copyright: Maria Kristensen) Joshua Oppenheimer plans to make another film focusing on the survivors
Some demands are very simple - there should be a truth commission as you cannot have reconciliation without truth and the president should apologize on behalf of the nation. He wasn't involved in the killings but he's an army general who has risen to his position through an institution that was totally corrupt, totally violent and totally disregarding of human rights and was the main actor in the genocide - they were the ones masterminding the death squads and in some regions they were doing the killing themselves. Of course, there should be a process to bring the real masterminds to some kind of justice, even in absentia as many of them are dead. I would add three other things that need to happen.
There must be a concerted effort to get rid of corruption in Indonesia. Secondly, there needs to be an eradication of gangsterism in politics. There's no place for impunity in a democracy. Politicians have thugs working for them; big corporations have thugs working for them. The final thing that needs to happen is a radical redistribution of the nation's wealth.
The perpetrators enriched themselves and meanwhile a huge swathe of society was accused of even being related to people who were accused of being communist or leftist in some way or another - they were denied access to secondary education, they were made to do forced labor for the military, they were extorted by village officials and they were denied access to jobs. Consequently, a huge part of the population has been impoverished. Not to mention the costs associated with broken homes when husbands were taken away and killed, mothers were taken away and killed, or rape - there's poverty, there's brokenness. There needs to be an effort to rehabilitate them and pull them out of poverty. That's what I want to see.
What are your hopes of seeing this?
My hopes are that Indonesians take and show this film and use it to tell stories, break the silence and never go back and find the courage to stand up and hold their politicians accountable.
The film has caused a sea change in how Indonesia sees itself and the discussion in Indonesia. It has screened 270 times since December, in 91 cities and has provoked 500 articles, all but five of which were positive. Werner Herzog told me, "Art doesn't make a difference Josh, until it does." I'm so proud to be part of the moment where art is making a difference.
However, I can't go back to Indonesia to shoot another film. Indonesians are open and wonderful - I love Indonesia and this is in fact my love letter to Indonesia.
Interview conducted by Anne Thomas in Berlin



美專家:朝鮮繼續致力於導彈發射場現代化華盛頓美國專家稱,朝鮮繼續推進國內導彈發射場現代化改造工程。霍普金斯大學朝鮮研究所“北緯38度”週五(2月15日)在其網站上通報說,衛星照片顯示,自2012年10月底以來,朝鮮東海(Tonghae)發射場的改建工程有重要進展,至2016年,該設施將能發射比去年12月升空的遠程運載火箭大3、4倍的火箭。報告稱,對一個新建的發射台所拍攝​​的衛星照片顯示,平壤在其導彈計劃方面得到了來自伊朗的幫助。泰國給予百萬非法移民合法身份

曼谷

 泰國政府週五(2月15日)開始向最多可達100萬的緬甸非法移民發給護照、勞工許可或簽證。該國在全境設置了11個工作站點,兩國官員共同合作,確認所有尚未登記國籍的外國人的身份、發給有時限護照、工作許可及簽證。此前泰國當局曾規定,所有來自緬甸、老撾和柬埔寨的未登記移民必須在去年12月14日之前向有關當局報導。 130萬緬甸移民遵從了這一要求。但緬甸駐泰國大使館稱,還有多達100萬的緬甸移民迄今沒有登記。據此,泰國政府決定將登記期限延長至今年3月16日。


 澳法院判處中國公司一前高管徒刑悉尼據法新社報導,澳大利亞一家法院週五(2月15日)判處前中國漢龍礦業(Hanlong Mining Investment)副總裁朱博施27個月監禁。該國證監會當天發表公告稱,新南威爾士州最高法院裁定現年31歲的這名被告犯有內幕交易罪。澳大利亞證監會從2011年9月起對朱博施涉嫌內幕交易展開調查,該項交易同漢龍礦業斥資13億澳元收購澳大利亞兩家礦業公司的計劃有關。澳證監會今天還表示,對其他前漢龍礦業涉案人員的調查還在進行,但拒絕發表更多評論。



習近平警告黨內記取前蘇聯教訓


習近平在南方視察時把自己推為跟隨鄧小平步伐的大膽改革家,但私下裡,他對黨內人士稱,中國仍然必須深刻記取前蘇聯的教訓。

香港電視劇因觸及兩地矛盾遭刪減


反映當下港人與內地訪客之間緊張情緒的電視劇《老表,你好嘢》在香港創下高收視率,但在內地播出時,個別敏感情節被刪去。

2013年2月14日 星期四

(中國)偽裝的盛世 (許知遠): 北京房價一年漲3倍的恐怖


偽裝的盛世
作者:許知遠
出版社:八旗文化
出版日期:2012年10月24日
語言:繁體中文


偽裝的盛世,金與鐵的年代。
拖著彩煙的戰鬥機劃過上空,中心的道路被封鎖,坦克穿過長安街,試圖拍攝綵排的日本記者被毆打,警察們四處巡邏,上訪的人群被驅趕,每一個井蓋都再次被檢查,華人明星們聚集在一部電影中為國家權力唱讚歌……炫耀、傲慢、緊張、焦躁、荒誕的氣氛包圍著北京。
  中國的GDP已經是全球第二甚至可能居於全球之首,北京和上海分別塑造出奧運和世博的盛世之姿,中國模式的自我論述也以各種形式捲土再來。但同時,中國流露出巨大的疲態和內在的緊張。
   在坊間充斥著《我們與這個世界的政治協商》以及《當中國統治世界》這些論述時,許知遠敏銳而憂心忡忡的凝視著盛世中國的斑斑裂痕,目光聚焦在閃耀光環之 外的黑暗。他提取每一個切片(事件、人物、故事、情緒),見微知著,檢視出政治制度的僵化和腐爛,官僚系統的貪婪和無為,社會觀念的保守和陳舊。
   胡溫新政十年的正當性,依賴於經濟上不計代價的增長、政治上的瘋狂維穩、社會上鼓譟的民族主義,因此當十年過去後,中國不僅沒有把握住強大的上升潮流, 反而使之變了味道。私有經濟的活力,正迅速被國有企業的壟斷所擠壓;大學教育徹底淪為權力和金錢的俘虜,培養出沒有靈魂的一代青年;市民空間尚未成熟,就 已經被控制、收買,然後自甘墮落;網路沒有轉化為自由表達的途徑,反而變成群眾語言暴力的發洩場。
  這個十年蹉跎成錯失的十年。這個時代是個金與鐵的時代。這個盛世也不過是處處露出馬腳的偽裝盛世。

作者簡介
許知遠
   當代中國最知名的作家、公共知識分子、媒體人和評論家。著有《未成熟的國家》、《祖國的陌生人》、《極權的誘惑》和《一個遊蕩者的世界》。他目前是《生 活》雜誌的聯合出版人和美國《商業週刊》中文版執行主編,同時也為英國《金融時報》中文網、聯合新聞網和《亞洲周刊》等媒體撰寫專欄。他也是北京著名的獨 立人文書店「單向街」的創辦人。



目錄

壹.中國面孔。他吃力的新角色
玻璃帷幕後的人
——————
學會做個自由的人
失蹤鄉村青年的夢
——————
一名村官的故事
一個忠於黨的人
——————
現代版孔融
網民不高興
——————
井底的牛蛙
體制的面孔
——————
父親的告誡
異議者的爭執
——————
成功者用腳投票
外省青年的焦灼
——————
投機者的狂歡
庸眾的勝利
貳.所見所思。典型的一天
北京的亢奮
——————
三峽的背後
臨川的陰影
——————
中關村的下午
東莞的十一月
——————
荊州隨想
玄武湖畔
——————
殘存的榮光
重慶的顏色
——————
橘子洲的夜晚
另一個溫州
——————
六月的上海
香港的政治劇
——————
曖昧的民國
集體的遺忘
——————
重慶的迷霧
秘密的守衛者
參.地震與盛會。中國的熱切與緊張
波蒂略的類比
——————
六四與川震
個體的缺失
——————
危險的傾向
奧運前夕的北京
——————
勝利的另一面
從即刻滿足到即刻遺忘
——————
被壟斷的哀慟
後極權主義天氣
肆.恐懼與無畏。另一個中國製造
另一個轉折時刻?
——————
一個維權律師的困境
余杰為劉曉波哭泣
——————
荒唐的一刻
內在的恐懼
——————
從楊振寧到劉曉波
宇宙塑膠人與艾未未
——————
維權盲人的奇異光輝
從邵陽到香港
伍.憤怒與荒誕。盛世的謠言
冷酷的機器
——————
人格的淪陷
花邊的勝利
——————
傲慢與偏見
繁榮與焦慮
——————
放鬆點,我們是大國
十二獸首的敏感記憶
——————
憤怒的烏魯木齊
無法複製的烏坎
——————
搖擺的中國
還魂的殭屍
——————
社會潰敗之火
中國掠奪之手
——————
甜蜜的表象
中國的老朋友
——————
試圖打敗歷史的黨
漫長的前夜

內容連載

  • 內文1
  • 2
  • 3
  • 4

§內文1

壹.中國面孔。

他吃力的新角色
玻璃帷幕後的人
學會做個自由的人

中國面孔。

他吃力的新角色


他遵從的是另外一套政治哲學,要謹言慎行,盡量掩飾自己內心的真實想法,鋒芒只是短暫的耀眼,卻可能意味著未來的災難。他領導的這個黨,早已失去 昔日的朝氣和熱情,胡錦濤清楚中國的外部榮耀只是暫時遮住了內部的黑洞,此刻的中國,正像一場賽跑:看成長的速度和內部腐爛的速度,哪個更快。

他依舊未能熟練的使用肢體語言,與人握手時,不會熱情的拍打對方的肩膀,以示親切;他臉上的微笑也不夠自然,不發表慷慨激昂的講話;或許,他也仍 不太喜歡會議上的圓桌,沒有主次上下之分。在超過三十年的政治生涯裡,他遵從的是另外一套政治哲學,要謹言慎行,盡量掩飾自己內心的真實想法,鋒芒只是短 暫的耀眼,卻可能意味著未來的災難。

探討、爭論、說服、和解,不是他所奉行的這套哲學中的要素。北京人民大會堂的布置表明了一切。主席團高高在上的陳述,接受台下的追隨與讚賞,質疑與反駁是不能公開表達的,最多只能私下而行。而在他學習與工作過的學校、工廠、地方政府,它們的會議廳,都像是大會堂的縮小版。

但他也知道,當他說話時,整個世界都要豎起耳朵傾聽,他是這個人口最多、似乎擁有無限潛力的國家的領導人。在倫敦召開的G20會議,則經常被玩笑 式的說成G2,他和那四個多月前剛剛當選、比他差不多年輕二十歲的美國總統,才是主角。正是中國的生產和美國的消費,推動了全球經濟,以至於一位歷史學家 創造了Chinamerica一詞,用以形容這兩國的相互依存、和世界對它們的依賴。

這場危機減損了人們對於美國的信任。它仍是世界唯一的超級大國,還有一個魅力四射的新總統。但他雄心勃勃的拯救計劃似乎倍受挫折。更重要的是,人 們懷疑是不是這個國家長期依賴的制度與哲學出現了問題。滿腮鬍子的卡爾‧馬克思的頭像和他對資本主義的惡毒詛咒,曾被扔進了歷史的垃圾桶,如今再次被供奉 在預言家的牌位上。而美國資本主義似乎只會不斷孕育出馬多夫(Bernard L. Madoff)式的惡棍?

中國,卻可能代表著某種新的希望。是的,對於大多數旁觀者來說,它仍是個謎。不用說它在漫長的昔日歲月,即使是過去的三十年就已讓人瞠目結舌。人 們先是覺得這是個被革命熱情左右的烏托邦,人人心中充滿單純的理想主義。「無產階級文化大革命」,光這個名詞就讓西方生活沉悶的資產階級們心動不已。但當 真相被揭露時,人們才恍然這個國家蘊涵著這麼多悲劇和殘忍,在信仰與樸素的背後,原來是如此的非理性和匱乏。

不等外來者消化這種驚奇,新的驚奇又發生了。這個國家口頭上仍大談馬列主義,卻一頭扎進了市場經濟生活。昨天還在割資本主義尾巴,此刻已是張開胸 懷擁抱來自美國、日本、歐洲、香港、台灣的資本家們。它像是資本主義世界虔誠的新學生,一心惡補丟掉的功課。而世界也覺得中國變了,它和別人一樣了,既然 它接受了市場經濟,那麼也會接受民主政治和新聞自由吧。

可是,天安門事件發生了,它似乎仍是那個頑固和殘忍的中世紀國家,它將再次回到封閉而壓抑的年代。但變化又發生了,它加快了融入世界市場的腳步, 進步速度讓人應接不暇——昨天還是一名剛入門的學生,今天似乎就已是一名優秀生。亞洲面臨金融危機時,中國已像是半個拯救者。它的能量如此驚人,以至於似 乎能跨過一切障礙。

而現在,那個最傲慢的老師也出錯了。這個老師曾以為自己是能力與道德上的雙重楷模,如今卻發現自己的內部也問題重重。而中國的奇蹟似乎仍在繼續 ——它聲稱要保持八個百分點的經濟增長,並對未來充滿信心。而這種信心,看起來也鼓舞和震驚了世界。它開始大規模國際擴張,收購礦山與油田。它的央行行長 甚至呼籲改變美元作為全球儲備貨幣的角色。

在國家舞台上,這個國家很少以這樣明確的姿態示人。它的領導人在三月底抵達倫敦時,像是一場世界新秩序的預演。正如一位長期的中國觀察者所說:「傳統上,中國在國際舞台上是被動的,是一個聽眾,而不是意見領袖,但這次不同了,中國想要確保外界聽到自己的聲音。」

中國真的如此強大了嗎?抑或這只是一場語言的狂歡?世界曾經如此談論過日本,也這樣談論過網路的熱潮,或是不可一世的投資銀行業。當處於泡沫中時,人們看到的是繁榮、強大,而內部的種種問題被遮蔽和忽略。但當臨界點到來時,一切就都變了,所有的憧憬變成了苦澀。

當他享受著國際舞台的矚目時,必定也為此而憂心忡忡吧。他知道自己的優勢:作出決定時,不太需要考慮國內的對手——沒有呱噪不休沒完沒了的反對派,沒有挑剔尋找事端的新聞媒體,而大眾則是容易被操作的群體。

 但他也知道另一面的中國。他在中國最貧窮的省份工作過,知道那裡的故事絕非是人們知道的中國奇蹟。他也閱讀內部的報告,知道每年數萬起的群體性抗議事件。 他也知道,政府內部的潰爛有多厲害,人人都在為自己的私利打算,他領導的這個黨和政府,早已喪失昔日的朝氣和理想。即使是最富有同情心和勇敢的政策,都經 常被龐大的官僚系統所扭曲和吞噬,最終消失於無形。

所以,他清楚外部榮耀只是暫時遮住了內部的黑洞。此刻的中國正像是一場賽跑,看成長的速度和內部腐爛的速度,哪個更快。他清楚這一切,或許經常深 感無力,並在榮耀與黑暗中搖來擺去。這一切呈現為他熟悉而安全的肢體語言和表情:他與人握手時,不會熱情的拍打對方的肩膀,以示親切;他臉上的微笑也不夠 自然,不發表慷慨激昂的講話。

玻璃帷幕後的人

×他們是中國精英階層的縮影,臉上掛著類似的謹慎和驕傲,講話時英文和中文混雜使用,他們生活在玻璃帷幕的辦公室裡,冷冰冰地從玻璃窗後打量這個國家。像是一群無根的人群,並以脫離這層土地而自豪。不願把已經獲得的財富和教育轉化成更大的社會進步。

當我進來時,牛肉已烤得吱吱作響。他們不能喝酒,要準備下午的會議。簡單的寒暄過後,他們開始談論美國的大選,希拉蕊‧克林頓能獲勝嗎?然後就是 中國官場內的秘聞。我的這幾位朋友都畢業於世界名校,為跨國公司或國有金融機構工作,生活中相當一部分時間在飛機上度過,我對面這一位下週要去非洲,她的 銀行要在那裡拓展新業務,中國的影響力在那塊大陸上繼續延伸和深入。

這家餐廳位於北京的金融街。當金融街在十年前展開起雄心勃勃的規劃,將那些民宅推倒、建設冷冰冰的鋼筋、玻璃大廈時,它的夢想是終有一天可以和紐約的華爾街、倫敦的金融城、香港的中環匹配。

當你從擁擠了太多車的西二環路上拐進金融街,你會為眼前的景象震驚。那些突兀而起的大廈銀光閃閃,它們之間是大片的綠地,街道乾淨整潔,日光下的 那一排餐廳、咖啡館顯得懶洋洋的,那座巨大的連卡佛商場的外牆上,掛著迪奧香水(Dior)的模特們的冷漠面孔……週一到週五的午飯時,大批穿著一絲不苟 的黑色西裝和套裙的人行走其中,他們用臉上掛著類似的謹慎和驕傲,都用黑莓手機,談話時,英文和中文混雜而用……

週末時,這裡像一座空城,銀行家們消失了,它變成了時髦年輕人的約會之地,他們喜歡這些落地玻璃窗的餐廳,他們在這裡展示自己,熱衷於被別人觀 看。我有時會坐在靠窗的座位上發呆,不知為何,這片區域經常讓我想起黃仁宇對於國民黨軍隊的描述。黃仁宇說那些先進的美式裝備像是異質的力量,它壓垮了那 些中國軍隊。而眼前的金融街呢,比起那個被雜亂而喧鬧的人群所包圍的中國社會,它像是一幅超現實畫面,像是那些貧窮家庭在牆上所掛的洋房別墅的掛曆,他們 附著在中國社會的表層,誘惑著其餘的人們。

我的這些朋友生活在玻璃帷幕後的寫字間裡,這些玻璃牆是單面的,裡面的人可以看到外面,外面的人卻只看得到反射過來的光芒。他們的主要工作是處理資訊與資金,金錢從未像今天那樣抽象過,成億的資金在他們手中流淌過,卻可能僅僅與鍵盤上的敲擊相關。

談論金錢、憧憬金錢、憎恨金錢,是中國社會過去幾年中越來越高亢的主題。伴隨著股票市場的狂熱,各類物品價格的上揚,不斷新湧現出的億萬富翁,一 家又一家公司破紀錄的IPO(初次公開售股),社會中瀰漫一種既癲狂又沉悶的氣氛。人們為在這麼短暫的時間裡、這麼驚人的金錢積累而癲狂,沉悶是因為人們 只關心這一個話題。

我的這些朋友被稱作時代的精英,他們的主要工作之一是幫助中國企業在海外上市。我搞不清他們的工作細節,每次閱讀財經報紙的上市招標書的廣告時, 我就覺得頭暈。但是我記得那些金光閃閃的公司名,摩根士丹利、美林、花旗、高盛、瑞銀,這些名字不斷以各種方式和中國的國有企業、私有企業結合在一起,然 後在紐約、倫敦、香港表露他們的雄心,募集大批資金,登上報紙頭版。

他們的收入高得驚人。就像昔日的石油、汽車業是收入最高的行業,今天的金融公司則是最賺錢的公司,年輕人期待進入其中。大學畢業生的擇業現狀就像 是中國社會的縮影,英語流暢、反應敏捷、如願被一家跨國銀行錄取的二十二歲年輕人的年收入是七萬英鎊(約十四萬美元),而剩下的大部分同學則在為四千元人 民幣(約五百美元)月薪而憂心忡忡。
 在大部分時刻,和這些時代精英交談,感受是複雜的。他們了解很多金融術語,長春藤盟校、世界五百大公司、英文雜誌的封面人物,當他們談論美國總統大選時, 其熱情彷彿自己正是選民……他們屬於那一小群全球化的精英,分享同樣的語言和品味,以今日在紐約、明天飛巴黎的旋風式生活而自豪。在這個以資訊、流動性重 新劃分的世界裡,他們佔據了領先的位置。但是,和他們進行深入談話卻又是困難的。他們習慣從一個名詞跳到另一個名詞,就像他們每天要處理的海量資訊一樣, 繁多、忙碌,卻沒有一致的邏輯和更深層的情感。他們對於自己的國家也沒什麼興趣,中國經常被混同成「中國概念」,它可以被用來在市場中定價。像是一群無根 的人群,和腳下的土地沒什麼關係,並以脫離這層土地而自豪。他們冷冰冰的從玻璃窗後打量這個國家,但單面玻璃卻不會讓外面人注視他們。

他們就像是整個中國精英階層的縮影。這個階層接受過最好的教育,在中國經濟繁榮中受益,突破了傳統的文化與地域界限,但他們卻同時也是過分技術化 的,不管是國際資本、還是國家壟斷資本,他們都可以在與其合作中獲得成功,保持自己的舒適生活。但是,他們卻不願意走出那個相對封閉的小世界,將已獲得的 財富和教育轉化成更廣闊的社會進步……

學會做個自由的人

在國外最大的收穫,他對我說,「是學會做一個自由人。」中國像是一齣遙遠的戲劇,他可以暫時不用掙扎其中。我們在深夜的街頭分手,帶著各自的希望與困惑。或許,我們以為自己是命運的演員,其實仍不過是旁觀者;以為自己是個自由人,其實不過是另一些看不見的力量的傀儡。

要學會做個自由的人——他的話安靜卻堅定,像是這家湖南餐廳的意外闖入者,但很快消失在周圍鬧哄哄的氣氛中了。

我們該有兩年沒見了吧。兩年前,我們在香港的駱克道上的一家脫衣舞廳裡,一邊喝虎牌啤酒,一邊看著那些膚色微黑、身材豐滿的女人們在舞台上扭動腰肢。那時,他還在為一家設在紐約的基金會工作,我們談了一整晚的喬治.索羅斯(George Soros)和他的開放社會理論。

他和我是同齡人,畢業於復旦大學,九十年代中期進入新聞業後,很快以一手漂亮的評論文章聞名,五年前,他是南方一家聲譽日隆的國際新聞報紙的主編。但一篇意外的政治報道,讓這張報紙關了門,這一事件也標誌著在二〇〇一年短暫的寬鬆之後,一個更嚴格的媒體管制的時代的到來。

他前往美國讀書,在那裡生活了三年。在偶爾的通信裡,他談論正在閱讀的著作,他尤喜歡約瑟夫.埃利斯的那本《建國之父們》(Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation)——能將小說式的敘述與歷史分析如此巧妙的融為一體。他說,在這裡他成為一名徹頭徹尾的旁觀者,看著冬至春來,找房子、裝衛星天 線、寫英文簡歷,中國像是一齣遙遠的戲劇,他可以暫時不用掙扎其中。

「那三年我最大的收穫,」他對我說,「是學會做一個自由人。」我明白他的意思,在之前的十年記者生涯裡,他和大多數人一樣,被深深的捲入一種制度 和意識形態之中。即使他們選擇的是反對的立場,一心要打破這種體制與意識形態,但在這反抗中,他們的思維卻陷入了另一種局限——一切都圍繞反對展開,他們 以追求的名義開始,卻發現自己成為一種不自由。

在紐約,他體驗到束縛不再後的自由。但是,中國又像是他生活裡永遠的誘惑。每過一段時間,他就要衝到唐人街,但呆不上半個小時,他又頭也不回的離 去,他受不了這嘈雜與失序,當來到乾淨、整潔得多的意大利人社區,他會長歎一口氣。他還在紐約的華人新聞機構服務過,但其中的瑣碎與偏狹,則是另一種難以 忍受。

一年前,他回到了上海。紐約寬闊、豐富、充滿了智力上的刺激,他卻找不到自己。但上海似乎同樣如此,一年來,他已換到了第三份工作,網路公司、雜誌,如今又是一份報紙。「沒有太大的意思,」他覺得新工作仍舊不理想,「受限太多了,這不能講,那不能說。」

他穿著寬鬆的白色毛衣,一瓶酒之後,我們的談話越來越激動。我們說起了林語堂與胡適,《紐約客》和《大西洋月刊》,我感覺得到談話中一種深深的沮 喪感。他看到過外面的世界,知道此刻的中國與它們相距有多麼遙遠,他也知道我們這一代人與民國那一代人的相距多遠。「他們是世界級的人物,生活在傳統與現 代交替的年代,」他說,「而我們這一代人是在斷裂與荒蕪上成長起來的,成年之後才開始學習常識。」

這些感慨與這到來的夜上海,顯得格格不入。街頭的梧桐樹葉已飄零落地,巨鹿路上的酒吧已經開放,閃爍的霓虹燈散發著讓人既亢奮又酥軟的誘惑。

 這或許就是此刻的中國吧,思想的苦悶與壓抑,和感官上的鬆弛與誘惑,是一個硬幣的正反兩面,它們造就了一個畸形、荒誕的社會。我們也談到仍被扣押的劉曉波 和《零八憲章》,這一消息被淹沒在官方對改革開放三十年的轟炸式宣傳中。三十年過去了,人人知道小崗村的承包責任制和十一屆三中全會,卻沒人再提到西單民 主牆和魏京生。更年輕的一代知道鄧小平一九九二年的南巡,卻不再清楚三年前天安門廣場上的悲劇。它們所代表的各自力量的興衰,導致了中國悲劇性的運行軌 跡。

我們要一味去指責這個時代的愚蠢、制度的醜陋?即使,這個制度轟然而塌,它就意味一個新世界的到來?人人在其中可以體驗到生命的美好?

一個真正的自由人,是不該把自己的命運置於歷史傳統、社會制度的控制中,將一切不幸歸咎其中。也不該將未來,都寄望於一種全新的制度上,那樣只會收穫來無窮的希望。六十年前,一代人不都曾心懷如此期盼,結果卻陷入了無窮的失落。

我們都是溫和的人,都沒有足夠的勇氣和耐心去成為一名鬥士。但是,生活在這個制度中,我們又都感到深深的壓抑和不安。是大聲表達你的抗議,還是盡力建構一個自由、公平的小世界,我說不清哪種方式更重要或是更有效,看起來,它更像是由於不同性格所帶來的個人選擇。

我們在深夜的街頭分手,帶著各自的希望與困惑。一年結束了,這些老問題還將伴隨著我們進入新的一年,似乎誰也找不到確切答案。或許,我們以為自己是命運的演員,其實仍不過是旁觀者;以為自己是個自由人,其實不過是另一些看不見的力量的傀儡。

Xi Jinping 怕什麼? 中國敗網China's 'Wall' Hits Business


China’s Leader Vows Change, but Privately Issues Warning

HONG KONG — Behind closed doors, Xi Jinping, China’s new leader, held up the Soviet Union’s collapse as the risk of wavering from traditional ideology.



昨天與兩位持台胞證的朋友談天他們認為中國如果能在法治上和資訊控制上改善那它對台灣的統戰力就幾乎無可擋不幸的是前者恐50年內不為功而後者對學術研究能力有損 (其中有人不知道紐約時報對溫家寶家族的不義之財的報導不知道而他的中國女友覺得百度是萬能的……)  

 

今天華爾街日報有一則報導說互聯網的控制損愛中國的商業情況大約如此: 某瑞士客戶將其要傳往中國廠商的檔案以其家鄉地Falun命名這當時都傳送失敗原來它與法輪功. Falun Gong同名.




China's 'Wall' Hits Business

Firms Say Censorship Slows Web Connections, Curbs Access to Services

 

BEIJING—Fredrik Bergman ran into a problem when a client in Sweden tried to transfer files to his firm's headquarters here: Each time, the firm lost its Web connection for an hour or so.

After several weeks of multiple outages a day, he says, the firm solved the puzzle: the files were named for the Swedish town of Falun, where the client was working. Mr. Bergman says his firm thinks the name triggered the filters China's online censors use to block discussion of Falun Gong, a religious group long banned in China. Once the files were renamed, the transfers went smoothly.
"We had up to a thousand floor plans supposed to be delivered every day," says Mr. Bergman, whose firm, Diakrit, produces virtual tours and three-dimensional models for housing developments. "To have two or three breaks a day for a few weeks...was affecting us a lot."
His Internet-connection woes mounted, however, so Mr. Bergman closed up in 2010 and moved his business to Thailand, where he says his connection is fast and reliable and he has access to popular social-media outlets like Facebook FB +2.12% and Twitter. "I can finally use the iPhone as it should be used," he adds. "These kind of small things make a difference for an IT company with staff who love technology."
Experts say the blocks that keep Chinese users from accessing services like Facebook, Twitter and Google Inc.'s GOOG +0.63% online-video unit YouTube, are hurting businesses, slowing their traffic and hindering their use of a new generation of cloud-computing services like those offered by Google.
Akamai Technologies, AKAM +1.50% which provides services to help websites speed up connections, says China's average connection speed ranked 94th globally in last year's third quarter, well behind Asian rivals like Malaysia, at No. 71, and Thailand, at No. 58.
European Pressphoto Agency
The same Internet controls that inconvenience individual Chinese users like these, at an Internet bar in Beijing last year, are proving a burden to business.
The American Chamber of Commerce in China said last year that nearly three-quarters of about 300 businesses it surveyed said unstable Internet access impedes their efficiency. About 40% said China's censorship efforts have a negative business impact.
China's Ministry of Industry and Information Technology and the State Council Information Office, which regulate China's Internet industry, didn't respond to requests for comment.
Analysts say one of the main problems for business is that the Great Firewall, the nickname for China's Internet-censoring and filtering technology, kicks in every time a computer in China tries to access a website abroad, slowing down the connection.
The government also has failed to build infrastructure that would allow for quicker connections overseas, said David Wolf, a managing partner for the China practice of market consulting firm Allison+Partners.
"What they prefer is that Chinese users decide it is just too much trouble and by default use onshore sites, or sites that are mirrored onshore," he says.
Google, which started routing searches to Hong Kong in 2010 to avoid the mainland's restrictions, remains available in China, but its services here have become increasingly unreliable over the past year, which experts attribute to censorship efforts.
But China's own websites are fast enough that TV shows streamed online by video sites, like those run by Youku Tudou Inc. YOKU +6.73% and Sohu.com Inc., SOHU +2.48% can play locally without interruption.
AKAM +1.50% China continues to keep a tight grip on the Internet even as it seeks greater openness with the world in other ways, striking deals to buy foreign brands and developing its own cultural exports, such as movies. The lack of easy access to Internet services like Facebook and Google that the rest of the world takes for granted could reduce China's global competitiveness, experts say, and put it at a disadvantage when competing for top talent.
Discontent has risen in recent months as Chinese authorities appear to have ratcheted up their censorship efforts amid a once-a-decade change of top government leaders. "It is an absolute nightmare," said Shaun Rein, whose consulting firm, China Market Research Group, employs about 20 analysts in the country.
Mr. Rein, who has been doing business from China for 13 of the past 16 years, uses Google's small-business services to store and share documents and for internal communications.
But increasingly unreliable connections to Google in recent months have hindered downloads and sharply reduced the effectiveness of instant-messaging service Google Chat, he said. Unstable connections to Google's Gmail service have forced Mr. Rein to set up a system that forwards his email to multiple services to ensure its delivery.
Google has said it hasn't found any problems with its systems.
"The real question is whether the next administration is going to continue to roll back Internet availability to foreign firms," Mr. Rein said. He said companies are unlikely to pull out of China in any case, but they likely will think twice about moves like shifting their regional headquarters to Beijing from places like Singapore and Hong Kong. "They will still invest in China," he said. "It just depends on what scale."
Stepped-up censorship efforts in recent months include a crackdown on so-called virtual private networks, or VPNs. While companies use commercial VPN services routinely for secure data, foreigners, China's elite and other tech-savvy users can use personal VPNs to leap the Great Firewall to use services like Facebook.
But it is illegal for foreign companies to operate a VPN in China without a local partner, according to lawyers and state-run media, and several VPN services say their access has been blocked increasingly in recent months. In a departure from previous practices, the blockages have continued even after the recent transfer of power to a new generation of Chinese leaders.
Danvers Bailieu, a spokesman for VPN provider Privax Ltd., said the U.K.-based company also has been the target of denial-of-service attacks from China in recent months. He added that the government has been closing ports used by VPNs, and that the company has maintained services by switching to new ports each time an old one is closed.
"We think [the crackdown] is damaging: consumers don't like it," he said, adding that the company provides services to business travelers, university professors and students in China.
In December another VPN company, Astrill Systems Corp., based in the Seychelles, said in a note to customers that blocks were doing "a lot of harm to business in China."
China's censor also have stepped up their scrutiny of foreign media websites following a series of articles last year on a scandal that led to the fall of former Communist Party star Bo Xilai and on ties between business and politics among China's top leaders. The Wall Street Journal's Chinese site has been blocked at times over the past year, while sites run by Bloomberg News and the New York Times remain blocked.
Last month, the government angered China's thriving software industry by blocking GitHub, which offers software developers a site where they can store, write and collaborate on software-coding projects. After an outburst of criticism on the country's popular microblogging service, Sina Corp.'s SINA +4.31% Weibo, the government relented, unblocking the site.
Alex Miller, a China-based entrepreneur who founded a Web-TV startup called Frogo, says he supports the way the Great Firewall has helped keep out Western competitors, allowing Chinese Internet companies to develop. But blocking GitHub, he said, was a step too far.
"This is where all the open-source projects are stored. This is access to the world's source-code knowledge," he said, adding, "By blocking GitHub they're going to stifle a ton of innovation," he said.
Write to Paul Mozur at paul.mozur@dowjones.com and Carlos Tejada at carlos.tejada@wsj.com

 


第105次自焚抗议事件" 百人自焚之"效" 與"應" As Tibet burns, China makes arrests, seizes TVs 谁应对藏人自焚行为负责? ASEAN adopts controversial human rights declaration 許多中國知識份子禁聲: Six Tibetans set themselves alight 4天內第3起 甘肅又傳藏人自焚 四名涉自焚事件藏人被中國判刑/ 自焚者的遗言是渴望自由廖亦武一個藝術天才的成長簡史 (關於藏傳佛教第十七世噶瑪巴與柏林文學節的故事)


The self-immolation of a Tibetan exile drew the police Wednesday in Katmandu, Nepal.
Associated Press
Monks Self-Immolate in Protest Over China
A former monk killed himself to protest Chinese rule, advocacy groups said, on a day when another Tibetan, this one in exile, set himself on fire in Nepal, above.

新德里
又有一名藏族僧侣自焚抗议中国统治。据国际刑警组织报告,一名男子周三(2月13日)早晨在尼泊尔首都加德满都往身上浇上汽油后点着。目击者称,自焚者是一名僧侣,因伤势严重被送入医院。西藏流亡政府指出,这是自2009年以来的第105次自焚抗议事件,其中,99次发生在中国藏区,4次发生在印度,2次发生在尼泊尔。

As Self-Immolations Near 100, Tibetans Question the Effect

NEW DELHI — A quiet debate is under way among Tibetans anguished over the deaths of young men in gruesome acts of protest against Chinese rule.

As Tibet burns, China makes arrests, seizes TVs

January 19, 2013
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
BEIJING--Chinese authorities are responding to an intensified wave of Tibetan self-immolation protests against Chinese rule by clamping down even harder--criminalizing the suicides, arresting protesters' friends and even confiscating thousands of satellite TV dishes.
The harsh measures provide an early indication that the country's new leadership is not easing up on Tibet despite the burning protests and international condemnation.
For months, as Tibetans across western China doused themselves in gasoline and set themselves alight, authorities responded by sending in security forces to seal off areas and prevent information from getting out, but those efforts did not stop or slow the protests. The self-immolations even accelerated in November as China's ruling Communist Party held a pivotal leadership transition.
Then the government went on the offensive in December, announcing through a state-owned newspaper that the burnings are the work of foreign hostile forces keen on separating Tibet from the mainland and that those who help others self-immolate are liable to be prosecuted for murder. Arrests quickly followed.
“Tibet is getting into the global evening news because of self-immolations and so there's this anxiety to bring it under control,” said Michael Davis, a law professor and Tibet expert at the University of Hong Kong. Davis said he expected the government to continue to take a repressive and conservative approach. “The new leadership will be particularly anxious not to have any of these problems blow up in their face.”
Nearly 100 Tibetan monks, nuns and lay people have set themselves on fire since 2009, calling for Beijing to allow greater religious freedom and the return from exile of the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.
“I think self-immolations and all of this suggest that they are not winning the hearts and minds of the Tibetan people and in fact the more repressive they are, the more resistance they encounter, so it's a kind of vicious circle,” Davis said.
This week, police in Gansu province of western China announced the arrests of seven people accused of helping a Tibetan villager self-immolate in October and said investigations showed that two of the men were members of the overseas-based Tibetan Youth Congress, which they said had “masterminded” the protest.
Tenzin Norsang, joint secretary of the Dharmsala, India,-based Tibetan Youth League, said by phone that Chinese authorities were making “baseless accusations” about his group and that the two people named in Xinhua's report were not members.
It was only the latest example of harsher measures being used in an effort to stem the unrest. Last month, authorities in Qinghai province announced they had detained “major” suspects allegedly involved in five self-immolations, while police in a county in Sichuan province said a monk and his nephew were being held for similar reasons.
Local governments are also trying to scrub the area of information they deem hostile.
Qinghai authorities said on Jan. 14 they had conducted a sweep of households in restive Tongren county and seized and destroyed more than 1,800 illegal satellite TV dishes. Local newspapers have run commentaries condemning the Dalai Lama and decrying what they describe as the “slaughter of life.” State broadcaster CCTV has aired documentaries of the same theme and a historic drama series about the life of a Tibetan serf-turned-Chinese patriot.
Earlier this month, senior Chinese leader Yu Zhengsheng visited a prefecture in Sichuan at the center of the self-immolations, urging Buddhist clergy to be patriotic and denouncing the Dalai Lama. Yu is slated to take over as head of the country's top parliamentary advisory body, a role that puts him in charge of minority issues.
Though Yu is considered a liberal on economic matters, he has not had any previous experience dealing with Tibet and has no incentive to change the government's policies in Tibet, which is a region of strategic importance because it borders India, said Willy Lam, a China politics expert at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Lam said that Chinese leaders expected the Tibetan cause to dissipate once the elderly Dalai Lama dies.
“There is no rationale for the party leadership to shift to a more liberal policy,” Lam said. “I think the Chinese believe that time is on their side ... after the death of the Dalai Lama, there won't be such a powerful spiritual leader soliciting international support.”
Wang Lixiong, a scholar and an activist for minority rights, said that it was still early days for the new leaders, who customarily do not make dramatic policy changes while in a transition period. Wang added that he expected that any policy shifts they might enact would be minor, and that Tibetan demands for greater autonomy would not be met--leading to ever greater frustration.
“There is also the possibility that the new leaders will increase repression,” Wang said. “China's current governance style is to use any way possible to block any channel for expressing different views, so that it appears on the surface that everything is peaceful and tranquil in this society ... but this harmony is entirely false.”
“It's like a boiler sitting on a fire with its vents blocked. The pressure inside is increasing constantly, the ultimate ending will be explosive,” Wang said.




 中共「新華社」報導,一名18歲的西藏青年週末在甘肅「甘南藏族自治州」「合作市」的喇嘛廟前自焚而死。 在「新華社」簡短的報導中,沒有說明這名藏人為何自焚。 但過去一年多來,已有數十名西藏人為了抗議中共高壓統治,以自焚表達憤怒不滿。海外的西藏團體指出, ...

 
In this Oct. 23, 2012 file photo released by London-based rights group Freetibet.org, Dorje Rinchen, a farmer in his late 50s, runs after setting himself on fire on the main street in Xiahe, in northwestern China's Gansu province. (AP Photo/Freetibet.org, File)
In this Oct. 23, 2012 file photo released by London-based rights group Freetibet.org, Dorje Rinchen, a farmer in his late 50s, runs after setting himself on fire on the main street in Xiahe, in northwestern China's Gansu province. (AP Photo/Freetibet.org, File)

媒体看中国

谁应对藏人自焚行为负责?

西藏地区不断发生自焚抗议行动。仅本月初以来就已有23起;从2009年以来,自焚者数量达到至少85人。《法兰克福汇报》28日发表发自北京的分析文章,提出这样一个问题:谁应对这一人间悲剧负责?
(德国之声中文网)《法兰克福汇报》在文中指出,最初是僧侣,而后,越来越多的普通人以自焚这一极其痛苦的方式结束自己的生命。流亡藏人强调,自焚是中国压迫藏人的结果;中国政府则将自焚行为视为达赖喇嘛反华分裂计划的组成部分:
“中国政府及其在藏区的负责人对自焚事件的反应越来越富于攻击性。他们称自焚是‘达赖集团’唆使的谋杀行为,……达赖喇嘛和‘在境外的分裂主义分 子’牺牲别人的生命以达到自己的政治目的。藏区甘南地方的警察在一份公告中称,自焚是‘境内外敌对势力’挑动的结果,是‘达赖集团’的一项计划,试图将西 藏从中国分离出去,破坏民族团结。警方悬赏20万元搜寻有关‘幕后者’的线索。对这个穷困地区来说,这是一笔巨资。……
“西藏流亡政府领导人洛桑森格称,自焚行为的责任及解决办法完全在北京一边。他指出,自焚罹难者中的多数是年龄在17至40岁的青年人和中年人,这尤其令 人深思。这些人既未经历过文革时期对藏人及其宗教的残酷打压,也未经历过此前中国军队对西藏的占领。 “(洛桑森格指出),所有这些年轻人都在中国的统治下长大,并享受到了中国政府自称的带给藏人的所有那些东西。然而,他们通过其行动表示,不愿意接受这些 东西。……
“洛桑森格呼吁藏人不要再采取这样惨烈的行动。达赖喇嘛直指西藏的恶劣状况是引发自焚行动的根本原因。他有意回避作出更多表述。今年夏季,达赖喇嘛曾指出,他处在一个困难的境地:若赞同自焚,他将受到中国的攻击;而如果谴责自焚行为,他就会伤害罹难者亲属。”
文章的作者最后指出,随着十八大完成最高权力的代际交接,现在似乎是中国改变其西藏政策的机会:
“希望寄托在了新的党首习近平身上。他的父亲,前副总理(习仲勋)在年轻的达赖喇嘛访问北京认识了他。当时,达赖喇嘛曾以一块手表相赠。习仲勋生前被认为是少数几个致力于保护少数民族权利的领导人之一。有人说妻子信佛的习近平可能会推行一种更注重和解的政策。”
 
 
 
Many Chinese Intellectuals Are Silent Amid a Wave of Tibetan Self-Immolations
BEIJING — While Tibetan rights advocates have long been inured to impassive officials, they are troubled by the lack of reaction from Chinese intellectuals and liberals.

Six Tibetans set themselves alight


Six Tibetans have set themselves on fire in China in an escalating wave of protest against Beijing's rule in Tibet. The self-immolations took place on the eve of a congress opening to steer China’s leadership change.



2012.10.25
 4天內第3起 甘肅又傳藏人自焚

中國甘肅省甘南藏族自治州夏河縣五十八歲農民多傑仁青,二十三日在當地著名的拉卜楞寺附近引火自焚,抗議 中國政府打壓藏人。「自由西藏」組織提供的照片顯示,全身著火的多傑仁青在路上奔跑、倒地。據「自由亞洲電台」和「博訊網」報導,多傑仁青自焚地點位於當 地武裝部門前,武警試圖搶走他的遺體,一度與在場藏民和喇嘛爆發衝突,最後多傑仁青的遺體被送回家,拉卜楞寺喇嘛趕去為他誦經祈福的途中,還遭到武警阻 撓。這是夏河縣自本月二十日以來第三名藏人自焚。 (國際中心)

四名涉自焚事件藏人被中國判刑


北京——因為支持反對中國統治的抗議活動,四名藏人被判處長期徒刑,其中包括兩名青少年喇嘛。在2009年以來的抗議活動當中,已經有超過50人自焚。以上消息來自自由亞洲電台(Radio Free Asia),該電台是一家由美國政府資助的新聞機構。
他們的刑期從7年到11年不等,反映了中國政府對付藏人抗議活動的強硬手段。迄今為止的事實表明,這樣的抗議活動很難壓服。
四名藏人中的兩名被控向“國外聯絡人”泄露抗議活動的消息,另外兩名則被控協助一名格爾登寺(Kirti Monastery)的僧侶同伴自焚而死。格爾登寺位於四川省,是反中國抗議活動的溫床。這幾個人都曾被秘密監禁數月之久;通過與該地區有聯繫的兩名流亡 僧侶,自由亞洲電台獲悉了他們被審訊並定罪的消息。
“在他們受審的兩天前,他們的家屬收到了法院的通知,通知稱審訊即將開始,然而,法院並不允許他們僱傭律師來為自己辯護。”自由亞洲電台援引這兩名 僧侶的話說,“後來,他們只得到了幾分鐘的時間來和家人見面。”生活在印度達蘭薩拉的前述流亡僧侶表示,這四人是在9月受審的。
四名入獄者當中最年輕的是17歲的洛桑強久(Lobsang Jangchub),他被判處八年有期徒刑,罪名是在三月協助一個名叫格白(Gepe)的僧侶自焚 。自由亞洲電台稱,來自同一座寺院的19歲僧侶洛桑楚臣(Lobsang Tsultrim)被判處11年有期徒刑,罪名也是協助格白自焚。
自由亞洲電台稱,在四川省阿壩自治州中級人民法院受審的另兩名藏人也被定罪,罪名是“從國內的西藏向國外泄露消息”。25歲的布土多(Bu Thubdor)是在俗的信徒,被判處7年半有期徒刑;26歲的洛桑扎西(Lobsang Tashi)則是來自格爾登寺的僧侶,被判處7年有期徒刑。
近期,中國當局起訴了數十名藏族人,指控他們在西藏以及鄰近的三個藏族人口較多的省份煽動反對中國統治的情緒。今年八月,一名17歲的女孩被判處3 年有期徒刑,原因是她分發呼籲擴大宗教自由和西藏流亡領導人達賴喇嘛回歸的傳單。無國界記者(Reporters Without Borders)組織稱,今年六月,一位知名僧侶被判處7年徒刑,原因是他發送了一名尼姑自焚的照片和信息。
大多數情況下,中國媒體都沒有對自焚以及隨後的鎮壓進行報道。
傑安迪(Andrew Jacobs)是《紐約時報》駐京記者。
翻譯:林蒙克



廖亦武一個藝術天才的成長簡史 (關於藏傳佛教第十七世噶瑪巴與柏林文學節的故事)
又有藏人自焚身亡



北京
据德新社报道,出于对中国统治西藏人民的抗议,两名藏人青年自焚身亡。据美国自由亚洲电台和总部位于伦敦的人权组织—自由西藏周二(8月28日)报道,昨天,这两名藏族青年在四川阿坝州的格尔登寺前点火自焚,至昨晚,年龄分别为17岁和18岁的这两名青年因伤势过重死亡。这样,3年来,藏区自焚死亡人数已超过50。流亡藏人组织指出,自焚行为是藏人绝望感增加的反映。



Members of China's armed police demonstrate a rapid deployment during an anti-terrorist drill held in Jinan, capital of east China's Shandong Province July 2, 2008, roughly one month ahead of the Beijing Olympics. Ref: B950_115983_0001 Date: 02.07.2008COMPULSORY CREDIT: Xinhua/Photoshot +++(c) dpa - Report+++

新闻报道

四川什邡事件中武警发射震爆弹

四川什邡市民因担忧污染环境,抗议当地钼铜厂开工。7月2日,什邡官方称有聚集市民冲击市委机关,武警使用催泪瓦斯和震爆弹对民众进行驱散。有多名人员受伤。截止目前事件仍未平息。
(德国之声中文网)7月1日,四川德阳什邡市一些市民和学生,因为担忧当地开工的宏达钼铜厂污染环境,遂向市政府进行抗议。7月2日,什邡当局派出大量特警对人群予以驱散和镇压。在此过程中,武警使用了催泪弹和震爆弹,十余名抗议者受伤,其中包括老人和儿童。
在被中国政府封禁的Youtube、Facebook网站及中国各大微博上,有当地网友和赶至现场的媒体人,发出多段武警驱赶民众的视频及受伤者图片。什 邡网友"柠檬蔷薇"也发出警察荷枪实弹的图片和信息"昨天特警们拿的是盾牌和警棍,今天换成枪了。我们真的感觉恐惧了。"该事件目前已成为新浪微博首条热 点,有近300万条相关内容,而新浪也未做封禁和大范围删帖。
什邡是2008年四川地震中的一个重灾区,宏达钼铜项目为灾后重建重点项目,及四川省"十二五发展规划"重点项目,当地居民认为该项目会污染当地的环境及 致癌,因而反对该项目并要求迁出什邡。 6月29日,宏达钼铜项目在什邡举行开工典礼。随后市民7月1日在市委政府门外举行了抗议活动,知情人士称,活动的网上发起者为当地90后学生。他们在市 府外墙上留下标语"为了什邡人,我们可以牺牲,我们是90后"。
德国之声试图联系什邡政府采访未果,7月3日,当地政府宣布责成钼铜项目停工,该市也将组织工作组听取市民对钼铜项目的意见和建议。与此同时,什邡公安局 发出通告严禁非法集会示威并要求一些抗议市民自首。什邡政府网站上还刊登出九三学社什邡市首任主任委员徐永才等人发出的文章"冷静,是我们幸福的需要", 规劝市民和学生不要闹事。
但截至目前,仍有部分市民和学生继续抗议。当地多家餐馆自发贴出标语"武警不得入内",市民也发动捐款救治伤者。什邡周边城市广汉民众也加入抗议队伍。
"什邡政府一面承诺,一面加紧戒备"
四川"天网人权事务中心"负责人黄琦向德国之声介绍,什邡市政府一面承诺,另一面是加紧戒备:"当地民众还是在继续聚集,官方在市区,以及市区到绵竹等地都处在高度戒备状态。"
该中心发言人蒲飞也介绍很多市民对政府承诺的真实性表示质疑:"政府经常玩文字游戏,有时候他们说今天停,但明天就不停了,大家都担心这种状况出现,所以希望政府有个明确的答复。什邡警方的自首公告也激怒了一些市民,要求政府解释什么叫投案自首等。"
他也期待官方能兑现承诺,并且放弃打压思维:"在四川本地官方作出承诺停止项目还是很罕见的,如果官方能够落实当然是好事,也期待官方不要把一些无辜民众抓进监狱,可他们有时候一边停止一边抓人,这也是让大家很失望的。"
Tan Zuoren 四川作家谭作人因反彭州石化和调查川震豆腐渣工程而被中国当局打压入狱。
早在2008年,四川作家谭作人曾在四川彭州发起针对彭州石化项目的"和平保城"行动,这也成为当局打压他入狱的原因之一。彭州石化已于2012年2月在争议声中完工。
"草率使用武力,只会扩大事态"
中国作家韩寒在什邡事件后发出博文"什邡的释放",他在文章中表示:"我想对什邡政府说,这不是地震的非常时期,人们对于自己生存环境的诉求是必须被尊重 的。经历过汶川地震的什邡政府难道不知道,人们的情绪积累的越多,释放的越多?如此草率的使用武力,哪怕是低等级武力,也只会扩大事态。"
新浪网友"老马迷途"表示:"什邡政府不用辩解铜钼项目的安全性,不用强调经济发展的重要性,不用渲染传言的不可靠性,这些都没用。你是人民政府,要遵从人民的意志。"
中国知名的维权律师滕彪认为日渐频繁的民众抗争的背后,其根源是"官民仇恨、结构性的社会分裂和不公正、司法不独立和新闻不自由、制度性紧急出口的缺失、无视法治和人权的灭火式维稳、及政治不民主。"
蒲飞再次呼吁停止在四川地震带上兴建该项目,并且释放出政府的诚意:"灾区政府这种作法一味打击,只会将事情推向反面。"
作者:吴雨
责编:达扬


26 June 2012 Last updat 從過年前吵到馬英久就職,從台股加權指數近八千點吵到跌破七千點,一個證所稅,還在立法過程,犧牲了台股三萬億市值、一個部長中箭落馬,還有一大堆企業家咒罵、歎息……ed at 12:52 GMT

Japan house passes sales tax billJapanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda

Japan's lower house backs PM Yoshihiko Noda's controversial plan to double sales tax, but the vote lays bare a deep rift in the ruling party.

File photo: A shelter near the Chinese-Burma border in Yunnan provinceChina 'failing Burmese refugees'

A rights group warns of a humanitarian crisis if China does not give aid agencies access to Kachin refugees fleeing conflict in northern Burma.

Wangdue Phodrang temple in flamesBhutan PM pledges temple rebuild New

Bhutanese PM Jigmi Thinley promises that the historic 17th Century Wangdue Phodrang temple - destroyed by fire over the weekend - will be rebuilt.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Also in the

洛桑森格:自焚者的遗言是渴望自由

西藏流亡政治领袖洛桑森格周二表示,接二连三的自焚事件是受压迫和绝望的民众发出的强烈信号。
Tibets Exilpremier Lobsang Sangay, 
Fotograf: Matthias von Hein, Berlin, 23.11.2011. Copyright: DW 藏人行政中央首席噶伦赤巴洛桑森格
(德国之声中文网) 于2011年4月当选藏人行政中央首席噶伦赤巴的哈佛学者洛桑森格(Lobsang Sangay)表示,他希望北京今年的领导层换届能够给西藏带来新的前景。
自2011年3月以来,已有超过30名藏人在中国自焚,以抗议中国政府的宗教和文化压制。
43岁的洛桑森格访问澳大利亚期间向《悉尼先驱晨报》表示,这意味着,那里的形势不堪忍受。"这不单是绝望之举,也是政治上的举动。和平的抗议、集会不被允许。他们所留下的遗言始终是,他们渴望自由。"
A Tibetan in exile shouts slogans during a march to mark the unsuccessful revolt against China in 1959, in Gauhati, India, Saturday, March 10, 2012. The head of Tibet's government in exile has blamed China Saturday for a recent wave of self-immolations by Tibetans, saying they have been denied the right to hold conventional protests. (Foto:Anupam Nath/AP/dapd)
“他们渴望自由”
就在上周,两名藏人在青海玉树自焚,一人当场身亡,另一人严重受伤。据自由亚洲电台报道,之后寺院为死者举行的遗体火化仪式受到军警的严厉控制。被烧伤藏人的妻子等多人被当局拘捕。
中国政府指责流亡藏人精神领袖达赖喇嘛煽动自焚,策划分裂。北京坚称在经济投资的支持下,藏人的生活如今得到改善。
洛桑森格在澳大利亚国家媒体俱乐部的发言中作出上述表态。他说,2008年拉萨的反政府骚乱是自焚事件的起因。"从那以后,中国政府非但没有作出积极和自由的回应,而是很不幸地进一步打压。"
"军警在拉萨的街头巡逻,把达赖喇嘛'妖魔化'的运动加强。公然抨击自己所尊敬的人,去践踏他的照片,说他的坏话,假如是你,你会有怎样的感觉?"
Pro Tibet activists unfurl a "Free Tibet" banner and Tibetan flags on top of a Beijing Olympics billboard, next to China Central Television headquarters in Beijing Friday, Aug. 15, 2008. Five foreigners were detained by police Friday when they unfurled the banner in the latest unauthorized protest during the games in the Chinese capital, an activist group said.(ddp images/AP Photo/Oded Balilty) 洛桑森格说,2008年拉萨的反政府骚乱是自焚事件的起因
洛桑森格说,这就是藏人采取自焚这种极端做法的原因。他说:"我们多次请求他们,不要采取极端的做法,但是他们仍然继续这样做。"
尽管中国政府在西藏问题上始终持强硬立场,但这位流亡总理说,新一届领导层或许可以产生新的变化,他对此抱有希望。"从过去50年的经验来看,我们没有什么理由保持乐观,但是作为人,我仍对习近平领导下的新一届领导层抱有希望。"
不过,习近平此前的表态似乎已冲淡对中国领导层改变路线的希望。去年习近平曾在一次发言中表示,要"深入开展反对达赖集团分裂祖国活动的斗争"。
来源:法新社等   编译:苗子
责编:李鱼

News

  • Aakash 2 tablet computerIndia upgrades 'cheapest tablet'

  • From left to right, Myanmar's President Thein Sein, Philippines' President Benigno Aquino III, Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Thailand's Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, Vietnam's Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung, Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen, pose for a photo after singing ceremony of adoption of the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration during the 21st Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Sunday, Nov. 18, 2012. (Foto:Vincent Thian/AP/dapd)

    Asia

    ASEAN adopts controversial human rights declaration

    Southeast Asian nations have adopted a controversial human rights declaration at their summit in Cambodia. Critics say loopholes will enable authoritarian regimes to suppress citizens by citing national security.
    Leaders of the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) signed the joint declaration, claiming it would enshrine human rights for the region’s 600 million citizens.
    "It's a legacy for our children," said Philippine Foreign Secretary Albert del Rosario but Human Rights Watch's deputy Asia director Phil Robertson was scathing.
    "Our worst fears in this process have come to pass," said Robertson.
    "Rather than meeting international standards, this declaration lowers them by creating new loopholes and justifications that ASEAN member states can use to justify abusing the rights of their people," Robertson added.

    Misgivings
    More than 60 rights organizations had called for the agreement to be postponed, pointing to ASEAN's diverse political systems, ranging from freewheeling democracy in the Philippines to authoritarian regimes in Laos and Vietnam.
    Campaigners had also cited a lack of transparency, saying there had been inadequate consultation while the text was being drafted.
    Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen, left, shakes hands with ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan as Hun Sen handed over a signed document to Surin after the singing ceremony of adoption of the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration during the 21st Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Sunday, Nov. 18, 2012. (Foto:Vincent Thian/AP/dapd)
ASEAN's Surin (L) receives the pact from Cambodia's Hun Sen
    ASEAN secretary-general Surin Pitsuwan said a "safety net" amendment had been inserted on Saturday to read that ASEAN members would "implement the declaration in accordance to the international human rights declarations and standards."
    "This certainly can be used to monitor the practice, the protection, the promotion of human rights here in the ASEAN countries," Surin said.
    "It's an important benchmark for ASEAN to be kept honest in terms of its human rights obligations," said Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa.
    ASEAN invites guests
    President Barack Obama, who on Sunday began a three-nation Asian tour in Thailand, is due to attend an expanded ASEAN gathering in Cambodia on Monday alongside guests including the leaders of China, India and Australia.
    The South China Sea dispute between various Asian nations, including China, is expected to be high on the agenda.
    According to the president's aides, Obama will also express "grave concerns" about Cambodia's rights record and press the need for political reform at a meeting with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen.
    sej/ipj (AFP, dpa, dapd)

    Sumatran rhino born in captivi