2013年9月30日 星期一

A Wave of Sewing Jobs as Orders Pile Up at U.S. Factories

American Made

A Wave of Sewing Jobs as Orders Pile Up at U.S. Factories

Jenn Ackerman for The New York Times
Ruth Kirchner, an instructor at the Dunwoody College of Technology in Minneapolis, Minn., showing students different kinds of fabrics and stitches.

MINNEAPOLIS — It was past quitting time at a new textile factory here, but that was not the only reason the work floor looked so desolate. Under the high ceilings, the fluorescent lights still bright, there were just 15 or so industrial sewing machines in a sprawling space meant for triple that amount.

American Made

A series that examines the challenges associated with manufacturing in the United States.
Previous Article in This Series:
U.S. Textile Plants Return, With Floors Largely Empty of People
Related Video
The issue wasn’t poor demand for the curtains, pillows and other textiles being produced at the factory. Quite the opposite. The owner, the Airtex Design Group, had shifted an increasing amount of its production here from China because customers had been asking for more American-made goods.
The issue was finding workers.
“The sad truth is, we put ads in the paper and not many people show up,” said Mike Miller, Airtex’s chief executive.
The American textile and apparel industries, like manufacturing as a whole, are experiencing a nascent turnaround as apparel and textile companies demand higher quality, more reliable scheduling and fewer safety problems than they encounter overseas. Accidents like the factory collapse in Bangladesh earlier this year, which killed more than 1,000 workers, have reinforced the push for domestic production.

For Discussion

Have the changes in American manufacturing affected the livelihood and opportunities of you or your family?
Please share your story in the comments below.
But because the industries were decimated over the last two decades — 77 percent of the American work force has been lost since 1990 as companies moved jobs abroad — manufacturers are now scrambling to find workers to fill the specialized jobs that have not been taken over by machines.
Wages for cut-and-sew jobs, the core of the apparel industry’s remaining work force, have been rising fast — increasing 13.2 percent on an inflation-adjusted basis from 2007 to 2012, while overall private sector pay rose just 1.4 percent. Companies here in Minnesota are so hungry for workers that they posted five job openings for every student in a new training program in industrial sewing, a full month before the training was even completed.
Patricia Ramon during a sewing and production specialist class as part of the Makers Coalition, an effort to create a skilled work force from scratch.
Margaret Cheatham Williams/The New York Times
Patricia Ramon during a sewing and production specialist class as part of the Makers Coalition, an effort to create a skilled work force from scratch.
“It withered away and nobody noticed,” Jen Guarino, a former chief executive of the leather-goods maker J. W. Hulme, said of the skilled sewing work force. “Businesses stopped investing in training; they stopped investing in equipment.”
Like manufacturers in many parts of the country, those in Minnesota are wrestling with how to attract a new generation of factory workers while also protecting their bottom lines in an industry where pennies per garment can make or break a business. The backbone of the new wave of manufacturing in the United States has been automation, but some tasks still require human hands.
Nationally, manufacturers have created recruitment centers that use touch screens and other interactive technology to promote the benefits of textile and apparel work.
Here, they are recruiting at high schools, papering churches and community centers with job postings, and running ads in Hmong, Somali and Spanish-language newspapers. And in a moment of near desperation last year — after several companies worried about turning down orders because they did not have the manpower to handle them — Minnesota manufacturers hatched their grandest rescue effort of all: a program to create a skilled work force from scratch.
Run by a coalition of manufacturers, a nonprofit organization and a technical college, the program runs for six months, two or three nights a week, and teaches novices how to be industrial sewers, from handling a sewing machine to working with vinyl and canvas.
Eighteen students, ranging from a 22-year-old taking a break from college to a 60-year-old former janitor who had been out of work for three months, enrolled in the inaugural session that ended in June. The $3,695 tuition was covered by charities and the city of Minneapolis, though students will largely be expected to pay for future courses themselves.
After the course, the companies, which pay to belong to the coalition, sponsored students for a three-week rotation on their factory floors and a two-week internship at minimum wage. Then the free-for-all began as the members competed to hire those graduates who decide to pursue a career in industrial sewing.
“We need to think practically about getting skilled labor,” said Ms. Guarino, a founder of the training effort, known as the Makers Coalition. “The growth is there but we’re going to be in trouble if we don’t have a pool to draw from.”
Last year, there were about 142,000 people employed as sewing machine operators in the United States, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. In the Minneapolis-St. Paul metro area, which had almost 1.75 million workers last year — and where the unemployment rate as of July was 4.9 percent — only 860 were employed in 2012 as machine sewers..
Airtex had room for 50 of them. “We are looking for new sewers every day,” said Mr. Miller, the Airtex executive.
Wooing Immigrant Workers
Airtex’s roots in Minneapolis date to 1918, when Mr. Miller’s grandfather started the Sam Miller Bag Company, specializing in potato and feed bags. In the 1980s, Susan Shields founded a baggage company, and the two combined in 2000 as the Airtex Design Group, producing home textiles for companies like Pottery Barn and Restoration Hardware.
Soon after the merger, the company began producing in China, first in the Dongguan area, then Wuxi and Shanghai. Today, it still employs about 100 Chinese workers through a partner factory in Dongguan, but production there is no longer the bargain it once was, said Ms. Shields, Airtex’s president.
Initially Airtex paid $3 an hour on average for its Chinese workers; now, it pays about $11.80 an hour, including benefits and housing.
Its American factory-floor workers make about $9 to $17 an hour, though Airtex estimates benefits add another 30 percent to those figures.
As costs were rising in China, Airtex was also getting a new message from some of its clients: They wanted more American-made products.
Health care clients wanted medical slings and other sensitive medical products made domestically to ensure quality. Retailers did not want to pay overseas freight costs to import bulky items like pillows, and they wanted more flexibility in turning around designs quickly. As Airtex considered production in Vietnam and elsewhere, it became concerned about safety and quality issues — and increasingly interested in the American alternative.
“The opportunity for domestic business right now is unbelievable,” Ms. Shields said. “Either we start to bring it back here, more of it, or we start going to places that are marginally unsafe.”
But the lack of workers here in Minnesota made shifting business back home frustrating.
It had gotten to the point where new business sometimes felt like a headache, not an opportunity. As Mr. Miller was headed to Chicago for a sales pitch in February, for instance, he was more worried than excited about landing a new contract.
“What concerns me is, if I get it,” he said, “where are we going to find the people?”
In the various waves of American textile production, dating to the 1800s, the problem of an available and willing work force solved itself.
Little capital was required — the boss just needed sewing equipment and people willing to work. That made it an attractive business for newly arrived immigrants with a few dollars to their name and, often, some background in garment work. Typically, the mostly male factory owners would recruit female workers from their old countries for the grunt work.
From the 1840s until the Civil War, it was new arrivals from Ireland and Germany. From the 1880s through the 1920s, it was Russian Jews and Italians, who would buy newly mass-produced Singer sewing machines and often set up shops in their tenement apartments with wives, daughters and tenants making up the initial work force, said Daniel Katz, provost of the National Labor College and author of a book about the garment industry.
Puerto Ricans, who were given citizenship on the eve of American entry into World War I, and black migrants from the South rounded out the work force until the 1960s, when Chinese and Dominican laborers took over, Mr. Katz said.
In San Francisco and New York, a small number of Chinese women came to the United States despite the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 barring Chinese laborers, making up a base of garment workers. After 1965, when immigration restrictions eased and Chinese were allowed to join family members, greater numbers of women came and that pool of workers grew.
“It was pretty well known that basically the day after you landed, you’d be taken to a factory by a relative to learn how to use an industrial sewing machine,” said Katie Quan, associate chair of the Labor Center at the University of California, Berkeley. In Los Angeles, Latinos made up much of the work force. And in the Carolinas, Hmong immigrants filled textile manufacturing jobs well into the 1990s, halting — or at least delaying — the migration of jobs overseas, said Rachel Willis, an American studies professor at the University of North Carolina.
Now, here in Minnesota, immigrants are once again being seen as the new hope.
Wanted: English and Math
Last fall, Lifetrack, a nonprofit group in St. Paul that helps immigrants, people on welfare and those with disabilities, began screening clients for possible admission to the sewing training program. Inside a gray-green room in a building on the edge of a four-lane road, people gathered around three tables: Burmese women at one of them, Ethiopian men at another, and at the back of the room an African-American woman, then 61, and a white man, 60, both born in America.
The first task was for students to test their English and math proficiency. Language skills are essential so workers can communicate with their bosses, but math skills are just as important in textile work because sewing requires precise measurements. As the students worked on the proficiency tests, Tatjana Hutnyak, Lifetrack’s director of business development, went over the basics.
Starting wages: $12 and $16 an hour. Transportation: The college, Dunwoody College of Technology, is on a bus line, but if students interview with a company not on a bus line, Lifetrack will help them get there. After passing career-readiness tests, students could qualify for the course, which would give them a certificate in industrial sewing — and, ideally, a job.
“They want to have a career rather than packaging, assembling, cleaning jobs,” said a Lifetrack manager, Dagim Gemeda, explaining why clients were interested in the sewing certification.
The Burmese women had come to Minnesota after spending time in refugee camps in Thailand. Paw Done had done piece work, sewing at home while she watched her children. The others had little sewing experience.
The Ethiopian men, who ranged in age from 21 to 42, had been in this country several years. A couple were students, one was a former custodian who had moved from another state to be close to his college-bound son, and a fourth, Abdulhakim Tahiro, had been laid off from his job at an airport car rental kiosk.
“It’s good, for my level it’s good,” Mr. Tahiro said of the starting wages.
Mr. Tahiro and Ms. Done enrolled in the course that started last January, when about half of the class were immigrants. Another student in the course, Patricia Ramon, 56, was an entrepreneur in Mexico with sewing experience. Ms. Ramon already had a job as a sewer at J. W. Hulme, but quit to take the course with the goal of obtaining certification. She wanted proof, she said, that she had technical skills.
“I am not like an old-time seamstress,” Ms. Ramon said. She expects to sew as a career, and said that making $16 an hour with health insurance would be enough to live on.
The students who were not immigrants often had difficult work histories or other problems. One of them was Lawrence Corbesia, the man sitting at the back table during the screening session. He was a former machine operator and custodial worker who had been looking for work for three months.
Another was Edward Johnson, 44, who was homeless when the course started. After food service and call-center jobs, he went to prison for felony assault, and had a tough time finding a job when he got out in 2009. He moved to Wisconsin to pick fruit, moved back to Minneapolis because he hated picking fruit, and was living on the streets and selling watercolor paintings when a homeless-center counselor hooked him up with the sewing program.
Until now, the only sewing experience Mr. Johnson had was sewing on buttons — a punishment meted out by his mother when he misbehaved. To save money, Mr. Johnson walked the 45 minutes to and from the college.
The program was overwhelming at first, he said, “so frustrating that sometimes I’d go home crying.” But he spent days at the library, watching YouTube videos on sewing techniques and studying terms used by the industry. By the end, it had gotten easier, he said, making pajamas, tote bags and aprons.
So many people are on government assistance, he said. “I’d rather learn a trade and go to work — and work,” he said.
By Margaret Cheatham Williams
For Edward Johnson, 44, a criminal record made it hard for him to get a job. He turned to an industrial sewing program after enduring bouts of homelessness and unemployment.
A Long-Term Solution
Manufacturers elsewhere are also trying to build a new labor pool.
In a former glove factory in Conover, N.C., the Manufacturing Solutions Center has touch screens showing the technologies that textile manufacturers use today, while new machines spool out printed fabric. In Pennsylvania, a work force investment board has started a program with plant tours, YouTube videos of workers and a Web site promising that “contrary to popular opinion, many good jobs in manufacturing are still available.”
Other industry groups have created a curriculum for high schools on manufacturing, including Manufacturing Day, with factory tours for school groups.
Still the difficulty attracting young people frustrates Debra Kerrigan, a dean at Dunwoody overseeing the Minnesota program.
“I think it’s just the idea of, ‘Oh, I’m a sewer,’ that doesn’t thrill the average young individual today,” she said. “Skills for a lot of different industries are coming back now, machinists and automotive workers and sewers. I think if you have a skill when the economy gets bad, you’re more likely to succeed than someone who doesn’t.”
Compared with the other courses Dunwoody offers — graphic design, Web programming, robotics — sewing can seem a little old school, students say. But Elizabeth Huber, 22, who took a break from the University of Minnesota to take the sewing course, said that can also be a selling point.
Elizabeth Huber, 22, and several Makers Coalition students completing sewing samples.
Margaret Cheatham Williams/The New York Times
Elizabeth Huber, 22, and several Makers Coalition students completing sewing samples.
“I like getting back to making things, to touching and manipulating materials rather than just pushing buttons or tweeting all day,” she said.
As the sewing course drew to a close, members of the Makers Coalition were jostling for the 18 graduates. Don Boothroyd at Kellé, a firm that makes dance costumes, hoped to snag 10 of them. J. W. Hulme wanted five, and was considering covering a student’s tuition for another course exchange for a contract promising that the student would work at Hulme for one year. Airtex hoped for five to 10 students.
But only nine students completed the course — many dropped out for personal reasons, or decided they just weren’t interested in the work — and eight got jobs. The coalition is now revamping the curriculum to focus more on hands-on work and machine maintenance.
Airtex decided it could not afford to wait for the coalition’s training program to work out its kinks. So, as the course proceeded, Airtex redoubled its efforts to find people who had some background in sewing. Mr. Miller and Ms. Shields offered a bonus to existing employees who brought in friends. They hosted an open house for prospective workers, and tried to think of groups they had not approached before — like a nonprofit that works with people with disabilities.
“I had a guy driving me to the airport the other day,” Mr. Miller said, “and he mentioned he knows a lot of people in the Cambodian community and I should call his pastor.”
Finally, Airtex decided it had to pay for training itself, even if that meant the company was less profitable for a while. It trains workers for a few hours a week, with a technical-college instructor and existing employees instructing new ones on topics like ergonomics and handling tricky materials. Airtex has since made 10 new hires for floor jobs, none of whom were highly experienced.
“The reality is, if we want good workers we know we have to train them and bring them in ourselves,” Ms. Shields said.
The factory floor now seems less barren because there are 25 sewing stations (there is still room for another 25). And most significantly, the additional workers mean the company can take on new work: Airtex has tripled its capacity, and is now making about 70 percent of its products in the United States.

國民黨堅持提出「再抗告」想拚出「超乎預期」的審判 (顏厥安)

台大法律系教授顏厥安︰藍再抗告 想拚出「超乎預期」的審判

高 等法院駁回國民黨對王金平黨權抗告案,國民黨律師團仍堅持提出「再抗告」。台大法律系教授顏厥安(見圖,資料照)昨天受訪表示,高院裁定符合法界認知,再 抗告翻盤機率不高,反而讓地院遲遲無法開始本案訴訟,對國民黨不見得有利;國民黨再抗告應是政治考量,希望「速戰速決」讓王金平直接喪失黨籍,即使賠上司 法公信力也在所不惜。
顏厥安指 出,台北地院已受理王金平提出確認黨籍存在之訴,國民黨應回歸本案訴訟,還有一搏空間;固然訴訟曠日廢時,國民黨即使一審勝訴,王金平仍可上訴,對國民黨 主觀期待而言緩不濟急,但這本來就是正常法律程序,國民黨應該接受。「對一個人的權利做出這麼大的損害,怎能連最基本的法律保障空間都不給?台灣又不是專 制國家!」
顏 厥安並以二千年美國總統大選驗票爭議做為對比。他說,當年民主黨候選人高爾在法律上完全站得住腳,也有相當高的民意基礎可以繼續打法律戰,但為了國家整體 利益選擇罷手,「這是一個睿智、負責任的領袖所做的決定」;馬英九卻堅持提再抗告,為了個人因素,不惜賠上司法公信力。
國家違法濫權 形同使用暴力

蘋論:羅瑩雪失言 / 黃世銘又爆 9/6後與馬仍有通話


新 上任的法務部長羅瑩雪轎子還沒坐穩,就發言失當。前幾天受訪時說:特偵組「沒有監聽國會的主觀犯意」;還說特偵組監聽立院是「行政疏失」。法務部的監聽案 調查小組還沒上路,部長已有定見做出裁決,要這小組做啥?民主國家碰到這種大案,一定是由國會組成調查團,才能較公正地進行,由行政系統自己調查自己,左 手辦右手,像洪仲丘案那樣由國防部軍法處辦自己人,哪有正義可言?所以才修法把一般性軍人違法事件交由民間司法機構審判。重大行政違法百分之百應由國會組 織調查團,而非由法務部右手辦左手。


羅 瑩雪的未審先判,球員兼裁判,已足夠讓人質疑她的大腦是否有洞;對於立委要求黃世銘停職接受調查,羅部長說:停不停職不是重點,停職也需要有法律依據。看 看美、歐、日的政界人物,犯下如此大罪首先就停職,避免證據被毀,連中國抓貪腐都先停職看管,台灣人情味真濃,賴素如涉嫌貪污案已不去市議會上班,竟還領 300多萬元,這是什麼國家?所以停職當然是重點,以免當事人可以自由進出辦公室毀滅證據,或與同事做些安排。
雖然昨國民黨的抗告案再度失敗,但絕不表示王金平與柯建銘沒有關說之事實。問題是馬不認為不分區立委是獨立的,不能以黨紀消滅不分區立委的立委資 格,否則將如黃維幸所提出的警告,總統也是政黨提名當選,該黨的幾名考紀委可以表決通過撤銷總統的黨籍,就理所當然地開除千百萬選民選出的總統嗎?即使總 統違法亂紀,可罷免、可彈劾,但不可由黨來動手。



黃世銘又爆 9/6後與馬仍有通話

日 來因非法監聽等飽受各界質疑的檢察總長黃世銘,昨晚結束他在立院長達8個半小時的備詢後,向《蘋果》記者自爆,他除了8月31日及9月1日面見馬總統外, 在9月6日特偵組開完記者會後,馬總統也曾打電話給他,但他不願進一步說明談話內容及通話次數。府方昨晚坦承,9月6日後總統「的確有數次打電話給檢察總 長黃世銘」。
馬王政治風暴,黃世銘向馬總統是否違憲越級報告,備受批評,並被譏為「東廠」,而他與馬總統見過幾次面,黃世銘則從9月9日承認向總 統報告「只有這一件」,到9月25日在立院被柯建銘質詢時,再爆見馬2次,昨又自爆與馬通聯。黃和馬總統的互動次數愈爆愈多,在野黨立委昨一片譁然。



台灣多個團體發起反總統馬英九抗議示威 Wiretapping, China Policy Fuel Taiwan Protesters’ Discontent


更新時間 2013年9月29日, 格林尼治標準時間12:52

(撰稿:羅玲 責編:路西)

Wiretapping, China Policy Fuel Taiwan Protesters’ Discontent

Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
Demonstrators wore masks of the face of Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou in front of the National Dr. Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall in Taipei on Sunday.
European Pressphoto Agency
A protester denounced President Ma on Sunday.
Chen San-chi stood in a wide straw hat, facing the police barricades at a protest Sunday in downtown Taipei.
The 53-year-old construction worker hadn’t been to a political protest in decades. But he took a 1.5-hour train ride in from Miaoli County in central Taiwan on Sunday morning to join thousands of protesters outside President Ma Ying-jeou’s residence.
“The wiretapping is what I cannot accept,” he said, his teeth flashing red from the juice of betel nuts, a tobacco-like chew popular in Taiwan’s smaller towns, referencing recent revelations that a division of the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office tapped legislators’ telephones.
According to police estimates, the crowd in the streets Sunday swelled to as many as 5,500. The wiretapping controversy as well as Mr. Ma’s pursuit of closer trade ties with China has left many Taiwanese concerned about the direction of their democratic island.
That Mr. Ma found the protests a potential threat was evident in his decision to delay the 19th National Congress of his ruling Kuomintang, also known as the Chinese Nationalist Party, from its original date Sunday to late October.
The protests were fueled partly by recent revelations that the Special Investigations Division tapped legislators’ phones. President Ma has said the wiretappings, if conducted legally, were necessary for an investigation into improper lobbying. Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng was captured in various phone recordings allegedly lobbying the justice minister and chief prosecutor over a case involving another legislator, according to the SID. No charges have been filed against Mr. Wang, the justice minister or the chief prosecutor, and the three have denied allegations that Mr. Wang improperly lobbied.
But Mr. Huang apologized Saturday night in a hastily arranged news conference for having “created confusion in society,” and said his division had unintentionally wiretapped the switchboard number of Taiwan’s legislature for four months.
As with Edward Snowden’s revelation of extensive wiretapping in the U.S., the incident has raised fears of state invasion of privacy in Taiwan.
It has also stirred up bitter memories of the island’s era of martial law under the KMT that lasted from 1949 until 1987, during which dissent was not tolerated. Some protesters in Taiwan suspect that Mr. Ma’s administration took to wiretapping in an attempt to remove Mr. Wang, a political rival and a senior member of the KMT with considerable clout, from office. Mr. Ma has denied the case had any political motivation.
On Sunday, protesters also said they were concerned about Taiwan’s general direction, especially closer ties in recent years to Beijing, which still holds reunification as its ultimate goal. Taiwan’s economic malaise compared with neighbors like South Korea is also a sore point, especially since many citizens voted for Mr. Ma because he promised economic growth.
About a month ago, the government trimmed its GDP growth target for the year to 2.31% from 2.40%. Wage growth has lagged inflation over the past decade, economists say.
“We knew Ma Ying-jeou was going to bring Taiwan closer to China, but we thought it would maybe happen near the end of his second term [which would end in 2016],” said Neil Peng, a screenwriter who gave a speech to protesters Sunday from the roof of a green truck rigged with megaphones. “It has happened a lot faster.”
In keeping with Taiwan’s tradition of colorful political protests, the demonstrators on Sunday threw old shoes at pictures of Mr. Ma and other officials, took turns clambering up on the megaphone-equipped trucks to lead shouts of slogans, and passed out stickers reading “F— the government.”
–Eva Dou

2013年9月29日 星期日

科技公司涌入越南Tech Firms Flock to Vietnam


越南河內北面的稻田和喀斯特地形石灰岩之間開一家韓國餐館,聽上去似乎是高風險的生意,但Le Thi Huyen開在這里的小餐館生意可謂蒸蒸日上。

其中原因何在?韓國公司三星電子(Samsung Electronics Co.)正在將越南打造為其最大的境外生產基地之一,生產價值數十億美元的高人氣Galaxy智能手機和平板電腦系列,而三星的工程師和管理人員對于韓國烤肉、石鍋拌飯以及其他家鄉風味渴盼不已。

James Hookway/The Wall Street Journal
Le Thi Huyen在北寧經營的一家韓式餐館,為附近一家三星電子大型工廠的員工提供家鄉風味的餐飲。
Huyen 的餐館每天都擠滿了韓國客人,還有少數好奇的越南人。31歲的Huyen說,三星確實幫助提高了這里的收入。她在北寧(Bac Ninh)還開了兩家韓國餐館,距離三星最大的工廠之一距離相當近。目前她計劃在太原(Thai Nguyen)附近開設第三家,三星正在那里興建一個規模20億美元的設施,是其在世界上規模最大的制造廠。

三星目前在越南出口總額中所 占份額超過10%。LG電子(LG Electronics Inc.)、英特爾(Intel Corp.)和富士康(Foxconn)等其他全球知名品牌也加大了在越南的投資,為發展中國家歷史上最快的經濟轉型之一提供助力。越南出口的智能手機和 電腦元件開始取代咖啡、服裝和蝦的出口。

國際咨詢機構麥肯錫(McKinsey & Co.)注意到這個由共產黨領導的全球經濟小角落是如何能夠在工業化如今以較以往更快的速度推進(尤其是在更新換代速度非常快的高科技行業)之際受益的。 麥肯錫在一份報告中說,日本企業用了40年才爬上全球價值鏈的頂端,韓國企業僅用了30年。華為等中國企業僅用了20年的時間就取得了這樣的成績。

擔 任世界銀行(World Bank)駐越南首席經濟學家至今的米什拉(Deepak Mishra)指出,一些專家認為越南的制造業可能正處于中國在上世紀90年代末高科技產品出口突然騰飛的階段。而這一趨勢不僅出現在硬件領域。一些科技 初創公司正在推動越南成為亞洲軟件開發領域的參與者,與此同時,越南高中學生的電腦技能令谷歌(Google Inc.)經驗豐富的工程師大為贊嘆。


荷蘭國際集團(ING)駐新加坡的亞太經濟學家康迪天(Tim Condon)說,他不確定越南是否真的在通過這種趨勢獲得價值。

越 南官員在這個初期階段認為這波外商投資熱潮有助于使越南經濟在長達10年的信貸繁榮期在2010年結束后保持穩定發展,信貸泡沫的破滅曾產生了一系列貨幣 貶值影響,進而推動越南通脹率飆升至20%以上。現在他們正準備迎接更多的投資者。太原省的地方官員戰勝了越南其他地區,成功說服三星在他們那里興建第三 座工廠,該省向三星提供了16年的稅收優惠措施。越南總理阮晉勇(Nguyen Tan Dung)還談到,越南重點致力于從日本等國引進投資者,以幫助該國進行設施升級,從而推動其科技行業的增長。



據 總部設在河內的創業孵化平台Topica稱,今年在東南亞,只有新加坡有較好的科技企業家創立公司,然后成功向外部投資者出售股份的記錄。在游戲行業,總 部設在河內的Emobi推出了基于1954年胡志明(Ho Chi Minh)戰勝法國殖民者的奠邊府戰役的視頻游戲。一些公司仍取得了更好的表現。FPT Software現在已躋身全球科技外包公司100強,年營收超過10億美元。

有些初創企業的表現并沒有這么好。一個政府創立的旨在搶奪 Facebook用戶的社交媒體網站還沒有真正實現“起飛”。谷歌和雅虎(Yahoo Inc.)等公司抱怨越南政府對網上言論的限制對該國電子商務的發展不利。目前已有35位博客作者被送入監獄,數量僅次于排名第一的中國。


谷歌軟件工程師弗雷澤(Neil Fraser)近期曾前往越南度假,越南中部峴港一所學校學習計算機科學的學生展現的技術技能令他感到驚訝。他說,那里五年級學生的水平相當于美國11年級學生的水平,他預計越南11年級學生有一半能通過谷歌的面試。




Tech Firms Flock to Vietnam

Opening up a Korean restaurant among the rice fields and limestone karsts north of Hanoi might seem a risky business, but Le Thi Huyen is doing a roaring trade at her bistro here.

The reason? Samsung Electronics Co., the South Korean firm, is building up Vietnam as one of its largest offshore production bases, churning out billions of dollars worth of its popular Galaxy series of smartphones and tablets, and its engineers and managers are hungry for bulgogi, bibimbap and other tastes of home.

Each day, Ms. Huyen's restaurants are packed with South Korean customers, as well as a smattering of curious Vietnamese. 'Samsung has really helped improve incomes around here,' says Ms. Huyen, 31 years old, who has opened a pair of Korean restaurants in Bac Ninh, a stone's throw from one of Samsung's largest factories. She's now planning on opening a third in nearby Thai Nguyen, where Samsung is building a $2 billion facility, its biggest manufacturing plant anywhere in the world.

Samsung now accounts for more than 10% of Vietnam's total exports. Other global names such as LG Electronics Inc., 066570.SE -1.11% Intel Corp. INTC -1.22% and Foxconn are also stepping up investments and helping to accelerate one of the developing world's fastest-ever economic transformations as Vietnam's shipments of smartphones and computer parts begin to overtake exports of coffee, garments and shrimp.

International consultancy McKinsey & Co. notes how this Communist-run corner of the global economy could benefit from the way industrialization can happen faster today than it did in the past, especially in high-technology businesses where new trends quickly set root and leapfrog older ways of doing things. While Japanese firms took 40 years to climb to the top of the global value chain, South Korean firms took only 30 years, McKinsey wrote in a report. Chinese firms such as Huawei achieved the same feat in 20 years.

Deepak Mishra, until recently the World Bank's lead economist in Vietnam, notes that some experts 'argue that Vietnam's manufacturing sector is perhaps at the stage where China was in the late 1990s, when high-tech exports suddenly took off.' And it isn't just on the hardware side. A number of new tech startups are turning Vietnam into a player on the Asian software development scene, while the computers of its high-school students are wowing seasoned Google Inc. engineers.

Some economists say that despite the trickle-down effects of workers shifting from agriculture to higher-paying factory jobs, the broader economic impact of booming investment figures isn't yet clear. Samsung, which declined to comment for this article, and other manufacturers largely assemble products from components made elsewhere.

'I'm not sure Vietnam is really adding value from this just yet,' says Tim Condon, Asia-Pacific economist at ING in Singapore.

Vietnamese officials at this early stage credit the wave of foreign investments for helping to keep the economy afloat after a decadelong credit boom popped in 2010, triggering a series of currency devaluations that sent inflation rates spiraling over 20%. They are now laying out the welcome mat for more investors. Local officials in Thai Nguyen province outbid other parts of the country to persuade Samsung to build its third plant there, offering up to 16 years of tax breaks. Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung also talks about Vietnam's focus on bringing in investors from Japan and elsewhere to help upgrade its infrastructure to enable its technology sector to grow.

'We're aiming for top quality investments,' he said in a written response to questions.

The mushrooming of local tech startups, meanwhile, suggests that making smartphones could just be one sign of a broader shift toward developing technology-related industries in Vietnam, where the median age of its 92 million people is a youthful 26.

In Southeast Asia this year, only Singapore has a better record of tech entrepreneurs starting companies and then successfully selling stakes to outside investors, according to Hanoi-based startup incubator Topica. In the gaming sector, Hanoi-based Emobi launched a videogame world-wide based on Ho Chi Minh's famous victory over French colonists at the battle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954. Some firms are doing better still. FPT Software is now among the world's top-100 companies in the field of technology outsourcing, with annual revenues of more than $1 billion.

Others aren't faring quite so well. A government-started social media site designed to draw users away from Facebook hasn't really taken off, and firms such as Google and Yahoo Inc. complain that government restrictions on what can and can't be said on the Internet has chilled the growth of e-commerce in the country. Currently, 35 bloggers are in prison, the highest number in the world after China.

Yet the renewed focus that many Vietnamese schools are placing on teaching computer science suggests there could be better news in the pipeline.

Neil Fraser, a software engineer at Google, recently visited Vietnam on vacation and marveled at the technological skills displayed by computer science students at a school in Danang, in central Vietnam. Fifth-graders, he said, were performing at the level of 11th-graders in the U.S., while he estimated that around half of the Vietnamese 11th-graders could pass the Google interview test.

'To say I was impressed is an understatement,' Mr. Fraser said.

He spent some of his holiday writing fresh educational software for the school, and then when to an ATM to withdraw enough money to cover the annual salary for an additional computer science teacher. The amount spoke volumes about Vietnam's appeal: Just $1,200.


民主之恥: 我們的監聽風暴比水門案嚴重(尼克森只監聽民主黨開 會,而非監聽國會)(蘋論/江春男)




馬 總統的口頭禪是「依法行政」,但馬竟不追究特偵組的「違法行政」,只因黃世銘提供了王金平的關說證據。便宜行事的投機心理,與扁一樣是馬人格特質的致命 傷,顯示他對依法行政的信仰並不虔誠。此外,2008年馬在就職演說中承諾:「台灣的民主將不會再有非法監聽」,結果馬自打耳光,食言而肥。更糟的是,這 場監聽風暴放在任何先進的民主國家,都必然引爆政潮,一定一大票人下台,甚至可能包括總統(水門案)。我們的監聽風暴比水門案嚴重(尼克森只監聽民主黨開 會,而非監聽國會),至今沒有人辭職下台負責,真是不要臉哪!調查非法監聽案應由立法院成立調查小組,而非由法務部成立調查小組,以免官官相護。
很多人對連續不斷的關說──監聽案的轟炸性報導煩透了,懷念起兩蔣時代的秩序與紀律,並且認為中共的統治方式比台灣好。如果我們靜下心來觀察,台 灣很多爭議都是轉型正義尚未全面化所造成的。黨國體制留下太多地雷,民主化後那些以前因時制宜的議題之非理性部分被凸顯出來,必須經過爭吵的過程才能修 法、廢法或立法來適應新的政治社會體制。此刻曝光的議題是關說和監聽,必須以修法來結束此次的爭議。


廢 除《出版法》、《刑法》第100條、訂定公職人員財產來源不明罪……很多的改革都是先出現體制變化後產生的矛盾點,經過不斷地爭議及民眾的反饋,最終以更 動法律結束爭吵。這是正確解決問題的模式,屬於巨大政治工程下的諸多小工程技術問題,必須有耐性逐步處理,不必懷憂喪志,因小失大。





檢察總長奔總統官邸,密報國會議長案件,總統以如此片面而可疑的資料,立刻出手拔除國會議長黨籍,特偵組肆無忌憚地監聽國會議長和議員,這一連串 的事實,都是9月政爭的副產品。說起來,黃世銘有功於民主,如果不是他的心態和他的狗腿,台灣人不知道特偵組可以如此濫權監聽,如此無法無天。


「這 不是關說,什麼是關說?」這句話已被改為「這不是非法監聽,什麼是非法監聽?」馬英九說他在位一天,絕對不容許非法監聽,結果卻靠這種非法監聽,要王金平 一刀斃命。關說是司法問題,但非法監聽則是民主之恥。出現這種自愛自憐,治國無方,滿身虛假的總統,無以言之,也許有人說是身為台灣人的悲哀,不過,這種 悲哀是自找的,不能怪他。

2013年9月28日 星期六

特偵組 黃世銘等人監聽立法院4個月/準確看待「九月政治整肅事件」(盧世祥)

監聽醜聞 朝野立委 要黃世銘下台

檢察總長黃世銘昨晚召開記者會,為上午特偵組否認監聽立法院總機的說法鞠躬道歉。朝野立委全面砲轟,要求黃世銘下台。 (中央社)
不只1個月 監聽立院4個月
〔記 者曾韋禎、林俊宏、蘇永耀、陳杉榮/台北報導〕馬英九發動政爭引爆特偵組濫權監聽醜聞,連立法院總機「○九七二六三○二三五」也在監聽之列,震驚全台。根 據台北地方法院發出的「通訊監察結束通知書」顯示,特偵組監聽立法院總機從五月十六日到九月九日,時間長達近四個月。面對特偵組「白色恐怖監聽吃到飽」, 朝野立委全面砲轟,要求檢察總長黃世銘下台。
特偵組昨早否認 黃昨晚道歉
516到909 月初馬發動追殺王
藍委開砲 批比水門案更嚴重


今 天九月二十九日,台灣政治社會很特別的日子。從南到北,公民團體、青年學生紛紛走上街頭,把矛頭對準主政者。他們不論穿黑衫、白衫或便衫,不分嗆聲、怒 罵、嘲諷、丟鞋、遊行或包圍,目標都直指執政當局。這一天,執政黨原定舉行全國代表大會,馬英九連任就職黨主席,卻因不敢面對「天下圍攻」而易地改期,黨 國大日子卻成為眾矢之的,凸顯了執政不得人心的現實。
執政五年四個月,馬英九總統幹得一團糟,儘管他本人絕不承認,卻是國人普遍的共識。只 是無能,搞到人民群起而攻之,對國家社會傷害已經不小,再加上邪惡,就更令國人難以忍受。尤其九月初以來,馬英九當家鬧事,一手主導鬥爭王金平的事件,被 指違憲違法。事件最終對台灣民主發展是福是禍,取決於國人能否慎思明辨,理性抉擇;今天的街頭活動,即是人民就此的具體表態。
只見馬鬥王 不見有王鬥馬
馬 英九以總統身分,透過身兼執政黨主席的操作,鬥爭立法院長王金平。這一事件,從「九月政爭」、「台灣水門案」、「滅王行動」、「星期五(九月六日發動的) 政治謀殺案」…,各方稱法不一,但歸結其本質,是「總統整肅國會議長」。總統整肅國會議長,在任何社會都屬大條代誌;「經濟學人」等歐美日主要媒體,因而 就此都做分析報導。在至今的演變中,只見馬傾黨國之力整肅王金平,王被迫回應自保。許多人常說「藍綠惡鬥」,實情卻總是藍鬥綠;這次「馬王惡鬥」,同樣只 見馬鬥王、未有王鬥馬。
民調九趴總統 馬自取其辱
事件主角 馬英九雖賣力演出,時而「臉上充滿仇恨」,但也不惜哽咽作態,頗有「影帝」架式,卻因手法拙劣,創下諸多不堪的紀錄。從結果論,馬英九因本案民調掉到九. 二%,是我國直選總統十七年以來最低。更難堪的,民事訴訟一審推翻他剷除異己的行動,而王金平不但未被鬥倒鬥臭,聲望還扶搖直上,在TVBS民調滿意度竟 是他的六倍;自取其辱,即此之謂也。
不堪的紀錄不只民調。由於整肅行動乖張、不合情理,政治評論者紛紛為他做性格與精神分析,有人論斷「馬 英九因『性壓抑』斬王金平」,更多人直覺「他瘋了」,還有人直言「瘋子已不適任總統和黨主席」。除了精神狀態普受質疑,民調支持度降為個位數的他,也以總 統之尊,創紀錄地給「兩台三報」媒體高層打電話關說,力求文宣反撲。此外,他質疑王金平「如果這不是關說,那什麼才是關說?」的句型流傳一時,不少人以其 人之道還治其人之身,質問他的整肅手法「如果這不是獨裁(濫權),那什麼才是獨裁(濫權) ?」
程序正義不顧 馬灰頭土臉
王 金平涉嫌關說司法案件,茲事體大,馬英九打著「大是大非」旗號,若非手段卑劣,未必不能得到國人正視。但是,整個行動證據不足、說服不夠、時機不對、法紀 不從,連應有的程序正義都不顧,以致搞到灰頭土臉。箇中癥結,「經濟學人」這一段反諷的話最貼切︰「雖然馬英九常被指無能,最近支持度的挫低,卻可歸因於 他展現少見的決斷力」。「軟腳馬」此番表現迥異往常,這又引起有「中國因素」介入的合理推斷;而且隨著越多真相曝光,整肅手法醜陋引發更多公憤。
相 較於王金平涉及關說的「罪證」不足,「控方」相干人等的毀憲亂政卻很確鑿︰馬英九黨國一把抓,跨越憲法紅線、私用黨國機器發動整肅;特偵組濫權違法監聽、 洩密,總長非法密報總統,淪為剷除異己的特務機構;行政院長參與政爭,再對國會議長適格性妄做議論,十足藐視國會。客觀情勢如此,當事人卻無絲毫反省檢 討,公眾乃以九.二%支持度或「九二共識」回應,表達不齒。
馬無能 從萬人迷到眾人譙
五 年來雖從「萬人迷」做到「眾人譙」,相信自己絕不會錯的馬英九仍堅持己見,事件因此在法律戰的同時,也加緊文宣戰。文宣戰主要在把事件定性為「司法關說」 弊案,訴諸道德。其次,強調法治應重於人情,整肅別無選擇,「是不得不的痛苦決定」。文宣戰還渲染閣揆到國會上不了台的「內耗」效應,一箭雙鵰對準議長及 反對黨。馬英九打電話給媒體高層,黨中央文宣一波接一波,所執行的仍是「政治乃高明騙術」、「謊話多說幾次可以成真」的老套。
不擇手段的整 肅行動如果得逞,受害的不僅是被總統鬥倒的國會議長和「陪葬」的法務部長,台灣民主也即退回威權,國會監督制衡職能再弱化,司法獨立更遙不可及,黨國意志 凌駕人民福祉。這一事件因此是攸關民主進退的嚴肅關鍵,相關憲政法治爭議應該釐清,毀憲亂政、特務治國的作為必須追究。今天台灣人民集結,對整肅有勁、執 政無能的主政者痛加撻伐,進而如影隨形,正是推進民主最具體而有力的行動。 (作者盧世祥是資深新聞工作者)

馬英九該知所進退(0911):蘋論:黃世銘請知所進退0928: 歹戲接連 要求馬即刻請辭下台: 且看馬英九所掀的政治風暴他如何收場 (金柚子)/馬英九聲望 已注定沉淪(林濁水)





馬 王政爭,每天都有新發展,從偵辦法官陳榮和案掛線監聽柯建銘,到監聽高檢署檢察官林秀濤以及她的女兒,昨天竟還傳出柯建銘的監聽是掛在前台南縣議長吳健保 的假釋關說案。面對極可能侵害人權的監聽作為,特偵組先射箭再畫靶,一次申請,竟然無限延伸,恣意濫權的程度,實在令人咋舌。


就算柯建銘真有所謂的關說罪行好了,這是《通保法》列舉的重罪嗎?為何柯一次被監聽500多天?林秀濤案從頭到尾都只是行政調查,為何連她女兒電 話都被錯聽了4天之久?黃世銘拿著監聽資料夜奔總統官邸已是違憲之舉,他所指揮的特偵組如此明目張膽違法監聽?這樣的檢察總長有幾頂烏紗帽可以摘?







台北扎記﹕掀政治風暴 馬英九恐難收場

09 - 11 05:00

【明報專訊】馬英九在事實未調查清楚之前便依據特偵組報告開記者會,極為嚴厲而毫無轉圜餘地抨擊立法院長王金平,掀起他上任以來最大一場政治風暴。 此一作為並不完全符合司法公正精神,更違反憲政體制,把政治鬥爭操弄成一場不堪聞問的醜劇,不止政治上難以收場,其未來歷史評價恐怕要在「無能」之外加上 更令他難堪的字眼。


王金平是否真有關說或施壓行為,尚未 經過調查與審判,馬就以總統之尊開記者會炮轟議長,對王未審先判,學法律出身還當過法務部長的馬英九對司法體制如此踐踏,令人瞠目結舌。假如最後審判結果 無不法之處,馬英九將何以自處?如果馬認為王的行為屬於政治上不妥或有悖黨紀,就應以黨主席身分在黨內處理,而非在總統府開記者會炮轟仍在國外的王金平。
馬 對王的決裂之舉並非一時衝動,特偵組早在8月31日便向馬報告王柯兩人電話內容,而王為出國參加女兒婚禮,於9月2日向馬告假,直到王於6日出國前,馬都 未為這件他認為是台灣「民主法治發展最為恥辱」的事件向王探詢。王一出國,特偵組立即開記者會公布電話監聽內容,特偵組的動作馬不會一無所知,隔日行政院 逼法務部長下台,馬接着於9月8日在總統府炮轟王,並公開要求他立即回國說明。從時序來看,馬有機會當面要王說明,卻延宕數日選在王尚在國外時才大動作炮 轟,政治鬥爭意圖昭然若揭,手段相當拙劣。
馬王二人心結早因競選黨主席而起,馬上任後政務推動績效不佳,民調支持度不斷下滑,馬顯然把責任 都推在王的身上,認為王在黨內挾其人望與民意挑戰自己權威,利用立法院長職權與在野黨暗通款曲,令行政院所提法案與政務推動遭遇困難,若不換掉立法院長, 顯然難以挽救其權威與執政績效。


馬的重話既出,與王決裂 的態勢幾無轉圜可能,司法上必須要有個可以服人的結果,否則這種打亂憲政體制的大震盪,最後要震倒馬自己。其次在立法院長的人事與黨內權力重組上,馬也要 有足夠的佈局,否則沒有像王這樣的角色在國會調合鼎鼐,法案與政務推動將難上加難。眼前兩岸服貿協議正準備在立院闖關,核四公投提案在即,議會正是多事之 秋,大戰之前用粗糙的政治鬥爭手段搞掉陣前大將,留下的殘局恐非馬的能力可以收拾,未來政局要靡爛到什麼程度,令人難以想像。

焦點評論:馬英九聲望 已注定沉淪(林濁水)



王 金平機場記者會以濫權上訴回擊馬總統關說的控訴鏗鏘有力,很能打動小老百姓的心,王強調對黨的忠貞,立場堅定,希望能出席今天考紀會,國民黨考紀會要怎樣 做決定已陷入極度的困窘之中。在這一個風暴之中,國民黨以濫權關說做攻擊主軸,民進黨從程序正義攻擊非法監聽,王金平以濫權上訴回擊,3樣訴求,顯然以王 訴求最有力。


但 關說證據是特偵組非法監聽來的,於是政界掀起了一番非法監聽與司法關說的對決。不過,台灣社會不比西方世界,一旦涉及官司,對取證,判決時,程序正義和實 質正義哪一個優先支持往往相持不下,於是完全忽略整個關說和監聽發生的源頭:全民電通背信案,根本是一個邪惡的政治冤案。
總 統府說王金平打電話給曾、陳、柯時司法就陷入了屈辱,其實更早,當全民電通案被起訴時司法就陷入了屈辱。到了特偵組偵辦不上訴的檢察官時,司法進一步被踐 踏。遇到冤案,總統不但不主持正義,還堅持這一個骯髒邪惡的冤案不可以判無罪必須上訴,否則法務部長,國會議長必須下台時,司法已經死了!


大 總統拉下議長的第二個巧門,議長是國民黨不分區立委,一旦被開除黨藉,就會失去立委身分,連帶議長的位置也沒有了,這手法表面看來聰明絕頂;只是,王金平 立委身分固然來自於國民黨的提名,但他議長身分則來自於支持他的國會議員一票一票投出來的,大總統逼退他的正當性就大有問題。


政爭》網路出現連署 要求馬即刻請辭下台 【09:54】


 連署文指出,馬英九為打擊政敵,竟以總統之尊,採取非法違憲、違反人權手段,逾越憲法職權,竊聽國會議長及在野黨團幹部,還把自己的犯罪行為正當化,親 上火線,進行政治清算鬥爭。這是台灣法治發展史上最恥辱的行為,我們如果不能嚴正面對,要求這種總統下台,台灣將走向無限沉淪。


 連署文說明,馬英九此舉的目的,是為了摧毀憲法賦予代表全國民意的國會,可以執行監督總統與行政機關違法亂紀的功能;這已嚴重侵害台灣民主、人權與法治 的規範與價值,我們認為這位絲毫不尊重民主法治的馬先生,嚴重涉及破壞憲政體制與國家安全,已經沒有資格擔任民主台灣的總統,負責維護台灣的主權、民主法 治與人民生命及財產安全。

2013年9月27日 星期五





【短片】劉櫂豪質詢黃世銘 全文逐字稿

【綜 合報導】馬王政爭爆發以來,特偵組的合法性一直飽受質疑。9月25日檢察總長黃世銘赴立院備詢,遭立委連番砲轟。其中民進黨立委劉櫂豪13分中的質詢,不 僅口條清晰有邏輯,更是鏗鏘有力,網友大為推崇,直說劉櫂豪這番質詢內容,讓沒有法律背景的人,也可以簡單的了解馬總統跟檢察總長黃世銘到底錯在哪裡,更 有熱心網友逐字聽打,全文如下:

劉櫂豪(以下簡稱「劉」):總長我想今天一早上許多委員提出許多質疑跟砲聲,我想說你在這段時間對台灣的 法治教育有相當大的貢獻,因為這段時間特偵組特別是你自己的言行,讓我們國人可以很嚴肅的,無論他是不是唸法律系的學生,特別是唸法律系的學生,大家可以 非常嚴肅的來思考幾件事情。

憲法第四十二條保障人民秘密通訊的自由,到底他的真意是什麼?到底我們通訊監察及保障法裡面規定,第二條裡面 規定,監聽是最後手段性的原則是什麼?憲法四十四條規定總統在院跟院之間的糾紛他扮演的角色是什麼?三權分立真正的意義是什麼?還有特偵組的存廢的時機大 家認真的去思考?到底檢察官在偵查過程當中,他的洩密跟行政長官之間的分際是什麼?在非法取得的證據的證據力,也就是我們常說的毒果樹理論,到底他的規範 的目的是什麼?


我 想這段期間特偵組,特別是黃總長,你的言行讓我們人民認真的思考以下這幾個問題。總長我請教你一下,你身為檢察長,你轄下的檢察官他因為職棒簽賭案件在監 聽過程中發現另外一件有可能涉及販毒的案件時,你認為基於你的指揮權,你會叫他繼續監聽?還是要申請另外一個案號來申請監聽票?



你 說不用另外立案,你把所有刑事訴訟法翻出來看,哪一個說你可以不用立案?監聽法的規定裡面,第二條規定這是最後手段性原則,要針對具體案件,因為通訊監察 保障,你不要忘了,他開宗名義規定,他就是怕國家機器伸進去我們憲法所保障人民有秘密通訊自由,有這個最基本不能去撼動的基本人權,所以他規範了。與其說 是給檢察機關、警察機關監聽的權力,事實上更明確的是在規範、限制你們濫用這樣的權力。

你怎麼可以跟我說實務上,那你的意思是說這樣擴 限、漫無目的的只要有一個賭博案件在監聽,即便監聽多久、即便監聽任何案件,實務上你也允許他這樣存在。所以你在這裡已經昭告我們所有人說,通訊監察保障 法裡面的規定,對你來講不具參考價值啊,連參考價值都沒有。我非常訝異,總長,那你給我明確回答一句,你轄下檢察官現在在偵查一件職棒簽賭案件,後來發現 有另外一個販毒集團,那麼你認為這個檢察官應該另外立案號申請監聽票嗎?還是不用?






















劉: 總長,你要把自己的時間兜攏,你在九月六號才把這個案子具體結束,說這個案子沒有刑事不法,我非常訝異,因為你在法界德高望重啦,那以前即便有人對你有什 麼評議,因為我沒有親身經歷過,我沒有辦法對你過去的言行做個評論,即便很多新聞記者私底下問我,但是在這個事情當中,我看你對外的發表言論,我非常訝異 你竟然舉例你跟馬總統報告是根據憲法第四十四條?

總長,我們今天憲法第四十四條,不要說是個念法律的人,即便沒有念法律的人,他用白話文 來念,憲法第四十四條規定總統對於院與院之間的爭執本憲法有規定外,得召開院與院之間的協商解決之。請問這哪一個規定總長有這樣的權力有這樣的義務有這樣 的責任,你要去跟總統報告,特別是你八月三十號報告時,這個刑事案件還在進行當中耶!

總長,我非常訝異,因為你在法界德高望重,也許在立 法院是彼此針鋒相對的地方,但是我認為你缺少你愧對我們念法律的,特別是那些莘莘學子,有多少人是抱著對法律的憧憬、對公平正義的追求理想而來,但是他們 現在等待你一個道歉跟說明,你已經明文講這個刑事案件進行當中,我們特偵組的這些檢察官同仁們為了你,還有你自己講,用憲法第四十四條來說明的時候,其實 我知道你內心也知道,你那個時間點已經錯了,不然我們給你一個月的時間,你找全台灣所有念憲法的學者,不管他是藍色綠色,請問他用憲法第四十四條可以支持 你去跟馬總統報告嗎?你找不到啦,我保證給你一年你都找不到有這樣的學者敢,即便他的政治立場再怎麼樣偏向國民黨,他也寫不出這樣的論文說因為憲法第四十 四條的規定,所以檢察總長在刑事案件進行中可以向總統報告。我非常訝異啊!

總長,我們不熟識,但我寧可相信在你內心有一顆非常良善的心, 就如同你幾十年前投身法律一樣,你跟許多念法律的莘莘學子對公平正義有個憧憬要去追求,但是在這裡我身為立法委員,身為你司法官的後進的學弟,我要說我們 在追求的過程當中,不代表我們自己是正義的化身,我們是盡我們的能力在追求公平正義,但是我們絕對不可能化為正義之神!








黃 總長,這個時間完全是你自己講,你不要在這裡硬掰了啦!立法院有個好處,我們所有言行舉止都會在這裡錄音、錄影,二十年後、三十年後,所有人只要他們願意 都可以看到我們這段談話,他會清清楚楚的看到,認為台灣最高的檢察總長竟然說,在刑事案件進行當中他可以去向總統報告,如果你這個邏輯理論可以正確,那你 應該昭告所有的檢察官,只要在刑事案件進行中,你只要不跟當事人講,你可以跟新聞記者講,你可以跟你的家人講,你可以投書,因為你只要不跟當事人講就好 了。


2013年9月24日 星期二


Ads by Google
New Themeland in HKDisney Park.HongKongDisneyland.com
Join World Exlcusive Mystic Point and Unlock the Mysterious Adventure
也 正因如此,所以最近幾天,包括香港的「鳳凰衛視」、「南華早報」等重要媒體都好意的打電話來訪問,我都坦白的回覆說「馬英九已經瘋了」。我所謂的「瘋」, 不是精神醫學上的「瘋」,而是權力病理學上的「瘋」。那幾位香港記者都程度不錯,當我說「馬英九已經瘋了」,他們都聽得懂,並發出會心的微笑。
近 代對權力病理學的研究已相當深入。特別是學者和知識份子早已注意到「昏君」變成「暴君」的心理機制。當一個昏庸的領導人造成國事日非,這個昏君一定不會自 我反省,而會以種種陰謀論將責任「諉罪」(Blame)於別人。當他的這種「諉罪」之心出現,於是「昏君」很快就會變成「暴君」。當年的明末最後一個亡國 皇帝崇禎,他自己昏庸誤國,但最後他卻認為是「諸臣誤我」,於是一切良臣武將全都被逐被殺,只剩沒有良心的吹牛拍馬等親信圍繞在身旁。一個大權在握的昏 君,「諉罪」於別人是個太好用最廉價的武器。這就是權力造成的瘋狂。因此,十八世紀英國著名的智慧詩人波普(A. pope)遂說:「最壞的瘋狂,是那種自以為最聰明的瘋子!」
當年的英國文豪薩繆爾.約翰森(Samuel Johnson)曾說過,對於這種權力的瘋子,我們應該:
─ 馬英九真正決定對王金平下手,是在八月份他前往中美洲訪問,過境美國時,馬和他的第一號親信、現任駐美代表的金小刀見了面。當時就已決定了「滅王大計」, 返回台灣後,馬又和另外的親信江宜樺、羅智強、黃世銘等三人,編好了「滅王劇本」。因此,馬鬥王的整個計畫,除了馬本人外,台灣政壇上的「四人幫」已由暗 處正式走上了台前,這四人就是金、江、羅、黃!
─馬對滅王大計自信滿滿,「四人幫」成員也態度張狂到極點。九月八日「滅王大計」正式展開 前,府內召開了五人小組會議。出席者有馬英九、吳敦義、行政院院長江宜樺、國民黨秘書長曾永權、總統府副秘書長羅智強。在那個會上,曾永權是個沒聲音的圈 外人,只有吳敦義對「滅王大計」唱反調,據內情人士所告知,吳因為唱了反調,曾受到江和羅的圍剿。知情人士表示,江和羅對吳的圍剿,口氣凶狠,完全不像是 對副元首談話,而像是長官在訓部下,最後馬居然與親信附和,暗示要吳閉嘴,那次五人小組會議後,馬還架著吳去開記者會。在那次記者會上,吳鐵青著臉,不發 一言。事後吳和親友說「我已觸怒了龍顏」,國民黨高層則已有人說,「這次是王金平,下次就是吳敦義!」
─ 馬這次動用司法機器,靠著非法監聽,而展開整肅式的權力鬥爭。這種方法在當代政治學裡,叫做「道德法西斯」,它是指沒有道德的權力者,透過非法違法的特務 監聽,蒐集政敵、反對黨及不滿人士的黑資料,然後擺出一副很有道德的面孔,將別人鬥垮鬥臭和進行權力的恐嚇及勒索。當年的美國聯邦調查局長胡佛,即為「道 德法西斯」的原型,他透過竊聽監聽,蒐集了三分之一國會議員的公私黑資料,因而可以為所欲為。他並竊聽到馬丁路德金恩召妓的床上錄音,希望藉此將金恩鬥垮 鬥臭。後來尼克森搞出水門案,就是受到了胡佛的啟發。美國總統居然用特務當工具搞出水門案,這乃是不可原諒的大罪,所以美國國會才一致決定彈劾罷免,尼克 森在彈劾案通過前只得主動辭職下台。而今天台灣的領導人對國會院長及反對黨黨鞭非法監聽,而且將監聽的材料自鳴正義的展開權力鬥爭,非法還自認有理,這已 是對台灣人民最大膽的藐視。馬以特務手法鬥王,這已不是手段粗糙的問題,而是絕對不可以的問題。如果一個政黨還敢把這種事稱之為黨紀,這個政黨就已不夠資 格稱為民主政黨,如果台灣有嚴格的憲法法院,人民其實已可要求取消它的政黨資格!
因 此,馬英九惡整王金平,對台灣社會其實是上了寶貴的一課。台灣人民已知道權力病理學的瘋子是什麼樣子;也知道了國民黨的黨紀原來就是一個人無法無天的旨 意;人們也知道了不只中國有「四人幫」,台灣的國民黨同樣也有親信亂政的「四人幫」,他們原來如此相似;人們也才知道馬英九表演的溫良恭儉背後是一張多麼 殘酷無情的面孔。現在王金平在司法上確保黨籍上已贏得首勝,這顯示馬鬥王將會有得拖,在拖延中馬的垃圾步將會愈來愈多,他的瘋子程度將會變本加厲曝現在國 人面前。

 Daggers drawn 馬英九圖窮匕見 (The Economist)

馬王之爭 牽動兩岸關係

就在檢察官指控王金平利用國會影響力進行司法關說後兩天,馬英九立即召開記者會表明立場:「關說案沒有和稀泥的空間。」根據檢察官說 法,王金平曾試圖說服法務部長曾勇夫,遊說檢察官在柯建銘涉嫌全民電通背信案由有罪改判無罪後,不要再提起上訴。馬英九表示,王金平關說案是「台灣民主法 治發展最恥辱的一天。」9月11日,國民黨正式宣布撤銷王金平黨籍。
台灣人民早已厭煩不斷爆發的政治弊案,因此按照常理來說,馬英九的行動 應該會得到多數民眾的掌聲。但是實完全相反,民眾普遍認為馬英九行為的真正的目的是為了剷除異己,而非維護司法獨立。此外,王金平一再強調自己的清白,再 加上身段柔軟以及出身台灣本土的政治形象(馬英九出生於香港,父母親均來自中國大陸),反而贏得藍綠兩黨政治人物的支持。9月13日,台北地方法院裁准王 金平的「假處分」申請,王金平得以繼續行使國民黨黨員權利,同時仍保有「立委」與「立法院長」資格。不同於法務部長曾勇夫在關說案爆發後以辭職明志,王金 平選擇了正面迎戰。
如今馬英九的處境頗為尷尬,立法議程掌控在他曾嚴厲譴責不適任立法院長的王金平手中。更糟的是,過去有多項法案,馬英九 希望可以藉由國民黨在立法院佔有多數的優勢強行通過,但王金平卻選擇與反對黨妥協,因而激怒了馬英九。但這次馬王之爭,不僅王金平不願屈從,其他國民黨大 老,包括榮譽主席連戰,也嚴詞批評馬英九的做法。這讓馬英九的處境更為不利。一位資深國民黨員表示,國民黨內幹部們的「普遍感受」是認為馬英九行動太過草 率倉促,沒有料到王金平有可能利用「假處分」扳回一城。

 但馬王之間的鬥爭,絕對不能忽略中國因素。早在特偵組因為全民電通案監聽民進黨團總召柯建銘而意外發現王金平關說案之前,馬英九便對 王金平有所不滿。原本馬英九希望立法院可以儘速通過在6月時與中國大陸簽署的服貿協議,但立法院朝野協商後卻決定,服貿協議將採取逐條逐項審查、而非全案 通過的方式。政府高層擔憂若無法儘速通過服貿協議,日後與中國大陸之間的協商將更為困難。此外,這也會影響未來與其他貿易夥伴的經貿協商,一旦對方認為雙 邊協議有可能遭到立法院封殺,不可能願意與台灣進行自由貿易會談。
民進黨立法委員向來對於任何與中國大陸之間的協議,抱持保留的態度。他們 擔憂中國大陸藉由加速與台灣之間的經貿整合,逼迫台灣進行統一談判。台灣政府高層則表示,服貿協議帶給台灣的好處將會大於中國。至於反對黨擔憂服貿協議將 會導致中國移民大量湧入台灣,並使得台灣中小企業無法與資本額龐大的國有企業進行公平的競爭,政府高層並未給予任何回應。
就 在立法院決議逐條逐項審查服貿協議之後,中國方面曾表示疑慮,但是對於馬王之間的鬥爭,則不願發表任何評論。畢竟中國並不樂見國民黨的分裂,因為這將導致 民進黨再度執政,2000~2008年民進黨執政期間,兩岸關係陷入緊張,這讓中國引以為鑑。不過,即使仍由國民黨執政,未來兩岸的任何協議都有可能面臨 服貿協議相同的命運,至於政治上的協議或談判更是遙不可及。

 然而,這並不表示,中國大陸已經默許民進黨的台獨立場。中國大陸之所以釋出善意,或許只是想說服民進黨,中國並非如他們想像得會帶給台灣威脅。經濟部次長 卓士昭表示 ,中國方面完全了解,我們在立法院正和對於服貿協議有所疑慮的人努力奮戰。但是目前看來,身為這場戰爭總司令的馬英九,似乎沒有幫上什麼忙。(吳凱琳譯)


Politics in Taiwan
Daggers drawn (5)
Communal violence in India
An old curse returns (2)
North Korean posturing
Picking up steam (3)
Justice and vengeance in Bangladesh
Swing votes (2)
Electricity in Japan
Power struggle (11)
Flaws in the diamond (6)


The politics of dam-building
Opening the floodgates (8)
Learning to speak proper
Spread the word (13)

Politics in Taiwan

Daggers drawn

A struggle between the president and a ruling-party heavyweight has consequences for the island’s relations with China

  Daggers drawn  馬英九小刀出

RARELY in Taiwan’s 17 years of democracy have opinion polls painted a president as unpopular as Ma Ying-jeou. Though he is often accused of being ineffectual, it is actually a rare show of decisiveness that has lost Mr Ma (pictured, left) recent support. At issue is his handling of alleged wrongdoing by a titan of Mr Ma’s Kuomintang (KMT), Wang Jin-pyng (pictured, right). The effect has been to threaten the unity of the ruling party, as well as send ripples across the Taiwan Strait.
“We can’t just muddle our way through this,” Mr Ma said on September 8th. That was two days after prosecutors alleged that Mr Wang had used his influence as the speaker of parliament in a court case. He had, they said, tried to persuade the justice minister, Tseng Yung-fu, to lobby prosecutors not to revive an embezzlement case against a prominent opposition lawmaker. Ker Chien-ming had been found guilty, but a higher court had overturned the verdict. Mr Ma said that Mr Wang’s alleged “influence-peddling” marked “the most shameful day in the history of democracy and rule of law in Taiwan”. On September 11th Mr Wang was expelled from the KMT.

In a country fed up with widespread corruption, Mr Ma might have expected applause. Yet he has conveyed the impression of caring more about flooring a political rival than upholding judicial independence. Meanwhile, Mr Wang’s protestations of innocence and his appeal as a soft-spoken, native-born politician (Mr Ma was born in Hong Kong of mainland Chinese parents) have earned him support across the political spectrum. On September 13th a court in Taipei, the capital, allowed Mr Wang to keep his party membership—and hence his position as speaker—while contesting the expulsion order. Unlike the justice minister, who resigned when the allegations were made public, Mr Wang is fighting.
Mr Ma is now in the humiliating position of having his legislative agenda handled by a man whom he has all but condemned as unfit for office. Worse, Mr Wang has long irritated the president by making concessions to opposition legislators over bills that Mr Ma, whose party has a small majority in the parliament, would prefer to ram through. An embittered Mr Wang is likely to be even less obliging. To add to the president’s embarrassment, other members of the KMT, including Lien Chan, the party’s honorary chairman, have criticised his handling of Mr Wang’s case. A senior colleague says the “general feeling” among KMT leaders is that Mr Ma acted hastily, having apparently failed to realise that Mr Wang might fight back in court.
The drama also has a Chinese dimension. Mr Ma’s frustration with Mr Wang had been growing even before prosecutors produced transcripts of secretly recorded telephone conversations appearing to show the speaker’s cosy relationship with Mr Ker, who is chief whip of the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Mr Ma had been eager for the parliament to give its approval to an agreement signed in June with China over the liberalisation of cross-strait trade and investment in services. The pact covers everything from banking to beauty parlours. Mr Wang had agreed to an opposition demand that sections of it be voted on in turn rather than as an entire package—an unprecedented approach in dealings with China. Taiwanese officials now fear delays and fresh rounds of haggling with China. They also worry about the reaction elsewhere. Taiwan’s chief trade negotiator, Cho Shih-Chao, says that if the island’s trading partners think that any agreement might unravel in the legislature, then “they might think again” about entering into free-trade talks.
The new trade pact may well encounter difficulties. DPP legislators are habitually wary of any deals with the mainland. They fear that China’s aim is to hasten its economic integration with Taiwan and use the influence it thereby gains to push the island into talks on reunification. Taiwanese officials say the agreement is more favourable to Taiwan than it is to China. They dismiss opposition claims that it will lead to a large influx of mainland migrants and threaten small Taiwanese businesses with unfair Chinese competition from deep-pocketed state-backed firms.
But even some KMT legislators have reservations about the pact, or at least what they see as Mr Ma’s weakness in talking up its merits. With Mr Ma’s popular support down to 9.2%, according to an opinion poll published on September 15th, these legislators worry more about their re-election prospects than offending the president. Mayoral elections will be held late next year. Parliamentary and presidential polls are due in January 2016.
China has expressed bafflement at the response in Taiwan to the trade deal. But it has avoided comment on the rift within the ruling party. It is likely to be deeply worried by both. A KMT split might facilitate a return to power by the DPP, which was helped into the presidency in 2000 by just such infighting. The following eight years of DPP rule were marked by tensions between Taiwan and China, which believed the party was trying to secure the island’s formal independence. Even under the KMT, future cross-strait deals are likely to be dissected by legislators in the same way as the services pact. The prospect of talks on a political settlement (urged by China but resisted in Taiwan even by Mr Ma) grows ever more remote.
Perhaps China is steeling itself for a possible DPP comeback (even though the party is hardly a model of unity itself). Since a visit to China in October 2012 by a former prime minister, Frank Hsieh Chang-ting, several DPP legislators and pro-DPP academics have been welcomed on the mainland, holding meetings with Chinese officials who once shunned them.
This does not mean acquiescence with the DPP’s independence-leaning stance, however. China, it appears, wants to persuade DPP politicians that the mainland is not as threatening as they think. “They realise what kind of war we are fighting” against free-trade sceptics in Taiwan’s parliament, says Mr Cho, the negotiator. Mr Ma, commander-in-chief of that war, has recently done his troops few favours.




المجتمع · ‏15,511‏ إعجاباً












質疑「黑衫軍」動機 白衫軍擬十月十日復出

【張 麗娜/台北報導】資深媒體人葛樹人、本土藝人郭美珠、前倒扁總部副總指揮莊嚴等人下午以「929罵英九怒火聯盟」名義召開記者會,公布「凱道929怒吼罵 英九」活動內容及遊行路線。不過,公民1985行動聯盟發起人spicycop在PTT發文,質疑該活動是「某黨高層授意」,目的是為了分散民眾,讓當天 全國關廠工人連線的嗆馬活動無法成功,因此白衫軍將會在國慶日當天舉辦「十月十日、天下為公」活動,再度走上街頭。


Spicycop 在文中指出,原本當天是全國關廠工人連線辦的活動,但是據說是有某黨高層的授意,希望這群人出來辦一個活動,把活動辦爛,然後分散民眾,讓當天全關聯的嗆 馬活動無法成功。據說,當天他們的計畫是把民眾用遊行的方式,帶離嗆馬現場的國父紀念館往凱道移動,也希望分散媒體報導的注意力。


Spicycop 也說,公民1985行動聯盟將會在國慶日當天舉辦 「十月十日、天下為公」活動,詳細內容以及細節,下週起會陸續公布。我們呼籲十月十日當天,所有公民穿著白上衣跟我們一起站出來,讓政府知道這個國家還有 超越藍綠的聲音!大聲宣布 我們才是這個國家的主人!

《蘋果》追查spicycop身份,證實他確實是公民1985行動聯盟發言人之一, 但他強調該發文是個人發言,也坦言「沒有證據」,但認為當天已有全國關廠工人的活動,葛樹人等發起的活動時間、地點及訴求都相似,確有可議之處,因為擔心 民眾被有心人士利用,因此才PO文提醒。




2013年9月23日 星期一

在日台灣同鄉會 批馬背叛台灣/國家政策之方向,被一至兩 成之少數民意所主導(黃義銓)





馬 英九總統策動九月鍘王政爭計畫,引起各界撻伐,導致個人滿意度寫下有史以來最低紀錄,僅剩下9.2%;不滿意度高達80.5%。但馬總統卻自我感覺良好表 示,總統夫人周美青也支持他;還有人跟他說「馬英九回來了」。因此,可為馬英九執政五年多來下一個結論,就是視民意如無物。換言之,馬政府一意孤行下,導 致民怨四起的事件真是罄竹難書,如浮動油價、八八風災、親信(林益世和賴素如等)涉貪、核四停建、基本工資凍漲、薪資停滯、菲利賓射殺漁民、洪仲丘事件、 兩岸服貿協議及濫權監聽等。
馬英九的支持率9.2%,遭諷刺是臺灣全民達成九二共識及「馬應九」等解讀。目前到底還有誰支持馬英九呢?該疑 惑令人聯想到遠見民調中心4月26日發布「2013年3月台灣民眾統獨觀調查」,認為應維持現狀的占49.2%,贊成獨立的占27.2%,贊成統一的占 10.4%。該調查在馬政府執政後贊成統一的比率亦大多都維持在一成左右。由數據可知,馬英九目前9.2%的支持率裡有大多數應是支持統一之鐵票部隊。再 者,從馬英九對服貿協議包裹式表決之強硬態度及積極為兩岸和平協議鋪路的動向來看,馬英九早已下定決心與支持統一之少數民意站在一起,不得不讓人開始對臺 灣未來兩年的國家方向堪憂。

過去阿扁的「民意如流水,不要太在意」及日本民主黨菅直人的「即使民調剩下1%,也不請辭」等的歧視民意之言 論,都讓選民對該黨的信心付諸東流。總而言之,國民黨和民進黨應保握民意,罷免不適任總統,為臺灣民主政治成熟化邁進一步,否則國家政策之方向,被一至兩 成之少數民意所主導,那不就成了民主國家最大的笑話嗎?


在日台灣同鄉會 批馬背叛台灣


Indonesia now really at a crossroads/ Pakistani Christians protested in Lahore

Photo: Pakistani Christians protested in Lahore after a suicide attack on a church in Peshawar killed at least 78p
eople, in one of the deadliest attacks on the Christian minority in Pakistan in years.

Photos from Kenya, Pakistan, Israel and the West Bank in Pictures of the Day: http://nyti.ms/1eCHlDb

Photo by Arif Ali/ Agence France-Presse – Getty Images
أعجبني · ·
Devotees of both "The Simpsons" and The Economist will know that the former once parodied the high seriousness of the latter with a scene in which Homer, thumbing a copy, remarks: "Did you know that Indonesia is at a crossroads?" Homer's question, however, now seems worryingly apposite. The country's economy is stuttering and investors are getting out. Is Indonesia now really at a crossroads? http://econ.st/16tffBa