2010年11月30日 星期二

"中国的现代化尚未完成"

媒体看中国 | 2010.11.30

"中国的现代化尚未完成"

中国的现代化虽然取得了巨大成就,但还有许多问题亟待解决;若没有社会的现代化和福利国家的支撑,中国的经济成就不可能持久。

德国《商报》11月29日发表前德国政府经济顾问、经济五贤人之一的贝尔特·吕鲁普的文章题为"中国的现代化尚未完成", 论述中国现代化的成果、问题与前景。

文章开头回顾说,三十年前,中国在毛的继任者邓小平领导下开始了"四个现代化","从此,越来越多的生产、商品分配和服务领域向市场经济的协调和决 策过程开放。1980年中国的国内生产总值与世界其它国家相比排在第11位,位于阿根廷之后。三十年后,中国成为仅次于美国的全球第二大国民经济实体。"

作者认为:"令人惊异的增长成就表明,民主的国家制度既不是经济现代化的前提,也不是其结果,市场经济的协调也可以在没有大范围的生产资料私有制条 件下运行。因为,在大多数较大的企业中,依然是国家说了算。此外,中国证明市场经济原则是如何成功地用于贯彻民族的经济政策目标的,尤其是对外经济政策。 随着(中国)在世界市场的成功和货币储备的增长,其地缘政治的自我意识也在增强。去年哥本哈根气候峰会以失败告终,美国总统面子扫地便是一例。"


经济增长无法解决的问题

作者并不讳言中国现代化的缺陷,他写道:"但是,看看令人印象深刻的宏观经济数据的背后,就暴露出一系列通过经济增长本身所无法解决的问题。在深受 农业影响的贫穷的西部省份与北部和东部的富裕省份之间存在着极大的贫富悬殊,导致强大的人口流动压力。这种压力要求10%的增长率,以便让失业能得到控 制。"

作者接着写道:"中国的贫困人口明显减少,粮食供给也已有了保障。但是,收入不平衡的现象增加了,因为低水平的就业者占就业人口的70%,他们的工 资增加地相对较少。农业人口的收入状况依然很不稳定,因为,在农村生活的人远远超过经营现有种植面积所需要的人口。持有农村户口的人,即使迁居城市并在那 里生活工作多年,仍然常常被城市提供的社会福利如医疗保险或社会救助排除在外。

"教育和科学制度还无法符合与与西方在科学和技术上平起平坐的要求。此外,还有一个危险,中国人在进入富裕之前就已经进入老龄。1979年起实行的独生子女政策的后果是,人口结构在向很不利于增长的方式转移。"

作者最后明确地指出:"中国将不得不学会,若是没有社会的现代化以及福利国家的护持,工业化和整体经济的成就是不会持久的。或许也就会走向民权人士所要求的'第五个'现代化,即民主化。"

编译:林泉

责编:谢菲

(以上内容摘自或节译自其它媒体,不一定代表德国之声观点)

广东纺织"专业镇"成污染重地

中国 | 2010.11.30

广东纺织"专业镇"成污染重地

绿色和平通过对中国东南地区的纺织专业镇新塘和谷饶进行调查后发现,当地饮用水和地下水遭到严重污染,民众饱受污水的毒害。而这一结果只是中国133个纺织重镇中的冰山一角。

黑蓝色河水隔离工业园

刺鼻的气味、河水的恶臭及工业园内的垃圾污染是新塘和谷饶镇留给绿色和平环保专家们的深刻印象。曾多次到访两地的该组织污染防治项目主任赵琰谈起此行仍记忆尤深:

"当时我们到达生产牛仔裤的新塘镇时看到,河流的颜色在很多时候是牛仔裤的颜色-- 蓝黑色的。而像谷饶那个地方,我每次去都感觉那里河水的颜色都有微妙的变化。因为当地是纺织印染行业,所以每次排污的颜色都不一样。而且我们夏天去的时 候,那个味道真的是非常的臭。实际上,当地群众对水的臭味也有很大怨言。" 被染成蓝色的河水Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 被染成蓝色的河水

从2010年4月到10月,国际环保组织绿色和平经过耗时半年的调查,走访了当地群众和企业的几十位员工,并以图片和数据的方式展示了广东省牛仔裤和内衣生产阵地-- 新塘和谷饶的环境现状。

“性感之都”以牺牲环境为代价

被称为"时尚之地"的新塘每年生产的牛仔裤占全国牛仔服产量的60%以上,占全国出口量的40%。而以"性感之都"著称的谷饶镇里,全镇内衣行业的从业人员为7.5万人,约有3000多家与内衣生产有关的企业,占全镇所有企业比例的80%。

在绿色和平提供的图片中人们还能看到:当地制衣厂的广告牌在街巷内随处可见;工人们带着口罩在臭水沟中打捞打磨牛仔裤的石块和废布;还有在制衣车间 内,全家人一起上阵的工作情景。一个不足7岁的孩子每天为剪牛仔裤的线头,获得每条1毛5的工钱。面对低廉的工资和付出的健康,工人们也很无奈。甚至有当 地工人流传说,"做漂染行业的工人将来无法生育。"赵琰介绍说:

"里边很多工人都是外地来的民工。他们一个月的收入大概是1千到2千元。但这个收入对他们的生活是非常重要的。对他们来说,根本没有其他选择,即使是当地环境并不理想,他们也亟需获得这份工作。" 加工1条牛仔裤能挣1毛5分钱Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 加工1条牛仔裤能挣1毛5分钱

潜在有毒致癌物质

重金属是纺织行业中经常使用和排放的有毒有害物质。在纺织品生产过程中会对健康和环境造成潜在危害。其中的重金属种类包括:铜、铅、贡等元素。长期生活在被重金属污染的环境中,容易导致癌症、肺病及神经系统的损伤。

地方政府疏于监管?

谷饶镇的一个修车店老板对绿色和平的研究员描述说,"污水排放出来的气体不仅对工人的身体有害,而且还会腐蚀电视线,电视看不了多久就模糊不清了。"可这并不是专家们在新塘和谷饶看见的个别现象。

三十年来,纺织产业已成为中国经济产业的支柱企业。据统计,从2003年到2008年,中国全国的纺织工业总产值持续5%以上的增长。然而,该行业在为中国带来大量外贸订单的同时,也以牺牲环境为代价。赵琰表示,与欧盟国家相比,中国对纺织品行业的政策规定还存在着差距,

"在这方面,欧盟出台了一个名为'纺织品生态标准'的指令。其中主要针对减少整个纺织产业生产环节中对水环境的污染,以及对有毒有害物质的使用进行削减和限制。因此与国际上比较先进的法规相比,中国还存在一定的欠缺。"

赵琰认为,各地方政府应担负起更多社会责任,通过对企业的监管,保证中国1.7亿纺织人的生活和工作健康。

作者:严严

责编:谢菲

2010年11月26日 星期五

Suu Kyi says compromise needed/ Seoul impatient

Beijing calls for restraint; Seoul impatient

2010/11/26


photoThe USS George Washington leaves its base in Yokosuka, Kanagawa Prefecture, Wednesday morning. (Hirotaka Kawakami)

China has been urging restraint in dealing with the exchange of artillery fire between the two Koreas on Tuesday, but Seoul is showing signs of impatience with Pyongyang's ally.

Washington indicated it was still hoping Beijing would use its influence over North Korea to bring it into line.

But the United States and South Korea agreed to hold a joint military exercise in the Yellow Sea near Daeyeonpyeongdo island, which was hit by North Korean artillery fire, killing four people. The inclusion of the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier USS George Washington in the exercise is seen as a subtle U.S. message to China that it has not done enough to rein in North Korea.

China has consistently criticized the presence of any U.S. Navy ships in the Yellow Sea.

South Korea had previously been cautious about holding such joint exercises in the Yellow Sea. It had also stressed stronger economic ties with China as a way of encouraging Beijing to help resolve issues related to North Korea.

However, with the possibility of an escalation in the conflict with North Korea still present, South Korea appears unwilling to wait for Beijing to take action.

"Look at China," a high-ranking South Korean government official said. "It is prepared to listen to what North Korea has to say even in this artillery attack. China cannot be trusted."

Diplomatic sources in Seoul said if North Korea continued to take provocative measures, South Korea would likely move further away from China and toward the United States.

South Korean officials said Thursday that China postponed a visit to Seoul by Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi that was scheduled to begin Friday.

In addition, South Korea has indicated it would not formally seek to have the artillery attack taken up at the United Nations Security Council. China, with its veto power on the council, has watered down or blocked resolutions against North Korea's belligerence in the past.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei issued a statement Wednesday that said, "We are opposed to all acts that damage peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula."

Piao Jianyi, a professor specializing in matters related to the Korean Peninsula at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, was quoted in the Chinese media as saying: "It is still too early to criticize the side that carried out the first attack. South Korea was conducting a military exercise."

But frustration among Chinese officials seeking a resumption of the six-party talks on dismantling North Korea's nuclear weapons program was evident in other media reports.

"The artillery attack was a disgrace to the diplomacy (of China) that had spent so much energy on the issue," the Global Times said in an editorial Wednesday.

U.S. State Department spokesman Philip J. Crowley said Wednesday that discussions would be held with Chinese officials on the North Korean issue in the near future.

"China is pivotal to moving North Korea in a fundamentally different direction," Crowley said. "China, together with the United States and other countries, have to send a clear, direct, unified message that it is North Korea that has to change."

However, the fundamental stance of Beijing continues to be one of seeking stability in North Korea through economic cooperation rather than increasing pressure in the form of sanctions.

The two visits to China this year by North Korean leader Kim Jong Il underscore the close ties between the two neighbors.

Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, considered by many to be the future successor to President Hu Jintao, attended a ceremony in late October in North Korea to mark the 60th anniversary of the Korean War, which he described as a "war of justice to stand up against an invasion."

Xi made the remark despite knowing it would aggravate South Korea.

On Tuesday, when the artillery fire was exchanged, delegations from North Korea and China signed an agreement in Pyongyang on economic and trade cooperation.

While China continues to urge restraint, it is unclear how it will react to the joint U.S.-South Korea naval exercise in the Yellow Sea scheduled to begin Sunday.

"We are resolutely opposed to any act by a foreign naval vessel in the Yellow Sea that could affect China's national security," a high-ranking Chinese Foreign Ministry official said.


Suu Kyi says compromise needed

BY TAKESHI FUJITANI CORRESPONDENT

2010/11/26


photoAung San Suu Kyi (Asahi Shimbun file photo)

BANGKOK--Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi said both her own movement and the country's military junta would have to compromise in any effort to build a democratic Myanmar (Burma).

Aung San Suu Kyi made her comments in a telephone interview with The Asahi Shimbun on Wednesday from her home in Yangon (Rangoon).

Aung San Suu Kyi indicated that she was prepared to take a more flexible stance on issues that have led in the past to confrontation with the military junta, including its refusal to allow the results of the 1990 election to stand and the new Constitution implemented by the junta.

"If one believes in dialogue, one has to believe in compromise as well," Aung San Suu Kyi said.

The interview came 11 days after Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest.

"During the last 10 days or so since I was released, it has become quite clear that people are absolutely reaching for change," she said.

She said the military junta had recognized the necessity of at least presenting the appearance of moving toward democracy. The recent elections, though they were criticized for being unfair, demonstrated that recognition.

When asked about divisions within the pro-democracy movement before those elections, Aung San Suu Kyi said she was committed to cooperation.

"If you believe in democracy, you have to accept that there is such a thing as diversity," she said. "We have to try to bring about democratic institutions and democratic practices, which will make it possible for us to disagree without upsetting the whole nation."

Asked about relations with other nations, Aung San Suu Kyi said she would seek greater dialogue with China and India, Myanmar's powerful neighbors.

She said there would also be a need to assess the effect of economic sanctions imposed by the West, and that calls could be made to revise the sanctions regime.

She said that the Japanese public were much more supportive of the democracy movement in Myanmar than their government. "We always think that the Japanese government could contribute more," she said.

She said she had applied to the Myanmar government for permission to access the Internet from her home. She said she wanted to use Facebook to get in touch with young people across the world.

Following is a full text of the interview:

* * *

Question: You were able to meet your son. At the same time, there are 2,000 people being detained and who do not have access to their families. Could you share your thoughts on the situation facing those people?

Answer: I'm so glad that you asked this question. This is precisely what I want to say. I very much appreciate the fact that the authorities issued a visa to my son so he could come to see me, and I would like them to do everything they can to make it possible for all those families who have been separated because of the arrest of members of the family to be able to come together again happily.

Q: How do you feel about the younger generation? Maybe it's the first time they saw you, the real Aung San Suu Kyi. Did you expect this kind of crowd, with so many young people, to come to see you and cheer you?

A: It is different from previous occasions when there have been fewer young people in the crowd, but I can't say it is a total surprise because there have always been young people. It was the increasing numbers that I found very invigorating and encouraging. I'm very, very happy that there have been more young people getting involved in the political process.

Q: On the subject of this political process, you have emphasized repeatedly that civilian participation is a must and that without it, nothing can be achieved. I would like to ask what is your plan or platform to get those voices involved?

A: Well, we have started in a very practical way. First, we started by meeting with some of the independent candidates who have contested the elections, because they too are part of our citizen body, if you like. And just because you do not belong to a political party, it does not mean we cannot work together. At the same time, we are trying to strengthen our social services, our humanitarian projects. In that way, we get to be in closer touch with the people, and people will learn to help themselves. We want to help them to help themselves, and at the same time we would wish them to help us to achieve our political goals, which are the same as theirs.

Q: How can you consolidate these political forces, including the National Democratic Front (NDF)?

A: If you believe in democracy, you have to accept that there is such a thing as diversity. I do not think that there is any country in the world, however democratic, where everybody agrees. After all, in your country, too, there are many political parties. And after many, many years of democracy in practice, they still are not agreed on every point. So I think one has to accept that there will always be disagreement because that is only human. But, at the same time, we have to try to bring about democratic institutions and democratic practices, which will make it possible for us to disagree without upsetting the whole nation. You should understand that disagreement does not mean that you tear the nation apart. You talk away your disagreement, and sometimes you simply have to agree or disagree.

Q: You emphasize national reconciliation. Does that include the junta? How would you expect them to have dialogue with you?

A: Diversity is not something that comes easily to the military mind-set. But, at the same time, even this regime, as we have noticed, has had to say that they are working for democracy, even if they do qualify it by saying "disciplined democracy." So the trend in this world is such today that, at least nominally, even dictators have to accept that the democratic rule is the most desirable one. Well, that's the first step: the fact that they have to accept that democracy is desirable, even if they do try to qualify it in some way or the other. And then, of course, when people keep asking me, "How can you achieve reconciliation with them when there are so many differences," my answer is that it is particularly because of these differences that we have to try to achieve reconciliation. There are differences to be reconciled. If there were no differences, then there would be no need for reconciliation.

Q: Have you had any contact from them so far?

A: We have not, no, if you mean high-level contact from them, we haven't had any of this at all.

Q: If look back at the past 20 years, I wonder if it is too optimistic to expect some kind of compromise?

A: Oh, I'm very sure that I'm a cautious optimist. And I think there is a strong reason for at least cautious optimism, because the people are so desirous of change. And over the last ... well, it's more than 7 days now I think since I was released ... during the last 10 days or so since my release, it has become quite clear that people are absolutely reaching for change.

Q: Would you like to talk to Senior General Than Shwe?

A: Oh, I would like to talk to anybody who is in the position to try to institute genuine change.

Q: What is the bottom line for you? You have big differences in terms of the result of 1990's elections and also the Constitution, are you ready to make some kind of compromise on these particular points?

A: If one believes in dialogue, one has to believe in compromise as well. If you are not prepared to compromise, then it is no use saying that you want dialogue, because it cannot become a genuine dialogue. But we don't say what the bottom line is, because I think it's very dangerous to go into any negotiations, before there has even been a whisper of an approach to negotiation, by saying this is a bottom line.

Q: Sometimes the media label you as very inflexible, but this sounds very flexible.

A: Well, when the media say that I'm inflexible, I ask them to give me a specific example and then they don't know what to say. So, I have to ask you what you meant by saying I'm inflexible. Please give a specific example? What did I do that you consider inflexible? Usually I get no answer at all.

Q: Then, let me talk about the issue of sanctions. I think you have said previously that you need to study or evaluate the effect of sanctions before making any judgments?

A: Of course, I don't think this should have come as a great surprise, because, after all, about a year ago I made an offer to the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) to talk to them about the removal of sanctions. I said that I was prepared to work together with them to remove sanctions that were hurtful to the people at large. The response was not what we would have wished for. But our feelings on the subject, our stand on the subject, has not changed at all. If sanctions are truly hurting the people, then we must review the situation because we do not want the people to be hurt unnecessarily. But, of course, there are many different opinions about that. Very respectable economic institutions have said that the sanctions have hardly any impact on the economic situation in this country.

Q: Are you aware of any adverse effect on poor people?

A: This is exactly what I'm trying to find out. I have heard that the shutting down of certain textile factories has created a number of job losses. The statistics differ from organization to organization; some say some tens of thousands, some say a hundred thousand. But there is no proof either way that so many people were made jobless. And then, of course, there are some who say that all the women laborers who lost their jobs all became commercial sex workers. That also is open to question. It is not as simple as all that: that every single woman worker who lost a job, became a commercial sex worker. This, to me, sounds like a rather extreme position.

Q: Now, we have a totally different political landscape in the region. One of the factors is China and India, which are emerging powers and are really quite influential in the Burmese economy and Myanmar politics. How would you communicate with them? They haven't had much contact with you.

A: Well, we will have to try talking to them, won't we? (We will have to) persuade them to talk to us in return.

Q: What kind of roles would you expect those (countries) to play?

A: It depends very much on what they are prepared to do and what we might be able to persuade them to do. It's not something that we can decide on our own.

Q: What is your evaluation of the role of so-called Western countries, including Japan, and also the United Nations? At one point you were quite critical of the U.N., as I understand.

A: I think the U.N. should be able to play a bigger role in what is happening in our country, and I think there are many things that we need to discuss on this subject.

Q: What about Japan? Is there anything the Japanese government could contribute?

A: Well, we always think that the Japanese government could contribute more. I find the people of Japan, in general, are far more supportive than the government, although I want to make it quite clear that we do think that this government is doing more than has been done for a long time by other governments. So, we appreciate what they have done to try to help the situation in Burma, but we would still like them to try to do more.

Q: Did you ever have contact with the Japanese Embassy in Yangon during the house arrest, for example?

A: No, not during my house arrest. I don't think it would have been possible for them to contact (me).

Q: Talking a little bit about new technology, at one point you expressed interest in using Twitter, and Facebook. I wonder how you could utilize such digital tools to disseminate your ideas and thoughts?

A: Well, I just want to get in touch with young people from all over the world; not just Burmese people, but young people outside Burma as well. And I thought that Twitter ・of course, you see, I've never used Twitter myself, nor Facebook, because I was not allowed to have the Internet while I was under house arrest, but I've heard of them on the radio, and I thought it might be a good idea to contact young people in this way. But the reaction from most of the Burmese young people was Facebook was easier for them. It was more easily accessible to them. And, anyway, I have applied to the authorities concerned to have an Internet link-up, if you like. You have to ask for permission in Burma, you know? So, I'm waiting to find out if the application will be handled positively.

Q: So you mean that you want to have Internet access at home?

A: I don't have any at all. I've made an application. I'm waiting to find out whether I will be able to have access. It's like that in Burma.

Q: Do you really feel freed now? Do you feel free from worries about house arrest or intimidation?

A: I can't say for certain what will happen and what will not happen. I hope that there will be no more violent incidents of any kind in the future, and I certainly hope that I won't be put back under house arrest, but I cannot guarantee that, because I'm not the one who makes those decisions.

Q: Do you have any plans for you to go outside Rangoon, or even outside the country?

A: Not at the moment, because I haven't even been able to get through the backlog of work in Rangoon.

Q: Do you expect to see big changes in the near future?

A: Well, let's put it this way. We hope that there will be changes for the better, and let's not think of it in terms of "big" or "small" to begin with. Let's just hope that, whatever changes there are, are good ones.

Q: The day before yesterday, the supreme court rejected your appeal about the dissolution of the party. Will this affect your activities in the future?

A: I don't think it will really affect our real standing, because that has to do with the support of the people, which remains very strong. There are two parts to the position of the appeal. It was not an appeal, so they could not have rejected it under the law. This was an original civil case, and that is not open to admission or non-admission. It has to be admitted. So, what we have done is to appeal the decision that this was to be treated like an appeal, rather than as an original case.

Q: Do you think that the National League for Democracy (NLD) is a legitimate institution?

A: The NLD is very much a legitimate institution if we go according to the law. If we do not go according to the law, then of course nothing is legitimate.

Q: Then, your activity will be based on this organization, the NLD?

A: Of course. Certainly. We hope to have a network of people, a movement for democracy, so that we are part of that network, rather than an isolated political party.

2010年11月25日 星期四

台北市日本工商會2010年「白書」/ntu/ 杨淑君

11月 行事予定
  • 2日
    (火)
    交流協会月例懇談会
    12:00
  • 2日
    (火)
    工商協進会理事長交代パーティ
    19:00
  • 5日
    (金)
    月例会&講演会
    12:00
  • 5日
    (金)
    合同理監事会(50/40周年記念)
    13:30
  • 5日
    (金)
    化学品/繊維部会合同セミナー講演会
    16:00
  • 9日
    (火)
    金融財務部会
    12:00
  • 11日
    (木)
    自動車部会
    12:00
  • 15日
    (月)
    情報通信部会
    12:00
  • 18日
    (木)
    自民党青年局ミッション交流会
    16:30
  • 21日
    (日)
    秋季親善ゴルフ(イーグル会)
    07:00
  • 24日
    (水)
    合弁会社部会
    12:00
  • 26日
    (金)
    2010年「白書」、経建委宛て提出
    10:00
  • 26日
    (金)
    医薬品部会
台北市日本工商會今天向行政院經建會遞交2010年對台灣政府政策建言白書,除希望進一步擴充CEFA內容,也建請早日簽署台日租稅協定和投資貿易協定。

不同於以往白皮書是遞交給經濟部,日本工商會從今年起白皮書將遞交給經建會,今年白皮書提出六大政策建言和51個細項,主要重點希望大幅加強台日之間各種交流,以及希望我國政府能積極對日本宣傳ECFA效應。

日本工商會理事長小林武雄表示,台灣與中國簽訂ECFA之後,台灣不只是進入中國也是進入東南亞的入口,對於ECFA建請對原產地證明簽發相關運作層面能 獲得重視,目前早收清單800項,希望能進一步擴充早收清單中所示對象貨品及業種,尤其是汽車完成車、石化製品、鋼鐵製品以及纖維製品,是在台日商所希望 的貨品,希望能成為進一步擴充品項。

小林希望我國政府進一步推動在日本宣傳ECFA簽署之後的經濟效應,如果能對日本進行有效宣傳,對於日資投資台灣和台日合作將有巨大影響,更希望能藉此推動日本中小企業進行台日媒合。

白皮書上也提到建請早日簽署台日租稅協定和投資促進協定,小林表示日本工商會已經請求日本政府就台日租稅協定和投資促進協定進行正面檢討,目前了解處於實質檢討當中,應該會繼續推動。

白皮書還提到將與台灣就環保和節能密切合作,希望能吸引為台灣實現低碳社會有所貢獻的日本企業來台灣投資,並促進這些企業和台灣企業進行搭橋。此外日本工商會將協助交流協會、亞東關係協會和我國教育部,擴大年輕族群人才交流。


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緊鄰台大校門口的洞洞館原址,明年動工改建人文大樓,由華碩董事長施崇棠個人捐贈。但部分台大教授認為破壞校門與椰林大道景觀,發起「搶救台大校門口」運動,今天台大校方特別舉行說明會表示,事前程序已經完成,只等校務會議通過,但仍會積極尋求校內共識,有共識才會動工。

截至今天中午為止,「搶救台大校門口」運動已經有上百位台大教授連署,包括台大城鄉所教授夏鑄九、台大社會系教授瞿海源等人。負責連署運動的台大城鄉所助 理教授黃麗玲指出,根據台大校園規劃小組2009年的報告書,曾要求椰林大道中心線110公尺景觀高度限制在30公尺以內,但目前人文大樓設計圖已經達 37.8公尺。

連署的教授認為,洞洞館原址無法容納高密度的建築物,應自校地中尋找文學院第二基地,解決破壞景觀的困境。「搶救台大校門口」運動也會在校務會議上提案討論,希望能現有方案。

負責設計的建築師簡學義今天表示,為了人文大樓,已經提出8種不同設計圖,目前採用的是地下1樓、鄰近新生南路最高點可達9層樓的設計,假如台大校方的共識是減量,他也願意協助研究修改原設計圖。

台大文學院院長葉國良指出,30年來,文學院都沒有新建教室,8系12所分散在4、5棟建築物中,教授與學生必須擠在狹小的研究室。他強調,人文大樓沒有破壞校門口,僅興建9層樓也不算巨大,只是希望能幫師生爭取到適合研究的空間。

台大總務長鄭富書則指出,按照行政程序,仍需經過校務會議通過後才能動工。他強調,必須獲得全校共識才會動工,校務會議甚至有權駁回或取消興建人文大樓的計畫。

*****
獲贈300萬獎助金 楊淑君好溫暖 愛爾達╱愛爾達體育台

體委會在25號傍晚,由副主席陳士魁代表,特地將從民間基金會募得的300萬獎金,送到跆拳道選手楊淑君家中,感謝她替台灣在運動場的貢獻;而楊淑君也將透過替體育以及公益的代言來回饋社會。

跆 拳道的漂亮寶貝楊淑君又哭了,不過這一次不是難過,而是充滿感激的眼淚,因為體委會派出副主委陳士魁代表,特地來到淑君在鶯歌的家,這一趟不只送來了民間 贊助的300萬獎助金,更讓淑君感受到國家力挺的溫暖。「今天院長跟陳副主委真的很用心在幫我解決問題,在這邊真的很謝謝他們。」楊淑君說。

因為無功不受祿,一開始淑君還不願接受這一筆獎金,不過雙方在近半個小時的詳談後,體委會成功說服楊淑君接受獎助金,淑君則成為未來體育以及公益的代言人作以回饋。

至於楊淑君最擔心的工作問題,現在也不用在煩惱,不只是台北市立教育大學,還有許多學校正在與她接洽。而大家最關心要怎麼還淑君一個清白,目前政府也傾全力準備訴訟。

經過一路風風雨雨,廣州亞運賽程也進入最後倒數,雖然楊淑君在跆拳道場受到委屈,一度讓大家為之氣結,不過其他中華健兒沒有氣餒,仍然在各個項目繼續努力發光發熱,也希望觀眾朋友持續為所有選手們,送上最大聲的加油與掌聲。


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此事開始之一報導:11/19

亚运跆拳道事件:台湾愤怒

广州亚运会女子跆拳道比赛,台湾选手杨淑君在大幅领先越南对手之际,却因电子袜违规遭判处失去比赛资格,杨淑君深感委屈,泪流满面。此事引起台湾政界、媒体、网路一片愤怒,甚至传出是中国与南韩联手打压台湾的阴谋论。

被视为今年广州亚运跆拳道女子49公斤 级赛事夺金大热门的台湾选手杨淑君17日首战越南选手,第1回合还没打完,杨淑君已取得大幅领先,却突然被韩裔菲律宾籍的审判委员以电子袜不符规定为由, 取消比赛资格。虽然台湾代表团提出严重抗议,但技术委员会开会讨论后,仍维持原判。杨淑君被判失格后,坐在场中委屈痛哭,泪流满面。台湾媒体稍后在世界跆 拳道联盟(WTF)紧急召开的记者会中,跟中国媒体爆发口角冲突,台湾媒体集体退席抗议,为本届亚运蒙上阴影。

台湾:指控不实

世界跆拳道联盟原本同意杨淑君事件需要更严谨听证和调查证据,但是,调查还没有展开,亚洲跆拳道联盟竟然已经在官网上,指控杨淑君作弊,在脚后跟贴上有利於电子仪器计分的感应器,违反比赛规则。

台湾体委会主委戴遐龄表示,这是不实的指控,她说,包括总统马英九与行政院院长吴敦义,都指示体委会要作选手的强力后盾,并且要全力支持、维护选手权益。她要求大会给个公平、合理的交代,否则将不排除告上国际运动仲裁庭。


曾经代表台湾拿下奥运跆拳道银牌的立法委员黄志雄批评,杨淑君通过了赛前检录,却在上场比赛被判失格,该负责的是大会而不该是杨淑君。

黄志雄说:“如果检录跟主审审查没通过,她根本不可能比赛,如果不合乎规定的话,为什麼让比赛开始?到底谁要负责任?当然是大会要负完全责任。”

由於本届跆拳道比赛,赛前就看好这个量级是台湾杨淑君与大陆吴静鈺,两强争霸,目前网路上盛传这是中国与南韩联手打压台湾的阴谋论,为了让大陆吴静鈺顺利拿下金牌护航。

两岸关係本属敏感话题,加上台湾5都选举临近,杨淑君事件很可能发酵成新的两岸政治争议。大陆国台办主任王毅18日指出,杨淑君事件不是两岸摩擦,与东京影展争议不同,大陆中央定位为单纯体育赛事,不希望扩大为影响两岸关係的事件。

或影响两岸敏感关系

但台湾民进党主席蔡英文表示,马英九总统执政以 来,对外事务处理都有讨好中国、不够坚定的态度,造成第一线官员碰到事情时都不敢坚持,让人遗憾。总统府发言人罗智强反击说,这个时候应该是全体国人团结 一致声援杨淑君,体委会官员正在第一线全力替选手争取权益,蔡英文却满脑子只想政治消费。

体育专家认为,跆拳道电子护具使用,看似公平, 但实际执行起来问题更多。原本世跆盟计划2008年奥运就使用电子护具,但最终仍因可靠性的问题而取消。不过,今年亚运既然採行电子护具,就应该有统一的 一套标準,但大会不提供,要求选手自备电子护具下,厂牌、规格争议自然都有,赛前就引发不少队伍抗议,没想到杨淑君果然成为牺牲品。

杨淑君2008年奥运夺牌失利后,一直希望能够抢下本届亚运跆拳项目的金牌后,顺利退休,现在却对未来感到茫然,也许还有机会参加2012年伦敦奥运,只是她不确定是否有足够的后盾让他全力一搏?

杨淑君说:“我当然还是希望有机会比奥运,但前提是要有足够的后盾让我安心比赛,如果没有,我可能考虑就此退休。”

作者:尼尔 (台北)

责编:凝炼



天安門革命的國際友人奥斯陸見

中国 | 2010.11.25

颁奖典礼参加者将主要是境外人士

12月10日,诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼将在奥斯陆举行,获奖人刘晓波的妻子刘霞公开邀请140多人参加典礼。中国当局控制升级,除隔绝刘霞与外界联络、软禁多名人士外,更禁止部分人士出境。

香港及海外人士

由于中国政府的严控,刘晓波及其夫人刘霞肯定无法出现在颁奖礼上,中国境内的民主人士一度担心颁奖礼无法召开或延期举行,但诺贝尔奖委员会常务秘书伦德斯塔已证实,将会如期举行。

据德国之声了解,诺贝尔和平奖颁奖礼上有30到50个坐席是为获奖者刘晓波及其代表们预留的。流亡美国的民运人士杨建利,最初协助刘霞向媒体发出公 开邀请函接受德国之声采访时表示,由于大部分在名单上的国内的人无法出境,会有不在公开邀请函名单上的流亡或旅居海外的中国异见人士出席,但目前还不方便 完全公开这份出席名单。

杨建利还介绍到,香港民主党主席何俊仁、职工盟秘书长李卓人、跨香港和台湾两界的黎志英、中国维权律师关注组潘嘉伟,都会在出席名单内。

据德国之声早前同香港立法会委员梁国雄联系,他表示也会参加这次颁奖礼并会在颁奖典礼期间联合其他人权组织代表,到中国驻挪威大使馆外抗议,要求释放刘晓 波。

居住在中国公共卫生领域维权人士万延海也发表声明称,已收到诺贝尔奖组委会的邀请,杨建利证实他在参加名单之中。

德国之声记者在推特微博上也与一位不愿透露姓名的将参加颁奖礼的人士取得了联系,这位目前身居海外的人士是《零八宪章》的签署人之一。

最初表示愿意参加颁奖礼并获得邀请函的中国作家戴晴新近突然在博客上撰文表示,不会出席颁奖仪式,理由是:原来以为中国当局打压,内陆无代表人物,既然万延海确定参加,她将打点行装回国去继续自己的工作。

大名单上中国境内人士多被监控

据悉,公开邀请函的名单上大约有一半人是《零八宪章》的签名者。中国当局控制一大批刘霞所发布名单上的人或其家属出境,据刘晓波的好友崔卫平博客登 载,先后有十余位维权人士、《零八宪章》签署者、公共知识分子等如郝建、贺卫方、莫少平、卢跃刚的夫人、丁东(及妻子邢小群、儿子丁丁)等被阻止出国。因 为中国政府担心这些人转道奥斯陆。

中国境内大名单上的其他人也大多被当局监控或软禁,如民运人士李海、自由撰稿人莫之许等人。

据一位中国网民在网上发布,他曾在一个公开的电影活动中遇到名单中的姜文,并问他是否参加诺奖颁奖礼,姜文未明确作答,但表示自己是刘晓波的朋友。

作者:吴雨

责编:凝炼

2010年11月24日 星期三

平壤到底有多少战争本钱?

新闻报道 | 2010.11.24

韩国百姓忧心忡忡

在朝鲜炮轰韩国延平岛后,不少韩国居民对这场冲突将进一步升级表示担忧。韩国政府已对朝鲜的这起攻击行动发出强烈谴责并明确表示,今后不会坐视朝鲜的任何挑衅行为。国际社会也对朝鲜发出明确的批评声。

周二至周三一整夜总算平静地过去。然而延平岛的居民仍然惊魂未定。这个岛屿就在韩朝边界有争议的海岸线附近。韩国居民表示:

“朝鲜的攻击令人震惊。不安全的因素显然已经增加。”

“我感到很不安全。我希望这场冲突不要扩大为战争。”

本周二(11月23日,朝鲜首次自1953年朝鲜战争结束以来,向有人居住的韩国岛屿发射了炮弹。攻击的目标是延平岛的一个军事基地。两名韩国士兵 被打死,15名士兵受伤。几枚炮弹还落在了附近的房屋上并炸伤了至少3名平民百姓。此次炮轰引起的森林大火直到现在也还没有完全被扑灭。韩国军队在朝鲜炮 击之后也向距离韩国领土只有13公里的朝鲜目标发射了炮弹。大约1小时后双方才停止了炮轰行动。 朝鲜方面在国家各大媒体指责韩国应对局势恶化承担责任。

“韩国傀儡政权继续它的军事挑衅行动,并不顾朝鲜方面多次提出的警告,军事演习行动中向朝鲜民主主义人民共和国领土发射了多枚炮弹。“”

韩国则强调说,朝鲜的炮击行动在先。美国,欧盟包括俄罗斯都对朝鲜的这一挑衅行为发出谴责。中国则呼吁韩朝双方保持克制。虽然韩国总统李明博在事发后首次阐明立场时强调了避免朝鲜半岛冲突升级的重要性,但是随后他又明确表示了不会对朝鲜挑衅行为听之任之的决心。

“几百个声明和会谈迄今都没有效果。我认为,军队有义务采取具体行动予以反击。我们绝对不会容忍袭击平民百姓的行为发生。”

李明博不排除在朝鲜再次采取类似行为时,炮轰朝鲜导弹阵地的可能性。此外韩国还在考虑将此次炮击事件提交联合国安理会讨论。今年3月韩国的一艘巡逻 舰曾被朝鲜鱼雷炸沉。46名海军士兵丧生。当时韩国也将这个案子提交了联合国安理会讨论。有分析人士认为,朝鲜此次采取炮击行动的真实目的并不象朝鲜声称 的那样,是因为韩国的军事演习引起。日本朝鲜问题专家森本贵幸(Morimoto)估计,在朝鲜的军事威胁行动下隐藏着其他动机。

“不少迹象表明,朝鲜的目的是为了迫使美国同它举行直接谈判,或者迫使美国在不设任何前提的情况下重返六方会谈。过去朝鲜对重开六方会谈态度冷淡, 但现在是美国和韩国不愿谈判。因此朝鲜就通过这种炮击行动制造不稳定局势。朝鲜希望通过这个办法强制美国和韩国回到谈判桌旁。”

分析人士认为,朝鲜发动此次炮击行动可能还有内政方面的原因。目前朝鲜正在实行权力交接,这次炮击行动也可能是为了证明金正日的小儿子金正恩已经掌握了军队大权,可以对军队发号施令了。


作者: Peter Kujath 编译: 韩明芳

责编:凝炼


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平壤到底有多少战争本钱?

朝韩炮击发生后,美国即刻宣布"华盛顿号"航空母舰将参加黄海美韩军事演习,宣称美国将履行保卫韩国的国际义务。与此同时,国际间对朝鲜战争能力以及平壤能够从自己的盟友一方期待怎样的支持,也予以越来越多的关注。

据韩国媒体报道:有美国"乔治-华盛顿号"航空母舰参加的美韩军演,最快将于周末在黄海地区举行。德国《明镜周刊》提出分析说:一手亮剑, 一手谈判,这是美国应对目前朝鲜半岛紧张局势的双面策略。相比较而言,朝鲜方面发出的信号迄今并不明确。平壤一直在强调自己是在自卫;但也有未经证实的消 息称:朝鲜根本否认向韩国方面发射过炮弹。鉴于朝鲜半岛上陡然紧张起来的局势,已经引起特别是亚洲各国的密切关注,德国特里尔大学东亚军事问题专家瓦格内 尔博士(Dr.Martin Wagener)对本台记者提出分析说:

"就目前情况看,朝鲜明显存在着一些问题。前不久,一架朝鲜战斗机曾在中国境内紧急着陆;现在朝鲜人民军的装备情况,还足以在成功进行闪电战的条件 下,短期内占领对手一些领土;北方拥有大约17000门大炮,其中大部分部署在朝韩之间的非军事区附近。此外,北方还可以利用韩国首都首尔就在双方边境左 近这样的近乎人质的地理位置上。"

美国宣布要捍卫韩国,北京呢?

本周二,朝鲜方面最重要的盟友中国通过自己的官方媒体,也公布了一些北方军事实力的情况。新华网首页刊登一张示意图,显示朝鲜拥有从短程导弹,长程 大炮到远程导弹一系列军事装备,来支持与南方可能发生的军事冲突。但新华社除了重复了此前中国外交部的表态,希望各方克制之外,没有涉及北京作为平壤盟友 将会如何应对可能发生的冲突升级。瓦格内尔博士指出:北京担负的纸面义务与中国官方近年来私下透露出的意向大相径庭:

"1961年双方(中朝双方)鉴定的结盟协议依旧有效,其中也包括彼此承担参战的义务。这是一项硬性的规定,一旦有事,中国就有义务伸出援手。但假 如朝鲜被证明是始作俑者,北京是否还会兑现自己的义务,不得而知。另一方面,来自胡锦涛周围的,经过印证的信息显示:北京很早就警告过金正日,特别是在小 布什当政时期是如此,你(朝鲜)不要认真指望着我们(中国)在你们跟美国人耍手段刷过了头时,会帮助你们,就像1951年到1953年那样。换言之,北京 不准备因为平壤如此的把戏,而置身于第二次中美军事对抗之中。"

微笑外交因军事示威而搁浅

事实上,美韩今年七月间拟在黄海举行的联合军演,已经引起包括高级军方在内的整个北京政界的强烈反映。最终,连中国总理温家宝也出面强烈反对美国 派"华盛顿号"航母参与黄海军演。但鉴于目前朝鲜半岛局势,截至到发稿,尚未看到来自中国的,针对美国与韩国即将举行的大型军事演习的反应。在马丁-瓦格 内尔博士看来,北京从黄海,东海到南海,2010年之内已经用各种方式向美国表示了自己不愿受制于人的意愿,但效果并不理想:

"中国人如果能够通过把平壤请回到六方会谈的桌子上来,就能够更有效地体现自己的地缘重要意义;也可以换回美国更多的回报;前不久,中国曾经以技术 故障为理由,切断过对朝鲜的石油供应。当时有人认为者就是在向平壤施压,警告其不要过分。但就中国本身而言,近年来北京展开的微笑外交,2010年不得不 宣告中断;军事示威的效果适得其反。北京目前在亚洲的处境比此前要糟糕许多。"

作者:一通

编者:凝炼

2010年11月23日 星期二

柬埔寨踩踏事件

Survivors Fill Hospitals as Cambodia Toll Rises

One of the worst stampedes in recent years killed at least 378 people at a holiday celebration Monday night.



/柬埔寨踩踏事件:排除系恐怖事件 好奇加重慘劇

http://www.cdnews.com.tw 2010-11-23 21:43:50
沈子涵/整理

 中新社金邊23日電,原本舉國歡慶、歌舞昇平的柬埔寨“送水節”,卻在22日晚上即將結束前的幾個小時,發生了出乎意料的擠壓踩踏致死悲劇事 件,造成了上千人死傷。死傷者大多數為來自周邊省份的村民及制衣廠工人,給柬國人民帶來了揮之不去的傷痛,金邊眾多市民也為此度過了一個悲傷的難眠之 夜。

 洪森總理深夜講話,市民贊政府應變能力強
 
 柬埔寨《華商日報》提供消息稱,擠壓踩踏的慘劇發生後,迅速傳遍金邊大街小巷,習慣於早眠的金邊市民因此根本無法入睡,四處打聽猜測,各類謠言 也隨之而起,鬧得人心惶惶。所幸洪森總理于23日淩晨1時半正式通過各大電臺公開事實真相,並責令各級政府部門迅速投入救災之中,爭取將死亡人數減至最 低。洪森總理于淩晨2時30分再度向國民表示,死亡人數已竄升至339人,同時也有超過300人受傷,並於各大醫院急救中,政府還迅速決定11月25日為 全國哀悼日。
 
 政府神速的應變、及時讓全國市民跟進與瞭解慘劇真相,得到了市民普遍的讚賞。各大咖啡廳23日一早在談論此事時,對洪森總理的應變舉措都予以支 持。市民詹旺達表示,自己徹夜未眠、緊跟電臺新聞但覺得十分值得。與前段時間菲律賓政府對於劫持事件的應對能力相較,柬國政府官員確實已盡力而為了。而且 洪森總理的及時反應,同時也告之金邊市民這不是一場恐怖事件,而是純屬意外。而現場憲兵的積極救難表現確實難得,不單讓他掌握了第一時間的資訊,也改變了 以往對政府的看法。
 
 23日上午,金邊大部分員警已被抽調前往各大醫院及事發現場維持秩序,金邊各主道的員警明顯比往日減少許多。金邊警察局長杜那洛表示,慘劇發生 在送水節即將結束之時,將所有人帶入悲痛之中,眾多政府官員及執勤員警、憲兵徹夜救援,維持秩序,力爭將死亡人數控制到最低。柬國政府又宣佈了成立四個相 關的善後緊急處理部門。
 
 排除系恐怖事件 好奇加重慘劇
 
 柬埔寨政府雖未對事故發生的原因定下結論,但已積極展開調查。根據現場情況及各方面收集的訊息,目前已可確定的是,擠壓踩踏慘劇絕非恐怖事件, 而造成整起意外的發生排除了橋體坍塌、斷裂或搖晃,或者電線短路所致。甘密醫院法醫指出,死者大部分因肺部缺氧窒息而死,身體各部位都有明顯的擠壓傷痕。 傷者也表示,當時情況極為混亂,橋上人滿為患,許多人都可以腳不沾地的被推來擠去,最後慘劇終於發生了。
 
 據目前掌握的線索推測,導致悲劇的發生較為可信的因素是:事發當時,因橋上過於擁擠,造成其中個別老年人因體力不支而暈倒,引發周邊年輕人的恐 慌及哄鬧,讓更多好奇者從兩邊往橋上擠,因此有人被擠至護欄處,護欄搖晃讓橋上者誤為橋身傾斜,引發更大的恐慌導致慘劇發生。而另一說法事件的起因是橋上 擁擠時,好事的男子趁機對周邊女孩伸出“咸濕”手所致。
 
 根據現場畫面及警方的說法可以得知,來自首都以外省份的遊客對於交通規則並不熟悉,愛湊熱鬧,及年輕人的好奇心態才是此次悲劇的導火索。而最為 可悲的是,悲劇發生時,圍觀者不是即時散開,而是一擁而上的,阻礙了最佳的救援機會,也加重了慘劇的發生。無論如何逝者已矣,柬國市民尤其是年輕人更應從 此事件中吸取教訓。

North and South Korea Exchange Fire, Killing Two

North and South Korea Exchange Fire, Killing Two

South Korea said it returned fire after North Korea shot dozens of rounds of artillery onto an island near the countries’ border, killing two South Korean soldiers.

Interactive Timeline: The North Korean Challenge

The dictatorship has specialized in provoking the international community.

Yonhap News Agency, via European Pressphoto Agency
Smoke rose from South Korea’s Yeonpyeong Island after North Korea reportedly fired dozens of rounds of artillery toward the island.


北韓炮擊南韓 已傳1死14傷 【14:50】

北韓今日無預警朝南韓開火,南韓也不甘示弱回擊,造成1死14傷。(路透社)
〔本報訊〕外電報導,今天在台北時間下午約2點半,北韓無預警發射了超過200發的砲彈,落在南韓的延坪島(Yeonpyeong)上,目前島上已有4處 起火燃燒,造成超過70棟民房失火,南韓媒體還報導有13名軍人和2名民眾在這場砲戰中受傷送醫,其中1名軍人傷重不治。預料傷亡數字伋可能持續上修。

 據了解,這些砲彈是從黃海南道海岸的砲擊基地所發射,但通常試射砲彈都是往海面,這次卻意外在陸上落地,令人費解。事發後,南韓軍方也立即以超過80砲 彈還以顏色,並進入最高警戒,南韓還下令空軍戰機F16緊急出動。媒體報導,南韓總統李明博為此召開了緊急國安會議,並下令南韓軍方停止反擊。

 南韓軍方並要求民眾避難,據報導,南韓已有13位軍人及2名百姓受傷,其中1名軍人已經確定罹難,但火警引起濃黑的煙霧,民眾只能在黑暗中摸黑至防空洞避難,目前南韓軍方也進入高度警戒與加強巡邏工作,以戰機的上空巡邏為主。

 日媒分析,北韓這次會大動作發射砲彈的原因,第一是因為北韓日前公佈新的核子反應爐,南韓表達不滿,北韓為了遏止南韓反彈聲浪繼續高漲,才會發砲彈警 告;而另一個原因則是北韓為了鞏固金正恩的地位,因此發射砲彈。另外,也有南韓媒體猜測,這場砲戰和目前美國與南韓的軍事演練有關。

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2010年11月15日 星期一

Hong Kong court rules divorcing couples must split assets equally

2010年11月15日 15:05 PM

香港法院:离婚夫妇财产均分
Hong Kong court rules divorcing couples must split assets equally




Hong Kong’s highest court has ruled that divorcing couples should receive an equal share of assets in most cases, in a landmark ruling lawyers say could trigger a rush of “big money” divorce cases.

香港终审法院裁定,在大多数离婚案件中,夫妻双方应平均分配财产。律师们认为,这项具有里程碑意义的裁定,可能会引发大额离婚案热潮。

A three-judge panel decided on Friday that an unidentified 47-year-old woman, who stopped working after marrying a Hong Kong businessman in 1996, was entitled to receive half of her ex-husband’s assets, or HK$2.68m (US$346,000). Their childless marriage ended in 2003.

由三位法官组成的小组上周五裁定,一起离婚案中的女方有权获得前夫一半的财产,价值268万港元(合34.6万美元)。这位47岁的女性1996年与一位香港商人结婚后就不再工作。二人2003年离婚,婚内未育有子女。

“To confine a non-working wife’s award to the sum needed to meet her ‘reasonable requirements’ and to permit the husband to keep the remaining assets is patently unfair and discriminatory,” Justice Roberto Ribeiro wrote in a Court of Final Appeal judgment.

李义法官(Justice Roberto Ribeiro)在终审法院判决书中写道:“将对家庭主妇的补偿局限于满足其‘合理要求’所需的金额,显然有失公平且具有歧视性。”

The latest decision puts Hong Kong’s divorce law in line with that of England and Wales, where estranged wives are entitled to half of their spouse’s wealth following a court ruling in 2000.

这项最新裁决使得香港的离婚法律与英格兰和威尔士趋于一致——根据2000年一项法庭裁定,在英格兰和威尔士,离婚时女方有权获得配偶一半的财产。

This has since led to a procession of huge multi-million pound divorce awards for ex-wives.

自那以来,英格兰和威尔士出现了一系列前妻获得赔偿数百万英镑的巨额离婚案件。

Mark Harper, partner at Withers, said: “It does mean that Hong Kong could now really become the divorce capital of this part of Asia because a spouse only needs to have a substantial connection with Hong Kong to be able to file for divorce there.

卫达仕(Withers)律师事务所合伙人马克•哈珀(Mark Harper)说:“这的确意味着,香港如今确实可能会变成亚洲这片地区的离婚圣地,因为只要一方配偶与香港有重要关系,就能在那里提起离婚。”

“If an entrepreneur has businesses in mainland China and wealth in Hong Kong, their spouse could easily file for divorce in Hong Kong,” he said.

他说:“如果一位企业家在内地有业务,在香港有财产,其配偶就能很容易地在香港提出离婚。”

“Also many businessmen have factories on the mainland and their wives and children often live in Hong Kong.”

“还有很多商人在内地拥有工厂,但妻子和孩子常常住在香港。”

Friday’s ruling upheld a lower court judgment in 2008. Then the wife, a former mainland China citizen and graduate of a top Chinese university, successfully appealed against a 2006 court decision that awarded her one-third of her ex-husband’s assets.

本案中女方曾为中国内地居民,毕业于一所中国最好的大学。2006年法院判决女方获得前夫财产的三分之一,但她在2008年提起的上诉成功驳回了原判。上周五的裁定维持了上诉裁决。

“The Court of Final Appeal has finally reaffirmed that any discrimination against non-earning wives are washed away,” said Peter Barnes, the wife’s attorney.

女方辩护律师彭思杰(Peter Barnes)表示:“终审法院终于重申,对家庭主妇的任何歧视都应取消。”

Jonathan Mok, partner at Mayer Brown JSM, said the ruling was likely to lead to more pre-nuptial agreements in Hong Kong, where large sums of family money are often brought into marriages, usually by the husbands.

孖士打(Mayer Brown JSM)律师行合伙人莫子应(Jonathan Mok)指出,由于婚姻中经常会涉及大笔的家族财产(通常是男方家族),这项裁定可能会造成更多香港人签订婚前协议。

“Pre-nups allow couples to decide on their own . . .  how their future matrimonial assets can be divided rather than leaving it to the courts,” he said.

他说:“婚前协议可以让夫妻双方自行决定……将来如何分割婚内财产,而不用留给法院解决。”

Mr Harper of Withers agrees: “Given the colossal amount of wealth being created here at the moment, anyone who has links with Hong Kong  . . . will need to think about having a pre-nuptial agreement.” he said.

卫达仕的马克•哈珀对此表示赞同:“鉴于现在这里创造着巨大的财富,任何与香港有关联的人……都有必要考虑签署婚前协议。”

Although pre-nups are not legally binding in the city and have never been tested in courts, Mr Mok said that following the lKatrin Radmacher ruling in London, any question about their validity would probably be decided by the Hong Kong courts on the same basis in the UK.

虽然婚前协议在香港并无法律效力,在法院也从未有过判例,但莫子应表示,根据伦敦对卡特琳•拉德马赫(Katrin Radmacher)案的判决,香港法院可能会基于与英国相同的原则,对有关婚前协议效力的问题做出判决。

Last month, the UK’s Supreme Court upheld a pre-nup jointly signed by Ms Radmacher, a German industrial heiress, and her ex-husband Nicolas Granatino, a former investment banker.

上个月,英国最高法院支持了德国实业继承人拉德马赫女士与前夫——前投资银行家尼古拉•格拉纳蒂诺(Nicolas Granatino)共同签署的婚前协议。

The Radmacher judgment means pre-nups are likely to be given “decisive weight” by judges in “big money” divorce cases.

拉德马赫案的判决意味着,法官在大额离婚案件中会给予婚前协议“决定性的权重”。

Hong Kong’s Court of Final Appeal also made clear that the equal-sharing principle might not always apply.

香港终审法院还明确表示,平均分配原则并非永远适用。

In another judgment handed down on Friday, the court ruled that the ex-wife of a local tycoon’s son should only get HK$11.9m, or about one-third of their assets, owing to the shortness of their marriage.

在上周五判决的另一个案件中,法庭裁决,由于婚姻存续时间短暂,一位本地大亨之子的前妻只能得到1190万港元,约为夫妻财产的三分之一。

The couple were in an “on and off” relationship for 12 years before they got married in 1997 in Las Vegas.

这对夫妻1997年于拉斯维加斯结婚,之前的12年间曾经几度分手。

Their “turbulent” marriage ended in 2000 when the 45-year-old wife left Hong Kong – where the couple were living in her parents-in-law’s four-storey, 20,000 sq ft mansion – for her home country, Malaysia, and did not return.

他们“动荡的”婚姻于2000年宣告结束,45岁的妻子离港返回祖国马来西亚,然后再也没有回过香港。在香港期间二人居住在男方父母家2万呎的四层别墅中。

After being awarded HK$9.2m, or one-fourth of total assets, from a lower court in 2007, she appealed and was later given about 40 per cent. The 43-year-old husband appealed against that ruling.

2007年,区域法院判决女方可获得920万港元,相当于总财产的四分之一。女方提起上诉,可获资产比例提高至40%。但43岁的丈夫又继续提起上诉。


译者/王柯伦

2010年11月14日 星期日

亞洲已經全盤西化了

BBC 報導翁山素姬釋放後亞洲個國首長的評論
每個人的英文都可能比馬英九"先生"的好得多多
亞洲已經全盤西化了
***

挣扎中的傣族文化
随着中国云南西双版纳旅游经济的迅速发展,传统傣族文化的传承遭遇了前所未有的挑战。在传统傣族村落文化被现代汉族城市文明逐渐同化的背景下,一些傣族人靠着音乐和建筑在努力维系着和自己民族的最后一丝关系
[更多]
Audio 挣扎中的傣族文化(音频)


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貝爾經濟學獎得主斯蒂格利茨(Joseph Stiglitz)將美聯儲(Federal Reserve)的量化寬鬆政策貶斥為“以鄰為壑”的貨幣貶值策略﹐並呼籲美國學習中國的經濟刺激藝術。

美國總統奧巴馬(Barack Obama)曾為美聯儲這個有爭議的計劃說好話。他對國際社會說﹐美國經濟的快速增長對整個世界經濟有利。但斯蒂格利茨週四在香港一場研討會上發言時指責﹐量化寬鬆造成美元貶值﹐實際上是在從其他經濟體竊取增長。

斯蒂格利茨在亞洲國際地產投資交易會(Mipim Asia)上說﹐奧巴馬總統說﹐如果美國實現增長﹐整個世界將會受益﹐這一點說得對﹐但他忘記提一點﹐即競爭性貨幣貶值是一種以他人為代價的增長形式﹔所以我認為它將來可能會給世界經濟帶來麻煩。

美 聯儲通過增加美國貨幣供給刺激美國經濟的量化寬鬆政策﹐已經引起了新興市場國家的警覺。他們擔心此舉最終反倒造成大量“熱錢”湧入﹐催生資產泡沫和通貨膨 脹﹐讓規模更小的發展中經濟體無力招架。作為防範﹐很多國家和地區都在建立或強化資本管制﹐即限制資金出入的銀行監管措施。最新採取這種措施的是台灣和巴 西﹐韓國也在考慮採取什麼樣的具體辦法。

斯蒂格利茨說﹐各國資本管制各自為政﹐“正在分裂全球資本市場”。

斯蒂格利茨來自美國哥倫比亞大學(Columbia University)。他呼籲低利率國家(特別是美國)不要僅僅是放寬貨幣政策﹐還要借低利率優勢提高政府支出。

他說﹐我們真的要向中國學習經驗﹐如果拿錢投資﹐短期內經濟就會增長﹐長期也會因此而增長。他說中國過去兩年的大規模基礎設施投資已經改變了整個國家的“經濟地理”﹐從而為將來幾年的強勁增長奠定了基礎。

他說﹐美國也應該這樣做﹐而且各種項目很有可能取得可觀的投資回報﹐因為過去20年基礎設施的投入實在太少。

斯 蒂格利茨說﹐美國有一系列事情亟待完成﹐我們可以開始高速鐵路建設﹔2000年草擬的基礎設施建設清單上﹐首要任務就是建設新奧爾良的防洪堤壩﹔眾所周知 ﹐新奧爾良需要一個新堤壩﹐若當初能夠投資50億美元建設防洪堤﹐則可挽回2,000億美元的損失(譯者注:指的是2005年卡特琳娜颶風)﹐想想這個項 目的資本回報率有多大吧。

不過﹐斯蒂格利茨承認﹐第二輪刺激財政的夢想不太可能實現。他說﹐相比之下﹐小布什政府出台的減稅政策倒更有可能得到延期﹐該政策的成本與效益比例非常低﹐而這將影響聯邦政府的預算赤字。

在匯率問題上﹐斯蒂格利茨與以中國為首的新興市場看法一致﹐認為發達國家數十年來擁護的自由浮動匯率制波動性太大了。

斯蒂格利茨說﹐對於普通企業來說﹐它們只是想把自己的產品賣出去﹐而匯率總是一刻不停地上下波動﹐這讓企業不清楚自己在賣出產品之後換回的是什麼。他說﹐金融市場還沒有發明出可為企業保值的足夠好、足夠便宜的避險工具。

斯蒂格利茨說﹐匯率波動產生的社會成本也很高﹐因此各國政府要將市場沒有管理好的匯率穩定下來﹐這是非常合情合理的。

因此﹐如果你接受為減少匯率波動而出手干預匯市的做法﹐認為其對世界經濟沒有造成傷害﹐那麼認為這種做法“越界”並成為“損人利己”的操縱手段的說法從何談起呢?這是20國集團峰會上各國決策者正試圖取得一致的核心問題。

例如﹐有人會說:中國今年已積累了2,500億美元的外匯儲備﹐但卻令人民幣僅升值了約3%。這個做法不是很過分嗎?

斯蒂格利茨說﹐中國的匯率政策是可以理解的。他響應了中國國務院總理溫家寶的觀點﹐即人民幣快速升值會造成數千家中國企業倒閉。

斯蒂格利茨說﹐鑒於市場不能為依賴出口的企業提供充分保護﹐那麼確保本國匯率波動不至於迫使相當數量的、對宏觀經濟有影響的本土企業倒閉﹐這至少是一個政府應當做出的、最起碼的干預舉動。

Alex Frangos

(更新完成)

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媒体看中国 | 2010.11.14

“邓小平应获诺奖”?-港媒批向北京献媚

本周,香港媒体报道和评论的主要焦点有:素有香港左派之称的香港行政会议召集人梁振英日前称曾镇压"六四"运动的邓小平应获得诺贝尔和平奖,在香港引起轩然大波;中国总理温家宝道澳门参加论坛遭到示威抗议。

“侮辱诺奖和六四亡灵”

周六的香港《苹果日报》和《明报》等报纸都在头版醒目位置刊登新闻称,香港行政会议召集人梁振英日前表示,邓小平应获得诺贝尔和平 奖。《苹果日报》的报道写道:"近年挖空心思包装成关心基层、重视民意的政治人物,但他昨日到中文大学演讲时「露底」,为了向北京献媚,竟然认为下令血腥 镇压八九民运的已故中共领导人邓小平,应该是「第一个获诺贝尔和平奖的中国人」,而非曾参与民运的刘晓波。言论引起在场学生哗然,支联会炮轰梁振英侮辱六 四英灵,港人绝不会饶恕他,梁为竞逐下届特首而累积的民望将「一铺清袋」。"

《苹果日报》的报道写道:"支联会副主席李卓人轰梁振英言论侮辱六四英灵、侮辱诺贝尔和平奖,......显示梁振英不论如何扮作关心民意,最终他仍然是对北京唯命是从,出卖港人民意......民主党立法会议员张文光也形容梁振英言论荒唐,为了回避对刘晓波获和平奖表态,不惜吹捧邓小平,却不知香港广大民意支持平反六四,梁的说法显示了若港人和北京立场出现矛盾,梁将毫无保留站在北京一方。"

《明报》的报道补充了一点细节:"梁振英演讲后表示,邓小平带领中国国民脱离贫穷,为内地及邻近地区的繁荣及稳定作出贡献。被问及邓小平与社会对六 四事件有不同的取态时,梁振英表示,六四事件是中国人的悲剧,事件仍可以讨论,现在「尚未完全清楚真相」。至于邓小平在六四事件的角色,梁振英说﹕「留待 历史评价。」被问及当年曾以个人名义及联署方式刊登广告,谴责中共血腥屠杀中国人民时,他响应说﹕「看法没有改变。」"

澳门团体抗议温家宝访问

《明报》还同时报道了中国总理温家宝在澳门会遭到示威抗议的消息。报道写道:"在温家宝在澳门期间,一些港澳团体都酝酿组织示威,其中包括澳门的劳 工团体。而本港支联会副主席李卓人表示,支联会4名常委包括何俊仁、李耀基、梁国华和他本人,将于今早9时到上环信德中心,坐船到澳门,向身在澳门的总理 温家宝请愿,要求中央释放刘晓波、刘霞和赵连海,落实民主改革。但李卓人预料,他们将遭澳门当局拒绝入境。"

报道接着写道:"在主教山一带,昨日下午已有大批澳门司警驻守,新竹苑迎宾馆门口已放置安检装置,有多名警员在大堂驻守。附近的濠澋酒店亦同样保安 严密,不时有警员出入。沿新竹苑前的竹室正街一直上山,街道多已被粉饰一新,新竹苑后面的一个小公园亦临时关闭,公园铁门贴出通告,称该休憩区自11月 12至14日期间内部装修,暂停对外开放。"

《明报》的报道还同时透露,澳门经济长期高度依赖博彩业,在其它方面发展滞后,温家宝此次到访,澳门特区政府会提出中央允许海南岛经营博彩业对澳门经济产生冲击的问题。

报道写道:"澳门消息人士表示,虽然中央仅限定海南发展体育彩票等竞技博彩,与澳门的赌场有很大不同,但难保海南地方当局「上有政策,下有对策」, 这样一来必对澳门造成打击。而早前有澳门团体已向中央表示了担忧。此次温家宝总理到澳门,相信会听取有关方面意见,为海南与澳门谋求一个双赢方案。"

摘编:李华

责编:乐然

2010年11月13日 星期六

陳定南紀念園區 主體落成

陳定南紀念園區 主體落成
「如果討人喜歡與受人尊敬無法兩全,我寧願受人尊敬。」這是陳定南的名言,也是他的品格與堅持。(記者游明金攝)
象徵陳定南象徵「頂真」、廉能精神的公事包。(記者游明金攝)
陳定南遺孀張昭義(右),看著與陳定南的婚紗照,想著以前的種種回憶,充滿不捨與懷念。(記者游明金攝)
陳定南紀念園區主體工程完成。(記者游明金攝)

〔記者游明金/宜蘭報導〕絲竹悠揚的樂音,伴隨著懷念,陳定南紀念園區主體工程完成,昨天舉行「逗陣來獻館」完工典禮;陳定南教育基金會董事長林光義說,紀念園區保存清廉、魄力等核心價值,要讓該園區成為台灣人精神寄託的地方。

陳定南紀念園區設在陳定南三星鄉大洲村老家,園區設置經費均係募款,有超過六千人出錢出力共同建館,共募得八千多萬元,主體工程、庭園造景已完成,但尚不足二千萬元,致室內裝修及各項佈展計畫延宕,無法立即啟用。

積極籌募建館經費

林光義說,正式開館可能延宕些時日,基金會積極籌募建館經費,一定要做到盡善盡美,才符合陳定南追求完美不打折扣的精神,捐款專線(○三)九三六六六八八。

「如果討人喜歡與受人尊敬無法兩全,我寧願受人尊敬。」前法務部長陳定南於九十五年十一月五日病逝,他的廉能、公正與無私奉獻,是台灣人最珍貴的核心價值,紀念園區的興建,希望保存陳定南的典範與精神。

基金會收集記憶陳定南生命印象的文物,近六百箱書籍、遺物,把認真、執著、有遠見、有創意的陳定南,寫得絲絲入扣、有血有肉;二、三萬張照片,五百張以上有內涵、有趣味的信函,無一遺漏。

陳 定南遺孀張昭義將象徵陳定南「頂真」、廉能精神的復刻版公事包,贈予縣長林聰賢,重現去年縣長選舉前,傳承精神的感人畫面。張昭義說,陳定南當縣長時,是 最快樂的時候,為理念打拚,歡喜做、甘願受,看到大家為陳定南出錢出力,她很感動,也感到抱歉,心情複雜。張昭義參觀館藏時,看著與陳定南的婚紗照,想著 種種回憶,充滿了不捨與懷念。

建築師黃建興說,陳定南紀念園區以陳定南故居發想設計,將舊有三合院重新整修,把陳家老宅保存下來,新增建築物的設計以「方」、「正」出發,象徵陳定南清廉、頂真的風骨。

俄國有辦法東西方內部通吃嗎

俄國有辦法東西方通吃嗎


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- Press freedom in Russia takes yet another beating

Russian journalists and civil rights groups are demanding the Kremlin take
action following brutal attacks targeting journalists. Newspaper journalist
Oleg Kashin was severely beaten in Moscow last Saturday. Alleged footage of
the attack was posted online and broadcast on state television. The 30 year
old journalist with the Kommersant business newspaper remains hospitalised.

The DW-WORLD.DE Article
http://newsletter.dw-world.de/re?l=ew6kc8I44va89pI1#6220511

Russia | 13.11.2010

Russia juggles its growing partnerships with the West and China

Russia has reset its relationship with the US and the EU while consolidating its partnership with China. In order to secure its national interests, Moscow must manage a tricky balancing act between the West and the East.

Flush with cash from booming oil and gas exports, Moscow unilaterally pursued Russian national interests during Vladimir Putin's tenure as president. In the process, Russia's relationship with the West deteriorated to a historic low point.

But then the economic crisis hit. Energy prices collapsed and Russia's rapid growth ground to a halt.

After Dmitry Medvedev assumed the presidency in 2008, Moscow sought to jumpstart the slumping Russian economy through so-called "modernization alliances" with the US and the EU. Yet at the same time, the oil-rich country began consolidating its "strategic partnership" with an oil-hungry China. Russia wanted to pursue its national interests in economic modernization and growth and knew that it needed both the West and China in these endeavors.

Love-hate relationship

Moscow's relationship with the West has a long history of ambivalence. Culturally tied to Europe, yet also influenced by Asia, Russia sits awkwardly between two worlds.

Protestor in Moscow with sign opposing NATOBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Russia's relationship with the West deteriorated as NATO expanded eastward

"The Russians do see themselves more as a part of western civilization," Andrew Kuchins, director of the Russia and Eurasia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told Deutsche Welle. "They are Eurasian, a power bordering Europe as well as the Pacific Ocean. But the bulk of the population is in European Russia."

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Moscow seemed to have taken a step toward definitively joining the West. President Boris Yeltsin implemented a series of radical reforms designed to put Russia's political and economic system in synch with its former Cold War enemies.

But as the European Union and NATO rapidly expanded into the former Eastern Bloc, Moscow felt marginalized in its own "near abroad." Then Vladimir Putin came to power. Buoyed by surging oil and gas exports, Putin sought to stabilize Russia domestically and reassert its influence in the former Soviet states.

The developments put the West and Russia on a collision course. In the summer of 2008, they finally collided in the South Caucasus. Russia fought a lightening-quick war against Georgia, a former Soviet republic that has increasingly looked westward. In response to the conflict, NATO severed cooperation with Moscow. But according to Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, the West also played a key role in the dispute.

"It takes everyone who's involved to organize a better framework for relations," Trenin told Deutsche Welle. "The western policy that included some countries into western institutions and left others such as Russia, but also Georgia and Ukraine beyond the perimeter was very risky. That policy is responsible for the Russian-Georgian War."

Pushing the reset button

Power changed hands in Moscow and Washington in quick succession, bringing new leaders and a new outlook on Russia's relationship with the West. US President Barack Obama and Medvedev saw an opportunity to focus on cooperation instead of confrontation.

US President Obama, Russian President MedvedevBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: The US and Russia are now cooperating on common interests

"President Medvedev knows that the modernization of the economy and Russian society cannot be executed without cooperation with the West," Alexander Rahr, director of the Russia and Eurasia program at the German Council on Foreign Relations, told Deutsche Welle.

He said US President Obama didn't want to pursue a policy of containment against Russia.

"He needs Russia in the fight against international terrorism in Afghanistan and Iraq, and he needs Russian support to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program," Rahr said.

As Russian and western interests align, both sides have hinted at moving beyond a quid-pro-quo relationship and bringing Moscow into a deeper security partnership. In the lead up to the NATO summit later this month in Lisbon, Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen has pushed the idea of including Russia in a missile defense shield that would stretch from Vancouver to Vladivostok.

"What Russia and other countries in Europe and North America need to work toward is a Euro-Atlantic security community," Trenin said. "We're not talking about alliances. We're not talking about Russia joining NATO. We're not talking about simply more of the same upgrades of Russia's relations with NATO. What we should be working toward is a state of play in the Euro-Atlantic area where war would not be an instrument of policy."

Eastern horizon

But a Euro-Atlantic security community is not the only game in town. Russia is hedging its bets and forging a strategic partnership with China, as well.

graphic of chinese flag, house and smokestacksBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: China's economic growth is both an opportunity and a concern for Russia

"China is second only to the US in terms of countries that weigh in on the Russian strategic mind," Trenin said. "It is immensely important."

China's meteoric growth has made it the world's largest energy consumer. Russia in turn is one of the world's largest energy producers and is therefore well-positioned to fuel China's economy.

The first pipeline connecting Russian oil fields and Chinese refineries was completed last September. It delivers oil from eastern Siberia to northeastern China. Moscow and Beijing are also working together within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a loose security partnership designed to combat threats such as separatism, terrorism and extremism.

On the international stage, Russia and China share a similar worldview. They both prioritize national sovereignty and the pursuit of national interests over liberal values, such as democracy and human rights. Yet like Russia's relationship with the West, its growing ties with China face challenges.

"There has always been this certain degree of unease despite all the happy talk and positive rhetoric of Russia and China," Kuchins said. China's rapid growth made the Russians nervous, he said.

"The impact of the (economic) crisis was sort of an acceleration of that trend," Kuchins said. "It leads them to question just how much the growth of Chinese power is good for Russian interests."

Independence or isolation?

As Russia simultaneously pursues partnerships with the West and China, it also wants to maintain its status as an independent power. Moscow has constructed a network of institutions to keep the former Soviet states within its sphere of influence. The Commonwealth of Independent States, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Eurasian Economic Community could act as pillars of Eurasian integration.

"The default Russian position is that they would like to be this great superpower," Kuchins said. "There would be the West, Russia and China. But the reality suggests that's not looking to be the case. That forces them to possibly make some harder decisions about just how far they want to push this so-called independent foreign policy."

Russia needs the West for economic modernization, and China presents a lucrative energy market. Yet moving too far too fast in either direction, or striking out on an independent path, could lead to Moscow's isolation.

As a Eurasian power, Russia has little choice but to strike a balance in its relations with the East and the West.

"We have to prepare ourselves for the reality that Russia would like to integrate one leg in Europe and the other in Asia," Rahr said. "If not integration, then it would like to at least work closely with the states of Europe and Asia."

Author: Spencer Kimball
Editor: Sabina Casagrande

媒體全面圍剿《大話新聞》/"公務" 全面演戲幫胡志強遮羞

大話/《大話新聞》
《大話新聞》= 台灣的正義之聲 2010年揭發台北市新生高等大弊案
11月遭國民黨發動的全面媒體圍剿中

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台中選區: "公務" 全面演戲幫胡志強遮羞

啼笑皆非的報導和分析: 誰叛國

啼笑皆非的報導和分析


(1)

媒体看中国 | 2010.11.13

"北京在计划狠击美元"

美元热钱大量涌入全球金融市场,也在中国推动通货膨胀,迫使中国政府采取行动予以还击。迹象表明,北京正在加快努力摆脱美元,计划让人民币取代美元,成为全球流通货币。

《世界报》报道说,中国的通货膨胀率10月份达到4.4%新高,"关键是食品价格,在10月份上涨之快是很久以来所不曾有的,涨了10%。因为这会轻易导致社会混乱,政府必须采取行动。"

这篇题为"北京在计划狠击美元"的报道认为,美联储印制的大量新美元涌入世界金融市场,主要是进入后发展国家,也导致中国的流动资金增加,促进了通货膨胀。

"可是,中国正在抵制。不仅通过新近的加息,这只是一个迫不得已的反应。这个国家显然不想再容忍其经济作为美联储随意玩弄的皮球,也不想再替太平洋另一岸的债务过剩承担后果。所以,中国政府现在明显地加快努力脱离美元,更加独立于美国。"

该报敏锐地注意到,"一个小小的迹象隐藏在几天前流传的一个消息之中,这个消息几乎没有引起注意。据此消息,在第三季度,相当于1290亿美元的国际贸易协议是以人民币结算的。这只占中国总贸易的2.4%,但是,仅仅在一个季度内,数额就整整上升了160%。"

该报写道:"据香港汇丰银行估计,这个势头会持续下去。它预测在5年内以人民币结算的贸易协议额会达到2万亿美元。这种迅速的发展给人印象尤其深 刻,因为自2009年7月以来,才可能签订以人民币结算的国际贸易协议,而此前中国政府是不允许的,因为人民币还不能自由兑换,因此,美元大多是所选择的 货币。现在,温家宝总理公开鼓励企业采用人民币结算,以减少中国对美元的依赖。"

人民币跨境结算受到欢迎

报道说,外国公司乐于接受这个建议,德国的企业如商业康采恩麦德龙也是如此。麦德龙已经开始用人民币支付供货商了。麦德龙驻香港采购部财务总监托马 斯暡级斯兀═homas Burkhalter)表示:"与中国的贸易因此变得相当简单了。过去经常出问题,只要美元汇价突然变化,供货商就要求涨价。"现在,这已经成为过去。其 它康采恩也想利用这个优势,比如诺基亚甚至美国的麦当劳连锁店,它们也都使用人民币作为贸易结算货币。

该报引述德国商业银行的首席经济学家约尔克暱死衬↗örg Krämer)的话说:"这个国家现在正在热身,为了让人民币可以自由兑换。"他认为,在3到4年之内,人民币汇率自由浮动的日子就会来临,"人民币就会很快在亚洲作为交易货币通行。"

该报断言:"或许也会超出亚洲范围。无论如何,反过来美元将会失去意义,它将不再是外汇市场环绕的恒星。中国人的新权力是否会有利于其它货币区域的繁荣,则是另外一个问题。"

摘编:林泉

责编:乐然

(以上内容摘自或节译自其它媒体,不代表德国之声观点)


(2) 誰叛國

新闻报道 | 2010.11.13

陈水扁贪污定谳 “连胡会”再度举行

一周前,台北地方法院一审判决台湾前总统陈水扁涉及的二次金改桉无罪;不过本周四,陈水扁另外涉及的龙潭购地桉及买官桉却被台湾最高法院三审判刑定谳,除非获得特赦,减刑,否则最少得关到七十岁才能出狱。陈水扁表示,这是违宪的判决,是两岸国共联手要置他于死地。

最高法院判决陈水扁贪污定谳

台湾前总统陈水扁家庭所涉重大弊桉,最高法院11日宣判,其中判刑确定部分有龙潭购地桉,陈水扁与妻子吴淑珍各被判刑11年,并科台币1亿5千万元 罚金;101大楼董事长人事桉,陈水扁、吴淑珍各被判刑8年,併科罚金500万元。至于国务机要费、南港展览馆以及洗钱桉,最高法院则都撤销发回高院更 审。

上星期,陈水扁才因为二次金改桉一审获判无罪,喜形于色;不过在龙潭弊桉却被认定贪污定谳。两项判决之所以有如此极大差别,关键在于法官对总统职权 认定看法不同,台北地方法院认为陈水扁只管国防、外交、两岸,金改不在总统的管辖范围,不过最高法院却採实质权力,也就是说,总统掌管一切,公务员在职务 范围内,实质上有影响力就算职务上行为,无论是佣金餽赠等名义都是违法。由于最高法院判决有拘束力,国民党立委邱毅说,这也代表二次金改桉无罪的见解,未 来翻桉的机会非常大。

陈水扁将度过漫长牢狱生活

两年前的11月11号,陈水扁被特侦组声押,当时他被上手铐,还对着镜头大喊司法不公,后来阿扁一度无保释放,但获得自由只有短短12天,又被关了回去。原本陈水扁期待羁押期满能重获自由,此刻希望落空,当时跟支持者道别,笑着说再见,但恐怕还要再等好多年。

法界人士指出,由于陈水扁被控的犯罪时间,有期徒刑上限是廿年,假释门槛是二分之一;因此其他弊桉即使再判有罪,对陈水扁的刑期影响已不大。除非获得特赦、减刑,否则目前已经六十岁的陈水扁,出狱时可能已七十岁。

陈水扁夫妇遭到判决定谳,随之而来的是卸任元首的礼遇,相关费用和国安随扈,将全部取消。而陈水扁的身分从收容人变成受刑人,待遇也将改变,包括会 客、放封、运动等,都将受到累进处遇的分数管控。至于吴淑珍因为下身瘫痪,健康状况不佳,外界关注她是否能够入监服刑,法界认为吴淑珍很有可能会被移交到 位于监狱内设有戒护病床的医院服刑。

陈水扁指控国共联手,将提非常上诉

由于五都选举将届,朝野两大政党为避免刺激群众,对陈水扁遭到判决定谳,都低调表示尊重司法。但当事人陈水扁透过探视的友人发表声明表示,这是违宪 的判决、政治的处决,也是两岸国共联手要置他于死的判决。陈水扁的律师团表示,最高法院论述贪污治罪条例中的公务员法定职务,是引用旧的判例,认为只要公 务员职务上有影响力,收贿就构成贪污。但刑法已修改为以公务员法定职务权限范围内,他们认为最高法院误解新修的法令而做出违背法令的判决,律师团将提出非 常上诉或再审之诉,甚至声请释宪。

亚太经合会两岸«连胡会»

亚太经合会«APEC»经济领袖会议13日起在日本横滨一连召开2天,包括台湾APEC领袖代表连战、美国总统欧巴马、中国国家主席胡锦涛与日本首 相菅直人等APEC会员体领袖都出席会议。而备受各界关注的连战与胡锦涛会谈,也在13日上午举行,这已是两人在«APEC»第三度会谈,这次的重点是两 岸今年签订的两岸经济协议«ECFA»。

连战强调,ECFA签订后,两岸将迈入大交流、大合作与大发展的新阶段,未来两岸应一起参与东亚经济合作,共享亚太地区经济发展的成果;因此希望能在ECFA的基础上,使两岸经济能够与亚太经济合作接轨,让台湾分享东亚区域整合的机会,扩展台湾的国际经贸发展空间。

胡锦涛则指出,对于涉外事务,包括台湾民间组织参加非政府国际组织问题,应经过两岸沟通协商,如此,有些不必要的内耗和不愉快的事情就可避免,有些问题也可以得到妥善的解决。

作者:尼尔 

责编:乐然


2010年11月12日 星期五

陳水扁前総統

遭重判11年 扁發聲明自清 【18:29】

〔本報訊〕前總統陳水扁、吳淑珍夫婦在龍潭購地案各被判刑11年定讞,今(12)日陳水扁針對龍潭購地案判決發表3點聲明,斥責國民黨藉司法執行「政治處決」。

 陳前總統的聲明中表示,第1點:總統非一般公務員,職權主管國防、軍事、外交等,地方建設歸行政院概括承受,且龍潭案經建會也核准,罪不及他,認為龍潭購地案的判決違憲。

 第2點聲明,陳前總統指出總統馬英九過去曾說「子彈已上膛了」,「要他死得很難看」,在二次金改宣判無罪時,馬英九還公開指責和圍剿承審法官周占春,稱無罪判決不能符合人民期待,質疑難道國民黨的案子就符合人民期許?龍潭購地判決根本是政治處決。

 陳前總統提出第3點聲明質疑,自己第一次被羈押,是中共海協會會長陳雲林來台時,如今陳雲林又即將來台,所以法院才速審並判決有罪定讞,因此認為龍潭購地案的判決結果,是國共聯手要置自己於死地。

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陳水扁前総統に台湾最高裁判決 懲役など言い渡し


 【台北=村上太輝夫】収賄などの罪に問われていた台湾の前総統、陳水扁被告に対する上告審判決が11日にあり、台湾最高裁は用地買収時に所有企業から収 賄した事件で懲役11年、罰金1億5千万台湾ドル(約4億円)、人事をめぐる収賄で懲役8年、罰金500万台湾ドル(約1350万円)を言い渡した。陳前 総統をめぐる一連の事件で刑が確定したのは初めて。共犯の陳前総統夫人、呉淑珍被告も同様の判決を受けた。刑期を合わせて何年にするかは検察が改めて高裁 に申請する。

 最高裁はこのほか総統府機密費横領事件なども同時に審理していたが、事実認定や法適用に誤りがあるとして高裁に差し戻した。

 判決に対し、陳前総統を支援する陳水扁弁公室は同日、「馬英九(マー・インチウ)総統の政治介入であり、陳前総統への迫害だ」などとする声明を発表した。

2010年11月10日 星期三

尔travel to Seoul with multilateral ambitions

























































































































新闻报道 | 2010.11.10

G20: 首尔欢迎您

如果这几天去韩国首都首尔,在飞机上就会感到气氛有些不寻常。宣传单上写道,严格禁止非正规游行,违者将被逮捕并按韩国法律处置。不过,到了首尔就会感到,这个城市显然对首次成为20国集团峰会东道主而自豪。从灯箱上的横幅到巨幅张贴画,到处都写着"欢迎”。

安全警戒空前

据估计,大约1万人将来到1200万人口的大都会首尔参加会议,其中包括20国集团成员国的代表团,也包括大量国际组织的代表。此外,马拉维总统, 埃塞尔比亚、新加坡、西班牙和越南的政府首脑也受到了邀请。各国媒体还派出数千名记者前来报道。令人印象深刻的首先要数安全警戒措施。为了此次峰会,韩国 动用了5万名警察,仅在城南的COEX 会议中心,安全力量的人数就将远远超过记者的人数。按照一项特别法令,会议中心周围限制举行示威活动。

国际乐施会(Oxfam)的活动家在G20峰会前戴上20国集团领导人面具呼吁人们关注贫穷问题Bildunterschrift: 国际乐施会(Oxfam)的活动家在G20峰会前戴上20国集团领导人面具呼吁人们关注贫穷问题

安全警戒空前Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 安全警戒空前

聚焦发展中国家

韩国政府希望此次峰会能够给自己的形象增光添彩,尤其是在中日两个经济大国占主导的亚洲巩固自己的地位。首尔早已通过1988年的奥运会和2002 年世界杯得到了证明自己有能力举办大型活动。不过,这一次却是一次重大的政治峰会,韩国希望从中扮演发达国家与发展中国家间的调解人的角色,因此,在20 国集团峰会年年轻的历史上,本届东道主首次将发展政策议题列入议事日程。峰会结束时将通过一项不着眼于投入更多资金,而是重在促进发展中国家经济增长和私 人经济的行动计划。而韩国将成为其它国家的榜样。这个国家在过去的60年里实现了变革,从一个落后的农业国变成了一个经济繁荣的国家和高科技基地。

Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:

讨论经济不平衡问题

本次峰会的中心议题是金融市场改革的成果。人们希望看看,两年前华盛顿峰会通过的47项措施到底实施得怎么样。但是,有关经济不平衡影响世界经济复 苏的讨论当然也会是重要议题。所谓的经济不平衡指的是许多国家间不平衡的贸易关系。美国人早就建议,要将出口盈余限制在各国生产力的4%以内。由于无法就 此达成一致,美国总统奥巴马现在只想在首尔讨论减少贸易不平衡的措施。这对德国总理默克尔而言可以说是一种让步。默克尔一直表示反对为了调整国民经济的收 支平衡而人为干预市场进程。 默克尔和奥巴马将在峰会开始前于周四(11月11日)晚在首尔会晤。

汇率问题首次进入议事日程

在这样的背景下,20国集团峰会将首次正式讨论货币政策。最近,在有关货币争相贬值的问题上各国唇枪舌战,争论不休。但是,现在看起来,大家希望能 够找到一个妥协的办法。美国财长盖特内最近提出了一个建立早期预警系统地建议,以抑制汇率的大幅波动。由于美联储近日再次向市场注入数千亿美元,以促进本 国经济,美国遭到了猛烈抨击。汇率问题肯定无法在首尔得到解决。人们估计,法国在担任下届20国集团主席期间将更多关注这一议题。Bildunterschrift:

作者:Henrik Böhme 编译:乐然
责编:谢菲

Asia | 10.11.2010

Obama travels to Seoul with multilateral ambitions

Barack Obama travels to South Korea ahead of this week's G20 summit, which opens Thursday. But he will have a host of other issues in his luggage as he meets Chinese President Hu Jintao on the sidelines of the summit.

There is no shortage of issues awaiting President Barack Obama even before the G20 summit begins on Thursday in Seoul. Obama is scheduled to meet both Chinese President Hu Jintao and South Korean President Lee Myung-bak parallel to the summit.

For the latter, the most pressing agenda item will be the ratification of a pending free trade deal that US and South Korean diplomats from both sides have been hashing out over the past two days. Despite a number of sticking points, including disagreement on autos and beef trade, Myung-bak and Obama agreed in a telephone conversation last week to strive for agreement before the G20.

President Barack Obama greets Chinese President Hu Jintao Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Obama faces a complex meeting with Hu Jintao

Yet the meeting will also be laden with symbolic value, as Howard Loewen, researcher at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), says.

"I think they want to reaffirm the security alliance between the South Korea and the US, for the protection of South Korea," Loewen told Deutsche Welle. "Which is of course a message for North Korea and China."

Chinese tension

The meeting with Jintao is likely to be more general and possibly less conclusive, however. Apart from recent disagreements over currency issues and accusations of protectionism, the Americans are consistently calling on China to take on more responsibility.

"If you're a big country, you have the power to sit at the table in the biggest forums, but you have to be willing to take on responsibility, and I think that will be a subject of conversation," says Loewen.

For its part, China is wary of Obama's diplomacy drive in Asia, particularly US attempts to assert a position in multilateral bodies. Next year the US will join the East Asia Summit, an annual forum of east Asian countries, and Loewen believes that Obama is consciously going beyond the network of bilateral relations the US maintains with likes of Japan, South Korea, the Philippines and Thailand.

ASEAN leaders pose for a group photo following their 2nd East Asia SummitBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: The US will join the East Asia Summit next year

"The US is showing more diplomatic initiatives in Southeast Asia than it did in the Bush era," said Loewen. "At the same time, the US wants to engage more in the multilateral regulation of problems. You really can't say that the US is retreating in the region - on the contrary, it is pushing ahead more."

"Of course, the Chinese are not keen on seeing the US engaging themselves more," he added. "Because they fear that the US could rival their influence, which of course it does. The Chinese are getting nervous."

Multilateral vs. bilateral

Perhaps for this reason China has made one regional issue a taboo for multilateral talks. Pascal Abb of the German Institute of Global and Area Studies, told Deutsche Welle, "China has made it clear that it does not want the territorial conflicts in the South China Seas to be discussed multilaterally, but that is the central conflict in the region."

The conflict is over a number of tiny islands in the South China Seas – China, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia all lay claim to the islands, mainly because of the rich natural resources in the area, as well as the trade routes that run through these waters. But China's refusal to allow the matter to be discussed multilaterally effectively scuppers any chance of progress.

"I don't see how overlapping territorial conflicts can be solved bilaterally," says Abb, "Simply because no third country is likely to accept an agreement that two other states have reached."

Political gamble

But for Obama, the recent mid-term elections mean that what some people call his "multilateral gamble" may be under more pressure. While the new strength in the Republican party does not extend to controlling the Senate, which has more control over US foreign policy, some believe that if Obama's attempts to assert himself in Asia do not bear economic fruit, he may hand the Republicans extra ammunition in the 2012 presidential election.

But that is still a long term concern. For now, the Republicans are unlikely to gain much traction with such attacks.

"It could be that the Republicans want to assert their foreign policies now, and may make demands like that," says Loewen. "But I think it won't be that serious, because there are no multilateral commitments. It is easier to go back on multilateral agreements, so I don't think that will play a big role."

Author: Ben Knight
Editor: Jennifer Abramsohn