tony chen 傳來警訊--*台灣的沉淪警訊 (091204-財訊雙週刊)
12/30 國民大會 (tvbs) 楊憲宏說兩岸局勢要感激陳前總統過去"恰到壞處"的堅持
12/29 李濤的節目 朱名嘴竟然一致認為在驚濤駭浪中 台灣選出的無能總統完全不知道領航 怎麼辦
KABUL, Afghanistan — Behind an electrified fence, blast-resistant sandbags and 53 National Police outposts, the Afghan surge is well under way.
This is the ninth in a series of articles examining stresses and strains of China’s emergence as a global power.
But the foot soldiers in a bowl-shaped valley about 20 miles southeast of Kabul are not fighting the Taliban, or even carrying guns. They are preparing to extract copper from one of the richest untapped deposits on earth. And they are Chinese, undertaking by far the largest foreign investment project in war-torn Afghanistan.
Two years ago, the China Metallurgical Group Corporation, a Chinese state-owned conglomerate, bid $3.4 billion — $1 billion more than any of its competitors from Canada, Europe, Russia, the United States and Kazakhstan — for the rights to mine deposits near the village of Aynak. Over the next 25 years, it plans to extract about 11 million tons of copper — an amount equal to one-third of all the known copper reserves in China.
While the United States spends hundreds of billions of dollars fighting the Taliban and Al Qaeda here, China is securing raw material for its voracious economy. The world’s superpower is focused on security. Its fastest rising competitor concentrates on commerce.
S. Frederick Starr, the chairman of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, an independent research organization in Washington, said that skeptics might wonder whether Washington and NATO had conducted “an unacknowledged preparatory phase for the Chinese economic penetration of Afghanistan.”
“We do the heavy lifting,” he said. “And they pick the fruit.”
The reality is more complicated than that. The Chinese bid far more for the mining rights to the Aynak project and promised to invest hundreds of millions more in associated infrastructure projects than other bidders. It is a risky venture that has not yet proved to be economical, and it has already been dogged by allegations of bribery.
But the Aynak investment underscores how China’s leaders, flush with money and in control of both the government and major industries, meld strategy, business and statecraft into a seamless whole. In a single move, Beijing strengthened its hold on a vital resource, engineered the single largest investment in Afghan history, promised to create thousands of new Afghan jobs and established itself as the Afghan government’s pre-eminent business partner and single largest source of tax payments.
An Odd Global Pairing
Afghanistan is not the only place where the United States and China find themselves so oddly juxtaposed in the post-9/11 world. China is investing more in extracting Iraqi oil than American companies are. It has reached long-term arrangements to buy gas from Iran, even as the government there comes under the threat of Western sanctions for its nuclear program. China has also become a dominant investor in Pakistan and volatile parts of Africa.
But it is in Afghanistan where China’s willingness to take risks for commercial and diplomatic gain are most striking.
China Metallurgical Group, often called M.C.C., will build a 400-megawatt generating plant to power both the copper mine and blackout-prone Kabul. M.C.C. will dig a new coal mine to feed the plant’s generators. It will build a smelter to refine copper ore, and a railroad to carry coal to the power plant and copper back to China. If the terms of its contract are to be believed, M.C.C. will also build schools, roads, even mosques for the Afghans.
The sweeping agreement has some experts rubbing their eyes in disbelief. “It’s almost as if the Chinese promised too much,” said one international expert who, like some others interviewed, refused to be identified for fear of alienating the Afghans or the Chinese.
But even if elements of the agreement fall through, the Chinese have already positioned themselves as generous, eager partners of the Afghan government and long-term players in the country’s future. All without firing a shot.
Nurzaman Stanikzai was a mujahedeen in the 1980s, using American-supplied arms to help drive the Red Army from his homeland. Today he is a contractor for M.C.C., building the Aynak mine’s electric fence, blast wall, workers’ dormitories and a road to Kabul.
“The Chinese are much wiser. When we went to talk to the local people, they wore civilian clothing, and they were very friendly,” he said recently during a long chat in his Kabul apartment. “The Americans — not as good. When they come there, they have their uniforms, their rifles and such, and they are not as friendly.”
American troops do not, in a narrow sense, protect the Chinese. The United States Army stations about 2,000 troops in Logar Province, where Aynak is located. But an Army spokesman said they generally patrolled well south of the mine area and had not provided direct security for Chinese investors or mine workers.
The Afghan National Police, which does protect the mine, was largely built and trained with American money. The 1,500 guards the police have posted in and around Aynak are special recruits not drawn from the main force, according to Maj. Gen. Sayed Kamal, who heads the National Police.
But the conclusion is inescapable: American troops have helped make Afghanistan safe for Chinese investment. And there is no sense that either government objects to that reality. As diplomats and soldiers alike stress, the war in Afghanistan was never motivated by commercial prospects. Had an American company won Aynak, some Afghans noted wryly, critics inevitably would have accused the United States of waging war to seize the country’s mineral wealth. Moreover, if China succeeds in developing Aynak and generating revenue for the Kabul government, that helps achieve an American goal.
“To the extent that the Chinese bring Afghanistan up to speed and start paying a billion dollars a year in royalties,” a Western government official who has followed the Aynak project said, “that would mean that Afghanistan is on a firmer ground to start paying for its own security.”
China Stays Out of War Effort
The Chinese, meanwhile, have rebuffed requests to join the Afghan war effort, saying that national policy forbids military action abroad except as part of a peacekeeping force. Instead, China’s foreign policy is based on commerce. Its state-owned companies have been snapping up energy and mineral resources worldwide for years now, often by overwhelming competitors with lavish offers.
In 2006, for example, another state-owned goliath known as C.M.E.C. swept bidding for one of the world’s largest known iron ore deposits, in Gabon, by offering to build a 360-mile railroad to the nearly inaccessible mine site, two hydroelectric dams to power the mine and a deepwater ocean port to export the mined ore.
Such splurges are both national strategy — China’s goal is to control long-term access to critical commodities — and a matter of necessity if Beijing is to keep its industrial empire running. With 700 to 1,000 steel mills to feed, China is the world’s largest importer of iron ore. Similarly, China already imports 40 percent of the world’s copper.
If the Aynak venture differs from those in the past, both international and Afghan experts say, it is because it appears to be as much a strategic coup as a commercial one.
Opportunity in Southwest Asia
The United States views Southwest Asia mostly as a security threat. China sees it as an opportunity. Decades of military cooperation with Pakistan, which shares India as a rival, have flowered into an economic alliance. A Chinese-built deepwater port in Gwadar, Pakistan, on the Gulf of Oman, is expected eventually to carry Middle Eastern oil and gas over the western Himalayas into China.
Afghanistan, which borders both Iran and Pakistan, drew scant attention from China until the middle of this decade.
Aynak’s riches had been known since Alexander the Great’s armies forged copper there 2,300 years ago. When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, its geologists took core samples and mapped the Aynak deposit, but were never able to begin mining.
The Soviets were succeeded by Osama bin Laden, who used Aynak as a training camp while planning the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States. After the American-led invasion of Afghanistan, Afghan geologists rescued the Soviet surveys of Aynak and hid them until exploration could resume.
That exploration — a detailed overflight of much of the country by American surveyors in middecade — showed Afghanistan to be far richer in oil, natural gas, iron, copper and coal than anyone had imagined. Aynak, in particular, was judged a world-class copper deposit, not just huge but of unusually rich quality, and the government chose it as the first major mineral concession to be auctioned to developers.
To minimize corruption, the Afghan government decided, on the advice of American advisers, to ask the World Bank and a Colorado geological consulting firm to help oversee the bidding. A report last month in The Washington Post quoted an American official as charging that the Chinese swayed the bid with $20 million or more in bribes to the mining minister, Muhammad Ibrahim Adel, who was recently dismissed from the Afghan government in part because of the allegations. Mr. Adel has denied the charge.
Foreign experts say that the possibility of bribery in Afghanistan, one of the world’s most corrupt nations, can hardly be ruled out. But they also say that the Chinese bid was so clearly superior to others that any bribe money may have been incidental to the outcome.
“This was not a backroom deal. This was not Adel, sitting in Beijing, cooking this up,” said one of several international experts interviewed for this article. “This was thoroughly vetted by the governments of the day.”
A. Rahman Ashraf is a veteran geologist and senior adviser on mining to Afghanistan’s president, Hamid Karzai. Mr. Ashraf intervened in 2002 to stop Aynak’s mining rights from being sold under the table to a Korean bidder.
“Our wish was that this process must be very transparent,” he said of Aynak, “because this is the first time. If it is not transparent, then nobody comes to the others.”
China won the bid, he said, for good reason: it offered a package deal, from power plants to railroads to smelters to coal mines, that no other bidder could match. And it promised to staff the entire venture with Afghan laborers and managers — many of whom must be trained from scratch in a country with little mining expertise.
“After five years, it’s only Afghan engineers,” he said. “Only in administration do the Chinese stay.”
Indeed, outside experts here say, the striking aspect of China’s Aynak venture is the degree to which it left competitors in the dust. Increasingly, the world’s richest remaining mineral deposits are in hostile territory — malarial jungles, combat zones, unstable nations that possess mineral riches but no realistic way to get them to market.
With government money and backing behind them, China’s state-run giants take risks in places that even the largest private behemoths will not tolerate, and they can add sweeteners — from railroads to mosques — that ordinary mining firms are ill equipped to provide.
“The Chinese have sort of raised the bar. They’ve taken it beyond the scope of just an extractive operation,” the Western official said. “The Chinese are willing to step up and take a long-term strategic approach. If it takes 5 or 10 years, at least they have a beachhead.”
The wild card, of course, is that no outsiders can know how much of China’s Aynak venture is in fact brilliant strategy, and how much is merely a potentially ruinous business deal by an overzealous corporation. Beijing’s corporate strategy is as opaque as it is overwhelming.
China Metallurgical, a Fortune Global 500 company that has so many subsidiaries that they are mostly identified by numbers, is a signal example. The corporation reports to the top level of the Chinese government. Big foreign investments like the one at Aynak require blessing at an equally high level. M.C.C. has huge and productive investments around the world.
Yet hardly all those ventures are successes. An M.C.C. copper mine in Pakistan is widely said to have serious environmental problems. A Pakistan lead mine has been dogged by conflict, including a suicide bombing that killed 29; residents accuse the company’s Chinese work force of stealing local jobs. In Papua New Guinea, 14 Chinese workers at an M.C.C. nickel mine were injured in May in a pitched battle with local people who rioted over what they called intolerable working conditions.
That bid in 2006 for the iron mine in Gabon? Four years after C.M.E.C. struck its deal, the bargain appears to be unwinding over hints of corruption and global objections to a dam that would destroy Kongou Falls, one of central Africa’s most treasured waterfalls.
Was Too Much Promised?
Not surprisingly, that record leads skeptics to suggest that in Afghanistan, M.C.C. may have overpromised and, later, will underdeliver.
In interviews here, some experts said that M.C.C.’s Aynak bid was so munificent that the company might be forced to renegotiate lavish payments of copper royalties to the Afghan government. Others predicted that the company would be forced to shift parts of the vast project, like the yet-to-be-built railroad, to international donors.
Still others said the company’s initial environmental efforts already badly lagged behind the promise in its winning bid to strictly adhere to the Equator Principles and World Bank benchmarks — the gold standards for environmentally sensitive projects.
China Metallurgical is not talking. Its officials not only refused to be interviewed for this article, but also sought to prohibit a journalist even from photographing the mine site from afar.
But the company clearly is undeterred. The Afghan government is seeking bids for its second great mineral project, a behemoth called Hajigak that is said to contain 60 billion tons of iron ore. There are seven finalists — all companies from India and China. M.C.C. is one of them.
Li Bibo contributed research from Beijing.
多伊布勒-格梅林：我一再表示的是，中国正处在法制化建设的道路上。这就是说，司法程序应该遵循法律，而不是掌权者的意愿。如果中国 人的确做到了这一点，就不可能把一个参与起草了《08宪章》的人判处11年监禁。我在中国也和不少人谈论过这个《08宪章》，我可以想象，不少中国公民对 这一判决也是非常反感的。而严格依据中国的法律，是不可能得出这样的判决的。
多伊布勒-格梅林：我们不能这么片面地看待这个问题。在两个国家的政府或是国家领导人会谈的时候，他们只能是各自明确表达自己的立 场。假如他们的关系比较友好，彼此比较熟悉了，他们可以指出对方国家所存在的弊端。比如中国人可以向德国表示，他们那里的右翼极端主义发展倾向值得警惕； 德国政府也可以指出，中国的言论自由受到了严重限制，而且通过司法手段对持不同政见者的迫害已经违背了中国的法律。至于对方政府是否会采纳这些意见，做出 相应的改变，单凭这样的一个法制国家对话本身是不能保证的。
多伊布勒-格梅林：在政府层面的法制国家对话中，进行一些私下的交谈肯定是明智的做法。这并没有什么坏处，因为你不想让对方有一种被 侮辱的感觉或是在公众舆论面前丢面子。但是，您说得也很有道理，仅仅靠关起门来讨论共同的法制理念和价值观是绝对不够的。因此，推动双方在更多层面的交流 是非常非常重要的，比如今年已经举行了不少大学生之间在司法领域的交流，这是非常令人欣慰的发展；比如两国的教授和学者、媒体记者的交流，还有司法界的工 作人员的互相交流，这都属于一个多层面的法制对话，而这样的对话绝对不是关起门来的私下交谈。
多伊布勒-格梅林：一个德国外交部长的表态到底能不能促使中国政府做出改变，这还是个问题。当我们双方进行意见交流的时候，比如中国 对德国的现状作出评价，或是德国对中国的人权状况作表态的时候，我们都不能把自己的角色和一个具有发号施令权力的警察身份混淆起来。两国之间的交流不应该 是这样的。问题在于，构成国际社会人权理念共识基础的联合国人权公约中包含一个《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》，中国至今都没有批准这部公约。因此，我们 只能不断地敦促中国批准并执行这一公约。因为我们都知道，公民权利以及政治权利和其他的人权是不可分割的。一个社会，包括中国，如果不能同时保障公民权利 和政治权利，是不可能实现良好的发展的。
多伊布勒-格梅林：可以这样说，当我们强调人权的含义时，我们会看到，在生存权和发展权方面，中国已经取得了很大的进步；但是在人权 的另一方面，即公民权利和政治权利方面，中国还有很多需要改进的地方。而我们希望促进中国人权的发展，并不是因为我们是西方国家，或者是因为我们不希望中 国发展的好，而是因为我们坚信，只有这两方面的人权都能得到发展，一个社会才真正有前途，中国也不例外。也就是说，我们所说的，其实也是不少中国人心里想 的。
王進旺稱讚中信造船廠承造五百噸級「台北艦」、「南投艦」數十艘海巡艦艇，造船噸位越來越大，技術越精進。他並表示，「台南艦」船速廿四節，續航力達七千 五百浬，巡弋範圍可達海巡署管轄的南沙太平島及東沙島，艦上可載六十八人，配有十噸直升機起降台及二○機砲、四○快砲機座。至於「巡護七號」耐波係數更 強，中信造船指出，最遠可巡弋至美國西岸。****British anger at China execution
China brushed aside international appeals and executed a British man convicted of drug smuggling and whose relatives say was mentally unstable and unwittingly lured into the crime.****
Akmal Shaikh, 53, of London, had denied any wrongdoing and his family said he was mentally ill.
The execution took place despite repeated calls from his family and the British government for clemency.
British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said he was appalled and condemned the execution "in the strongest terms".
Mr Shaikh is the first EU national to be executed in China in 50 years.
BEIRUT, Lebanon — Police officers in Iran opened fire into crowds of protesters on Sunday, killing at least 10 people, witnesses and opposition Web sites said, in a day of chaotic street battles that threatened to deepen the country’s civil unrest.
The protests, during the holiday commemorating the death of Imam Hussein, Shiite Islam’s holiest martyr, were the bloodiest and among the largest since the uprisings that followed the disputed presidential election last June, witnesses said. Hundreds of people were reported wounded in cities across the country, and the Tehran police said they had made 300 arrests.
The decision by the authorities to use deadly force on the Ashura holiday infuriated many Iranians, and some said the violence appeared to galvanize more traditional religious people who have not been part of the protests so far. Historically, Iranian rulers have honored Ashura’s prohibition of violence, even during wartime.
In Tehran, thick crowds marched down a central avenue in midmorning, defying official warnings of a harsh crackdown on protests as they chanted “death to Khamenei,” referring to Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has expressed growing intolerance for political dissent in the country.
They refused to retreat even as the police fired tear gas, charged them with batons and fired warning shots. The police then opened fire directly into the crowd, opposition Web sites said, citing witnesses. At least five people were killed in Tehran, four in the northwestern city of Tabriz, and one in Shiraz in the south, the Web sites reported. Photographs of several victims were circulated widely.
Unlike the other protesters reported killed on Sunday, Ali Moussavi appears to have been assassinated in a political gesture aimed at his uncle, according to Mohsen Makhmalbaf, an opposition figure based in Paris with close ties to the Moussavi family.
Mr. Moussavi was first run over by a sport utility vehicle outside his home, Mr. Makhmalbaf wrote on his Web site. Five men then emerged from the car, and one of them shot Mr. Moussavi. Government officials took the body late Sunday and warned the family not to hold a funeral, Mr. Makhmalbaf wrote.
In some parts of Tehran, protesters pushed the police back, hurling rocks and capturing several police cars and motorcycles, which they set on fire. Videos posted to the Internet showed scenes of mayhem, with trash bins burning and groups of protesters attacking Basij militia volunteers amid a din of screams.
One video showed a group of protesters setting an entire police station aflame in Tehran. Another showed people carrying off the body of a dead protester, chanting, “I’ll kill, I’ll kill the one who killed my brother.”
By late afternoon, coils of black smoke rose over central Tehran from dozens of street fires, and smaller groups of protesters continued to skirmish with police and Basij militia members. In the evening, loudspeakers in Imam Hussein Square, where most of the clashes took place, announced that gatherings of more than three people were banned, witnesses said.
There were scattered reports of police officers surrendering, or refusing to fight. Several videos posted on the Internet show officers holding up their helmets and walking away from the melee, as protesters pat them on the back in appreciation. In one photograph, a police officer can be seen holding his arms up and wearing a bright green headband, the signature color of the opposition movement.
The Tehran police denied firing on protesters and in an official statement late Sunday said five people had been killed “in suspicious ways.”
Ahmadreza Radan, deputy commander of state security forces in Tehran, said dozens of police officers had been injured and “some were killed,” the semiofficial news agency ISNA reported.
Protests and clashes also broke out in the cities of Isfahan, Mashhad, Shiraz, Arak, Tabriz, Najafabad, Babol, Ardebil and Orumieh, opposition Web sites said.
Foreign journalists have been banned from covering the protests, and the reports could not be independently verified.
If the 10 deaths are confirmed, it would be the highest toll since the summer, when huge crowds took to the streets to protest what they said was rampant fraud in the presidential election won by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
The White House condemned what it called the “unjust suppression” of civilians by the Iranian government on Sunday.
“Hope and history are on the side of those who peacefully seek their universal rights, and so is the United States,” said Mike Hammer, a spokesman for the National Security Council.
The turmoil revealed an opposition movement that is becoming bolder and more direct in its challenge to Iran’s governing authorities. Protesters deliberately blended their political message with the day’s religious one on Sunday, alternating antigovernment slogans with ancient cries of mourning for Imam Hussein.
“This is the month of blood, Yazid will fall,” the protesters shouted, equating Ayatollah Khamenei with Yazid, the ruler who ordered Imam Hussein’s killing.
The protests may have received a boost from the death last week of Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, a patriarch of Iran’s Islamic Revolution who became a fierce critic of the country’s leaders, especially in recent months. His memorials have brought out not only the young activists and students who have dominated the protests in recent months, but also older and more conservative people, who revered him for reasons of faith as well as politics.
Sunday was the seventh day since his death, an important marker in Shiite mourning rituals. Late Sunday, the authorities declared martial law in the city of Najafabad, Ayatollah Montazeri’s hometown, the Jaras Web site reported.
The government crackdowns on mourning ceremonies in the past week provoked many people in the more traditional neighborhoods of south Tehran as earlier clashes did not, some residents said.
“People in my neighborhood have been going to the Ashura rituals every night with green fabric for the first time,” said Hamid, 33, a laborer who lives in the southern Tehran neighborhood of Shahreh-Ray and declined to give his last name. “They have been politicized recently, because of the suppression this month.”
Yet few protesters expected the scale of the bloodshed that broke out on Sunday. The memory of Imam Hussein is so potent among Shiites that killing for any reason is strictly forbidden on Ashura, and Iranian leaders have always tried to avoid violence or even state executions during a two-month period surrounding the holiday.
“Ashura is a very symbolic day in our culture, and it revives the notion that the innocents were killed by a villain,” said Fatemeh Haghighatjoo, a former member of the Iranian Parliament who is a visiting scholar at the University of Massachusetts, Boston. “Killing people on Ashura shows how far Khamenei is willing to go to suppress the protests.”
In another sign of the breadth of the crackdown, security forces on Sunday raided the offices of a clerical association in the holy city of Qum that has supported the opposition since the June election, the Jaras Web site reported. Guards surrounded the house, and members of the association and their families — who had gathered inside the association’s headquarters for an Ashura mourning ceremony — were not allowed to leave, the site reported.
Mr. Radan, the police deputy commander, said that only one of the protesters killed in Tehran had been shot. Two were run over by cars and one was thrown from a bridge, he said.
But a doctor working at Najmieh Hospital in Tehran said Sunday night that the hospital had performed 17 operations on people with gunshot wounds. They were treating 60 people with serious head injuries, including three who were in critical condition, said the doctor, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of repercussions.
Robert F. Worth reported from Beirut, and Nazila Fathi from Toronto.
"《零八宪章》起草人刘晓波被重判入狱11年的前夕是平安夜，那天，在东京有一名《零八宪章》的首批联署人，亦在等待命运的宣判。他叫冯正虎，是内 地知名维权人士，自4月离开中国到日本后，八度回国被拒，一怒之下决定死守成田机场禁区抗争，拒绝入境日本或接受联合国的难民身分，只靠旅客与朋友接济， 至今撑了54天，为的是争取返回国家的公民权利。
Guttenberg told the Sunday mass-circulation newspaper Bild am Sonntag that Afghanistan's history and character have long convinced him that Afghanistan will never be a model western democracy.
Lasting peace in the war-ravaged country could only be achieved, he added, if moderate Taliban members were allowed to participate in Afghanistan's democracy.
"Because we are in a country with such regional diversity," Guttenberg told the paper, "we can't just leave out an entire ethnic group like the Pashtuns if we want sustainable solutions for the future."
Certain conditions would need to be fulfilled, however, and it would be unacceptable for the Afghan government to ignore universal human rights.
"We must ask ourselves who from the insurgents poses a serious threat to the international community and who is more concerned with the conditions in Afghanistan itself," he said. "This issue of human rights must also be taken into account, without ignoring the existing cultures and traditions in Afghanistan."
Guttenberg has in the past week indicated a willingness to engage in peace talks with non-terrorist Taliban members, marking a change in German policy.
Editor: Andreas Illmer
Tens of thousands of demonstrators took to the streets of Taipei
Thousands of opposition supporters have taken to the streets in Taiwan to protest against President Ma Ying-jeou's policy of engagement with China.
Nationalist critics argue the policies threaten to undermine the island's self-rule.
Democratic Progressive Party Chairman Tsai Ing-wen led marching protesters to the president's office in Taipei.
The demonstration came ahead of the first anniversary on Wednesday of the president's coming to power.
He has also said he will abandon his predecessor's anti-Chinese policies, a position which the opposition says weakens Taiwan's sovereignty.
After Sunday's march, participants were expected to hold a sit-in protest for another 24 hours to mark their opposition to government policies.
Beijing claims sovereignty over Taiwan, which split from the mainland at the end of the Chinese civil war in 1949.
Relations between the two have improved since Mr Ma's election last year.
许多女孩在海啸灾难中失去了父母。遭遇这样的命运打击，女孩子受到的影响通常比男孩子更大。很少有人愿意收养女孩，所以斯里兰卡的女孩孤儿 院比男孩孤儿院要多。斯里兰卡的萨尔乌达耶(Sarvodaya)慈善组织的瓦桑塔.休维基在旅游胜地加勒(Galle)附近负责照料二十几名女孤儿，她 说：
在萨尔乌达耶慈善组织的帮助下，辛迪卡认识到她可以不依赖家庭，可以独立作出决定。传统上，女性在东南亚地位比男性低，因为女人出嫁时必须要从家里 带走一份丰厚的嫁妆，而男孩则是留在自己的家里，能养家和为父母养老。印度的斯内哈(SNEHA)女性救助网络组织就尝试打破这一传统思维禁锢。该组织的 杰罗姆说：
根据各种不同的调研报告，女性偿还微型贷款的比率高达99％。微型贷款规模大约在5000到10000万卢比，相当于80到160欧元。女人们用这 些钱买鸡、羊或者原材料来搞些副业。海啸灾难后，妇女自助组织得到了加强。一个自助小组通常有10到20名女性，她们内部有分工，例如有的人负责卖鱼，有 的人负责卖牛奶。这些女性聚在一起不仅仅是谈怎么挣钱，而是还讨论洁净水和卫生等问题。今年39岁的商迪是印度南部城市纳格伯蒂讷姆 (Nagapattinam)附近的一个妇女自助组织的成员。她说：
Working paper: The End of Chimerica
Chimerica is a term coined by Niall Ferguson and Moritz Schularick describing the symbiotic relationship between China and the United States, with incidental reference to the legendary chimera.[4
TAICHUNG, Taiwan (Reuters) - Thousands of people marched in Taiwan on Sunday to protest against warming ties with political rival China, a day before Beijing's top negotiator arrives on the island for talks on a landmark free trade pact.
Noisy marchers distrustful of communist China's intentions for Taiwan walked for hours along roads in Taichung in the center of the export-reliant, self-ruled island China claims as its own.
Taiwan negotiator P.K. Chiang and China's Chen Yunlin will meet in Taichung on Tuesday for more talks on the proposed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), a pact aimed at slashing import tariffs and opening the banking sector that should be signed next year.
Tuesday's talks will be the fourth round since China-friendly Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou took office last year.
"We're opposed to the secret meeting, the non-transparent meeting between China and Taiwan, because it could bring steep losses to Taiwan," said protester Ho Shih-sen, 59, a retiree in Taichung. "We could take a big hit."
Organizers said 100,000 people attended the march. Local police put the figure at 10,000.
The march, organized by the anti-China opposition Democratic Progressive Party, is expected to be followed by more protests this week, including at the airport when Chen arrives on Monday.
Protests during China-Taiwan talks in Taipei last year sparked rioting in which police and demonstrators were injured.
Among the protesters were hardliners who want Taiwan to declare formal independence from China. Some waved banners advocating "one side, one country."
Some feared the ECFA would lead to a flood of competing goods from China, calling for open talks and for Ma to step down.
"Ma Ying-jeou, our president, wants to sign ECFA but hasn't received public approval for it," said protester Charles Lee, president of an environmental group in southern Taiwan.
"We're worried he will sell us out."
Protesters also feared the ECFA would allow Chinese competition for professional qualifications and jobs in Taiwan.
The government has pledged to exclude any labor deal from the trade pact.
Also on Tuesday's agenda is a deal to avoid double taxation while lowering both corporate and personal income taxes, and incentives for Taiwan investors in China as well as foreign firms based on one side but active on the other.
China has claimed sovereignty over Taiwan since 1949, when Mao Zedong's forces won the Chinese civil war and Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists fled to the island. Beijing has vowed to bring Taiwan under its rule, by force if necessary.
(Editing by Paul Tait)
TAICHUNG, TAIWAN — Tens of thousands of opposition demonstrators marched in the central city of Taichung on Sunday, a day before the arrival of a senior mainland Chinese envoy, Chen Yunlin.
The protesters chanted pro-independence slogans and waved anti-China banners to protest the visit by Mr. Chen, whom they view as a stalking horse for Beijing’s proclaimed policy of bringing Taiwan back into its fold. The two sides split in a civil war in 1949.
Mr. Chen was scheduled to arrive in Taichung on Monday. He is set to sign four commercial accords with Taiwanese officials, adding to the 10 pre-existing ones.
Hsu Wen, a protester and businessman from the southern city of Kaohsiung, said Mr. Chen’s visit would help pave the way for a loss of Taiwan’s democratic freedoms and its de facto independence.
Buoyed by a strong showing in local elections this month, the Democratic Progressive Party sponsored the protest Sunday to press its message that President Ma Ying-jeou’s signature policy of increasing economic links with Beijing is threatening the well-being of Taiwan and paving the way for a Chinese takeover.
Since assuming office in May 2008, Mr. Ma has eased cross-strait tensions to their lowest level in 60 years, turning his back on his predecessor’s pro-independence policies. Mr. Ma’s business-bolstering initiatives include starting regular air and sea links between the sides and ending across-the-board restrictions on Chinese investment in Taiwan.
The police put the crowd in Taichung at 20,000 to 30,000, considerably fewer than the D.P.P.’s estimated 100,000.
〔記 者黃鐘山、張瑞楨、陳建志、蔡智銘、李欣芳、陳品竹／台中報導〕去年來台曾聲明要「開大門走大路」的中國海協會長陳雲林，為避開嗆聲群眾，昨天抵台後竟未 走航站大門，而是搭車經機場道路從漢翔公司沙鹿廠區離開。不過，他雖然因此躲過前去「接機」抗議的群眾，但稍後行程仍難逃「如影隨形」的各方嗆聲。
得 知陳雲林車隊「兔脫」，一早就前往準備嗆聲的民眾錯愕不已，有人諷刺陳雲林「不敢面對台灣人」。民進黨台北市議員莊瑞雄等人說，陳雲林真是膽小鬼，不敢走 大門，從後門落跑，對前去嗆聲的民眾而言，也是勝利了。民進黨應變中心發言人林佳龍也質疑，陳雲林未依去年所聲明「開大門走大路」，不由大門出入而走小 門，不願面對真正的台灣民意，顯示其心虛、不真誠。
雖 然警方和台中市府無所不用其極，盼阻絕民眾嗆聲機會，但陳雲林昨天仍難逃如影隨形的嗆聲群眾，不但參觀中台灣房價最高豪宅「聯聚信義大廈」時，有抗議民眾 揮舞著「我是台灣郎」的Ｔ恤並高喊「台灣、中國，一邊一國」，陳下榻的裕元花園酒店更成為各路人馬「圍攻」的標的，民進黨市議員推出「一中一台」的氣球、 台聯議員施放高空煙火、「海洋之聲」電台出動計程車、救台灣行動聯盟升台灣國旗，各出奇招向陳雲林嗆聲；法輪功成員和在台藏人也在酒店周邊持標語表達抗 議。
大陆海协会会长陈云林爲「第四次江陈会谈」二度访台，在机场和下榻的酒店附近，遭遇了如影随形的抗议。其中有民进党号召的群众、有法轮功学 员、还有支持藏独的人士。不过，也有支持统一的团体高举红布条，表达欢迎。面对抗议与欢迎的两种待遇，陈云林表示，对表达不同意见的人绝对尊重，对欢迎他 的乡亲，他非常感谢。
Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 示威在警察监视下进行陈云林说:"我看到很多乡亲反对我来，不欢迎我来；但我也看到很多乡亲欢迎我来，希望我们两会坐下来，商谈我们面临的许多问题，寻求两岸互利双赢，对于乡亲们表达不同意见，我们会绝对尊重。"
海基会表示，这对于台湾人民的权益将进一步提供保障。然而，民进党批评这是为了签署两岸经济合作架构协议(ECFA)后的一中市场铺路。在第四次江 陈会前夕，民进党发起的「破黑箱、顾饭碗大游行」廿日下午顶着寒风，在党主席蔡英文带领下，走上街头抗议。群众高举飞弹、标语，连神明都出动，民进党宣称 游行人数超过十万人，最后平和落幕。
Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 绿营抗议在野党强烈反对第四次江陈会谈，同时批评马英九政府过于亲中。马英九总统则再次澄清，他没有亲中、只会亲台，他的一切政策都是以台湾为主。
TRUNG SON, Vietnam — It seemed as if this village in northern Vietnam had struck gold when a Chinese and a Japanese company arrived to jointly build a coal-fired power plant. Thousands of jobs would start flowing in, or so the residents hoped.
This is the eighth in a series of articles examining stresses and strains of China’s emergence as a global power.
Four years later, the Haiphong Thermal Power Plant is nearing completion. But only a few hundred Vietnamese ever got jobs. Most of the workers were Chinese, about 1,500 at the peak. Hundreds of them are still here, toiling by day on the dusty construction site and cloistered at night in dingy dormitories.
“The Chinese workers overwhelm the Vietnamese workers here,” said Nguyen Thai Bang, 29, a Vietnamese electrician.
China, famous for its export of cheap goods, is increasingly known for shipping out cheap labor. These global migrants often work in factories or on Chinese-run construction and engineering projects, though the range of jobs is astonishing: from planting flowers in the Netherlands to doing secretarial tasks in Singapore to herding cows in Mongolia — even delivering newspapers in the Middle East.
But a backlash against them has grown. Across Asia and Africa, episodes of protest and violence against Chinese workers have flared. Vietnam and India are among the nations that have moved to impose new labor rules for foreign companies and restrict the number of Chinese workers allowed to enter, straining relations with Beijing.
In Vietnam, dissidents and intellectuals are using the issue of Chinese labor to challenge the ruling Communist Party. A lawyer sued Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung over his approval of a Chinese bauxite mining project, and the National Assembly is questioning top officials over Chinese contracts, unusual moves in this authoritarian state.
Chinese workers continue to follow China’s state-owned construction companies as they win bids abroad to build power plants, factories, railroads, highways, subway lines and stadiums. From January to October 2009, Chinese companies completed $58 billion of projects, a 33 percent increase over the same period in 2008, according to the Chinese Ministry of Commerce.
From Angola to Uzbekistan, Iran to Indonesia, some 740,000 Chinese workers were abroad at the end of 2008, with 58 percent sent out last year alone, the Commerce Ministry said. The number going abroad this year is on track to roughly match that rate. The workers are hired in China, either directly by Chinese enterprises or by Chinese labor agencies that place the workers; there are 500 operational licensed agencies and many illegal ones.
Chinese executives say that Chinese workers are not always less expensive, but that they tend to be more skilled and easier to manage than local workers. “Whether you’re talking about the social benefits or economic benefits to the countries receiving the workers, the countries have had very good things to say about the Chinese workers and their skills,” said Diao Chunhe, director of the China International Contractors Association, a government organization in Beijing.
But in some countries, local residents accuse the Chinese of stealing jobs, staying on illegally and isolating themselves by building bubble worlds that replicate life in China.
“There are entire Chinese villages now,” said Pham Chi Lan, former executive vice president of the Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry. “We’ve never seen such a practice on projects done by companies from other countries.”
At this construction site northeast of the port city of Haiphong, an entire Chinese world has sprung up: four walled dormitory compounds, restaurants with Chinese signs advertising dumplings and fried rice, currency exchanges, so-called massage parlors — even a sign on the site itself that says “Guangxi Road,” referring to the province that most of the workers call home.
One night, eight workers in blue uniforms sat in a cramped restaurant that had been opened by a man from Guangxi at the request of the project’s main subcontractor, Guangxi Power Construction Company. Their faces were flushed from drinking Chinese rice wine. “I was sent here, and I’m fulfilling my patriotic duty,” said Lin Dengji, 52.
Such scenes can set off anxieties in Vietnam, which prides itself on resisting Chinese domination, starting with its break from Chinese rule in the 10th century. The countries fought a border war in 1979 and are still engaged in a sovereignty dispute in the South China Sea.
Vietnamese are all too aware of the economic juggernaut to their north. Vietnam had a $10 billion trade deficit with China last year. In July, a senior official in Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security said that 35,000 Chinese workers were in Vietnam, according to Tuoi Tre, a progressive newspaper. The announcement shocked many Vietnamese.
“The Chinese economic presence in Vietnam is deeper, more far-reaching and progressing faster than people realize,” said Le Dang Doanh, an economist in Hanoi who advised the preceding prime minister.
Conflict has broken out between Vietnamese and Chinese laborers. In Thanh Hoa Province in June, a drunk Chinese worker from a cement plant traded blows with the husband of a Vietnamese shopkeeper. The Chinese man then returned with 200 co-workers, igniting a brawl, according to Vietnamese news reports.
One reason for the tensions, economists say, is that there are plenty of unemployed or underemployed people in this country of 87 million. Vietnam itself exports cheap labor; a half-million Vietnamese are working abroad, according to a newspaper published by the Vietnam General Confederation of Labor.
Populist anger erupted this year over a contract given by the Vietnamese government to the Aluminum Corporation of China to mine bauxite, one of Vietnam’s most valuable natural resources, using Chinese workers. Dissidents, intellectuals and environmental advocates protested. Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap, the 98-year-old retired military leader, wrote three open letters criticizing the Chinese presence to Vietnamese party leaders.
No other government in the world so closely resembles that of China as Vietnam’s, from the structure of the Communist Party to economic policies and media controls. Vietnamese leaders make great efforts to ensure that China-Vietnam relations appear smooth. So over the summer, the central government shut down critical blogs, detained dissidents and ordered Vietnamese newspapers to cease reporting on Chinese labor and the bauxite issue.
But in a nod to public pressure, the government also tightened visa and work permit requirements for Chinese and deported 182 Chinese laborers from a cement plant in June, saying they were working illegally.
Vietnam generally bans the import of unskilled workers from abroad and requires foreign contractors to hire its citizens to do civil works, though that rule is sometimes violated by Chinese companies — bribes can persuade officials to look the other way, Chinese executives say.
At the Haiphong power plant, the Vietnamese company that owns the project grew anxious this year about the slow pace of work. It sided with the Chinese managers in pushing government officials to allow the import of more unskilled workers.
The Chinese here are sequestered in ramshackle dorm rooms and segregated by profession: welders and electricians and crane operators.
A poem written on a wooden door testifies to the rootless nature of their lives: “We’re all people floating around in the world. We meet each other, but we never really get to know each other.”
Xiyun Yang contributed reporting from Beijing, and Sun Huan contributed research from Beijing.