2014年12月31日 星期三

中國式"交流":"單向"垃圾短信,含xx文明辦來的

垃圾短信和中國式"交流"

如今在中國沒有手機可不行。然而,這一通訊工具卻也有明顯的缺點,並給人們的生活帶來困擾,例如:那些綿延不絕發自"可疑組織"和"某"企業的手機短信。
Handys in China
(德國之聲中文網)在如"洪水般"的短信大潮中儘管也有真正的有價值信息--例如,類似國家文明辦發來的信息。但即便如此,這樣的手機短信對於一位德國駐京記者來說,也太多太多。
有時這位記者只收到2到3條,但也有時候會收到幾十個這樣所謂的垃圾短信。短信中會問及是否有意投資一個投資基金或是否需要便宜的假稅票。此外,整容醫生、高利貸和租賃詐騙者也試圖通過短信說服這位德國記者"上當"。還有年輕女性打著提供"賓館內部服務"的幌子發來短信。而為什麼中國電話公司不對這些"垃圾短信"採取更有力的整治措施呢,其中的緣由令人費解。
Symbolbild - Smartphone Stress
手機也給人們的生活帶來困擾
然而對這位德國記者來說,有些短信卻不是收到後馬上就會刪除的。比如,朝陽區文明辦公室發來的短信。短信中提醒市民"從不剩飯做起,進行垃圾分類,要保持公共衛生"。起初,這位德國記者還覺得這類短信十分有趣。文明辦的短信在"潮湧"般的廣告短信中如同一顆"珍寶"。但現在這位記者認為,這種"提醒"似的短信比素食日(Veggie-Day )還糟糕。
不僅如此,這位德國記者還收到過公安機關發來的短信,內容包括:不應在人行道上吐痰,不應該酒駕,不應該闖紅燈。這就是中國--受政府監視的國家總是知道,什麼對市民來說是最有益的。
此外,北京交通辦公室也發短信提醒這位德國記者,北京地鐵的票價上漲。唉,要是不發這條短信,大家就不知道票價要漲,還是怎樣?有時這位記者真想把手機扔到角落裡燒了。或者短信發送單位至少允許人回复短信吧!比如:"你好,我變成文明市民了,讓我安靜一會兒吧"。但是不,人們的回复根本無法發送。這就是典型的中國式"交流":移動時代中的"交流"只停留在"單方面"。

The mainland's colonization of the Hong Kong economy大陸是如何殖民化香港經濟的

大陸是如何殖民化香港經濟的?

路透社在2014年年底推出特別報導“大陸對香港經濟的殖民化”,闡述了大陸足跡在香港的擴張,從一個角度解釋了今年浩浩蕩蕩的香港示威運動為何無法震撼北京的原因。
(德國之聲中文網) 當示威者要求自由普選、以上街抗議相脅時,習近平想要向香港傳遞一個政治信息:他召喚了控製香港經濟的企業巨頭們。習近平於9月22日在北京的講話中,聽不到絲毫的妥協,但是這些話並不出人意料。據兩名與會者稱,習表示不會滿足有關香港實行完全普選的任何要求。
僅6天后,親民主派的活動人士兌現所言真的上街了,開始了 那場持續超過兩個月的街頭示威。儘管習近平9月22日在人民大會堂的講話未能阻止示威者,但他通過直接與香港商界精英對話,表明了北京了解誰在香港擁有真正的實力。
大陸份額的增加
那就是香港的商界,而中國正在收緊其對這個前英國殖民地的控制。雖然在政治上,香港還沒有完全被馴服,然而中國公司在香港房地產、金融、電力、建築和股市等關鍵領域的份額更大了。

香港金鐘抗議陣營在警方清場前夕打出橫幅“我們會回來的”。
被叫去與習近平會面的李嘉誠、呂志和、郭鶴年等巨頭們,幾十年來一直控制著香港的諸多經濟領域。但如今他們正在目睹大陸商界侵入香港。
其中最明顯的跡像是中國大陸公司在中環地區租賃的辦公樓,這是香港金融中心的心臟。依據總部位於香港的中信里昂證券有限公司今年9月的一份報告,這些大陸公司如今佔據寫字樓新租戶的50%,這一數字在2012年僅為20%。
"我們確實預計更多大陸金融公司會入駐香港",地產諮詢服務機構香港第一太平戴維斯(Savills Plc)的高級總監史密斯(Simon Smith)說。"他們(大陸公司)喜歡地標性的房產、高調的大樓。如果有可能,他們總是喜歡冠名權。"
文章隨後通過"(中國企業)不缺錢","(香港)會成為紐約"以及"並非總是和睦"三個小標題詳細論述了香港與大陸之間關係的發展變化。然後又把話題拉回到開始的佔領活動上。
足蹟的擴張
本月早些時候,香港律師會原會長劉漢銓在一次採訪中說,習近平決不允許任何對已確立的香港政治未來方針的背離。劉漢銓表示,他不認為示威活動對於中國領導層而言是個大問題。
他說,如果是發生在30年前就不同了,那時香港經濟對於中國而言比現在重要的多。然而現在香港的生產總值僅佔中國國內生產總值的3%,在1997年回歸時還佔大約1/5。
儘管如此,傳喚香港商界領袖意味著北京比表面上看起來更為擔憂。在2003年一次50萬人的大抗議後,商界領袖們也被召喚至京,當時中國試圖引入一個具有爭議的新安全法。結果提案被撤回,時任特首董建華最終不得不離職。
當大陸考慮如何抑制政改要求的同時,其在香港的經濟足跡繼續擴張。香港的金融系統與大陸更緊密地交織在一起,特別是當香港成為人民幣離岸交易中心時。大陸公司更是早就進入香港股市--如今恆生指數中掛牌的54%都是大陸企業。
進入上流社會尚需時日
一個大陸人還沒有完全立足的領域是精英俱樂部。除了深灣遊艇俱樂部、香港賽馬會這些特例外,大陸的新來者想要成為知名俱樂部的成員很難,一些機構的等待名單已經列到了20年後。
然而在"女子俱樂部"以及香港高爾夫俱樂部這些地方,會員們說,講普通話的越來越多。"大陸人還沒有真正地進入這些俱樂部,"一名身為三所俱樂部會員的女子說,"然而這只是時間問題。"

DW.DE


Special Report: The mainland's colonization of the Hong Kong economy
HONG KONG Wed Dec 31, 2014 8:43am EST
Protesters open their umbrellas, symbols of pro-democracy movement, as they mark exactly one month since they took the streets in Hong Kong's financial central district in this October 28, 2014 file photo. REUTERS/Damir Sagolj/Files
1 OF 6. Protesters open their umbrellas, symbols of pro-democracy movement, as they mark exactly one month since they took the streets in Hong Kong's financial central district in this October 28, 2014 file photo.
CREDIT: REUTERS/DAMIR SAGOLJ/FILES
(Reuters) - When Xi Jinping wanted to deliver a political message to Hong Kong as protesters demanding free elections were threatening to take to the streets, he summoned the tycoons who dominate the city’s economy. The words from the Chinese leader at the September 22 meeting in Beijing were uncompromising but not surprising. He would not entertain any demand for full universal suffrage in Hong Kong, according to two people who attended.
Just six days later, pro-democracy activists made good on their threat, unleashing more than two months of street demonstrations. But while Xi’s message that day in the Great Hall of the People failed to deter the protesters, in speaking directly to the city’s business and professional elite he was showing where Beijing believes real power in Hong Kong resides.
And it is here, in the city’s business sector, that China is inexorably tightening its grip on the former British colony. Even as Beijing struggles to tame Hong Kong politically, Chinese companies are consuming ever bigger chunks of the city’s key sectors including real estate, finance, power, construction and the stock market.
Many of these industries have for decades been dominated by the business titans who attended the meeting with Xi. Men like Li Ka-shing, Asia’s richest man, casino and hospitality billionaire Lui Che-woo and palm oil magnate Robert Kuok. Now they are witnessing a mainland business invasion of the city.
One of the most telling signs of change is the space mainland Chinese companies lease in Central district, the heart of Hong Kong’s financial center. These firms now account for over 50 per cent of new leases signed for offices there, according to a September report from Hong Kong-based brokerage CLSA. That’s up from 20 percent in 2012, the report said.
The trend is the same in all major business districts. Mainland occupancy of 25 key Grade A office buildings, or prime office space, in the districts of Central, Admiralty, Sheung Wan and Wan Chai increased from 13 percent in 2008 to 21 percent earlier this year, according to commercial real estate services firm CBRE.
“We do expect more mainland financial firms moving into Hong Kong,” said Simon Smith, senior director of research and consultancy at real estate services provider Savills Plc in Hong Kong. “They like landmark properties, high-profile buildings. They often like naming rights if it’s available.”
'PRICE IS NOT AN ISSUE'
The office directory at Hong Kong’s 88-floor International Finance Centre has a growing number of mainland companies on the list. Among them is China Development Bank International Holdings Ltd, which held its opening ceremony in 2011 and serves as the offshore investment firm of China Development Bank, the country’s biggest policy lender.
“If you go to the International Finance Centre now and compare it to five years ago, it’s very easy to see that there are many more Chinese enterprises represented,” property analyst Nicole Wong, an author of the CLSA report, told Reuters.
In a market accustomed to stratospheric land prices, state-owned Chinese developers this year stunned long-established local property giants with winning bids exceeding auction forecasts by up to 20 per cent. Of the six available plots sold since the middle of last year in Kai Tak district, one of Hong Kong’s largest developments of residential and commercial complexes, two went to China Overseas Land & Investment (COLI) (0688.HK) and one to Poly Property Group (0119.HK).
“Price is not an issue for them,” said a former senior executive of a Hong Kong-listed developer who was responsible for bidding at land auctions before he left the company in June. “That’s why they offered prices that surprised everyone.”
A spokesperson for Poly said the company had no comment. COLI did not respond to questions sent by email.
While it was predictable business ties would expand after the 1997 handover, Beijing has made it clear that economic integration is central to reinforcing its sovereignty over Hong Kong, which is ruled under the one country, two systems model that affords the city’s 7.2 million residents broad personal freedoms. Part of Beijing’s vision is to draw Hong Kong into a Pearl River Delta mega-economy that would also include the giant southern Chinese cities of Shenzhen and Guangzhou just across the border.
In 2011, a chapter was dedicated to Hong Kong for the first time in China’s five-year blueprint for national economic development. The 12th Five-Year plan, covering the years from 2011 to 2015, lays out how Beijing wants to connect Hong Kong with the Pearl River Delta’s increasingly prosperous middle class consumers.
'IT WILL BE LIKE NEW YORK'
Under the plan, Hong Kong would be a leader for the region in shipping, trade, services and distribution. In finance, Hong Kong would serve as an offshore market for the mainland currency, the renminbi.
New transport links from Hong Kong now under construction, including a high speed rail to Guangzhou and a bridge across the Pearl River Delta to the mainland city of Zhuhai near Macau, would allow the rapid movement of commuters and visitors.
“It will be like New York where you have people working in Manhattan and living on Long Island or in New Jersey and commuting in to work every day,” said Hong Kong entrepreneur Allan Zeman, who developed the Lan Kwai Fong pub and restaurant area popular with expatriates. “People who can't have a home here (in Hong Kong) will live in Shenzhen and be able to come here in 10 minutes.”
The mainland’s construction behemoths, including state-owned China State Construction International Holdings Ltd (3311.HK), are also grabbing market share. Hong Kong’s permanent secretary for Development (Works), Wai Chi-sing, said in an interview that while mainland firms accounted for less than 15 percent of public works contracts by value in the mid 1990s, they now accounted for more than a third.
While mainland Chinese companies are rapidly expanding into Hong Kong, Western banking and financial institutions still have a strong presence in the city. Global bank HSBC Holdings Plc (HSBA.L)(0005.HK), for instance, employed more than 28,000 people in Hong Kong at the end of 2013.
For Beijing, growing economic clout has not been mirrored by increased popular support. Frustrated by Hong Kong residents’ lack of identification with the mainland 17 years after the handover, China has at times resorted to covert means to bolster its control. Earlier this month, for instance, Reuters reported that retired Hong Kong policemen were part of a mainland-led surveillance operation to tail leading pro-democracy figures in the city.
Although the street protests ultimately petered out, at their height they drew tens of thousands, presenting Xi Jinping with his most serious popular challenge since he took power two years ago. While the protesters have demanded full universal suffrage, the mainland authorities insist that only a handful of Beijing-vetted candidates can stand in the next elections for the city’s political leader in 2017. Hong Kong's current chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, got the backing of Xi and Premier Li Keqiang during a visit to Beijing last Friday, according to reports in China’s state-run media.
A Hong Kong government spokesman said in an email response that economic integration with the mainland has been mutually beneficial, citing the growing number of mainland companies listed on the Hong Kong stock exchange and the city’s role as the largest offshore renminbi center. The Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office in Beijing did not respond to questions from Reuters.
NOT ALWAYS AMICABLE
Rather than foster understanding, growing economic integration has at times raised tensions. One source of friction is the real estate market where wealthy mainland Chinese have bought up property in Hong Kong, helping to push up home prices that are already out of reach for many of the city’s residents.
“One might have assumed that the inflow of mainland money and companies and people here, and the favorable economic policies of the mainland should have increased emotional integration rather than just economic integration but it hasn’t,” said David Zweig, chair professor of social science at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. “For the rich people here, the heart has followed the dollar but for the middle class and for students it hasn’t.”
That’s been evident, at times, on the streets of Hong Kong. While the growing influx of mainland tourists has been good news for the city’s retailers – the number of Chinese visitors catapulted from 28 million in 2011 to 40.7 million last year – interactions between mainlanders and Hong Kong residents are not always amicable. In one incident that made headlines earlier this year, locals got into a scuffle with a mainland couple who had allowed their toddler to urinate in the street.
“Hong Kong without the mainlanders would be a very small city,” says Allan Zeman, explaining the business elite’s attitude to the growth in tourism. “Ocean Park and Disney without the mainlanders would be nowhere. They'd be losing money.” Zeman developed Ocean Park, one of the city’s main amusement parks.
When Xi met the delegation of tycoons and professionals on the eve of the demonstrations, he gave no indication he was worried, according to one delegation member who gave Reuters an account of the Chinese leader’s remarks. Instead, Xi appeared to signal that the city’s troubles were relatively minor compared to other problems in his in-tray.
Before commenting on Hong Kong, Xi gave some of the richest men on earth a tour of China’s foreign policy challenges. He told the tycoons that China was now a major force in the world and most of his attention would be focused on ties with bigger nations including the U.S. and Russia, the delegate said.
When he eventually turned to Hong Kong, Xi said Beijing had no intention of altering any of its policies and urged the tycoons to support the city’s chief executive. He also said the Hong Kong economy was falling behind those of Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea.
Li Ka-shing, Lui Che-woo and Robert Kuok, three of the tycoons who were part of the delegation that met Xi, did not respond to questions from Reuters.
DOWNPLAYING THE PROTESTS
In an interview earlier this month, another delegate, former Hong Kong Law Society president Ambrose Lam said Xi had ruled out any departure from the guidelines already laid out for the city’s political future. Without citing the Chinese leader directly, Lam said he didn’t think the protests were a big issue for the Chinese leadership.
It would have been different, he said, if they had happened 30 years ago when Hong Kong’s economy was more important to China. But the city’s gross domestic product is now only 3 percent of China’s, he added. At the time of the handover in 1997, it was almost a fifth.
Still, summoning the city’s business leaders suggests Beijing may be more concerned than it is prepared to acknowledge. The city’s business leaders were also called to the capital in the aftermath of a 500,000-strong protest in 2003 when China attempted to introduce controversial new security laws. The proposed laws were withdrawn and the then chief executive, Tung Chee-hwa, was eventually forced to resign.
As the mainland ponders how to contain demands for political change, its economic footprint in Hong Kong continues to expand. In retail banking, subsidiaries of mainland banks operate nearly 500 branches in Hong Kong, accounting for about 40 per cent of the total number of branches, according to figures from SNL Financial, a financial service research company.
Hong Kong’s financial system has also become more intertwined with the mainland, especially as it has emerged as the premier hub for offshore renminbi business. The market in so-called dim sum bonds, bonds denominated in renminbi but issued outside the mainland, is rapidly closing on its Hong Kong dollar counterpart.
The bonds, named after a popular Hong Kong cuisine, were first issued in 2007. Since then, the outstanding value of dim sum bonds has soared to around 700 billion renminbi, according to industry estimates. That’s nearly 60 per cent of the value of Hong Kong dollar bonds, according to data compiled by the Asian Development Bank.
And mainland companies have long been making inroads into the local stock market. They now account for 54 percent of the companies traded on the Hang Seng Index.
MAINLAND GIANTS MAKE INROADS
As part of Beijing’s plan for the Pearl River Delta, Guangdong and Hong Kong will seek to integrate their transport, energy and power grid infrastructure. For its part, the Hong Kong government is pushing to boost electricity imports from mainland China to reduce pollution and the dominance of two local utilities backed by powerful families, say industry experts who have been involved in consultations with the government.
Hong Kong's grid is not interconnected with China Southern Power Grid, which supplies electricity to Guangdong and four other southern provinces. Plugging Hong Kong into the Chinese grid would create competition for the city's dominant local utilities – CLP Holdings, backed by the wealthy Kadoorie family, and billionaire Li Ka-shing's Power Assets Holdings – and further strengthen Hong Kong's ties with mainland China. The two local firms have enjoyed guaranteed returns for decades under what is known as the Scheme of Control.
But the mainland grid giants are making inroads. China Southern Power Grid last year bought a 30 percent stake in CLP's power unit Castle Peak for $1.6 billion, while State Grid Corporation of China spent about $1.2 billion to buy into the local initial public offering of HK Electric Investments, a spinoff of Power Assets, early this year.
Hong Kong’s Environment Bureau said in an email response that importing electricity from mainland China was one of two options under consideration. HK Electric said via email that local power generation through the increased use of natural gas was its preferred option. CLP said it had shared its views during the government consultations.
One area where mainlanders have yet to make headway is the city’s elite clubs. With the exception of some clubs like the Aberdeen Marina Club and the Jockey Club which offer hefty debentures, it is difficult for newcomers like mainland Chinese to get membership as some of these establishments have waiting lists that can be as long as 20 years.
But at places like the Ladies Recreation Club (LRC) and the Hong Kong Golf Club, members say there is definitely more Mandarin being spoken.
“Mainlanders haven’t quite got in any meaningful way into the clubs,” says a Hong Kong resident who is a member of three clubs. “But it is only a matter of time.”
(Additional reporting by Anne Marie Roantree, Saikat Chatterjee, Charlie Zhu, Xiaowen Bi, Michelle Chen, Michelle Price, Donny Kwok and Lizzie Ko. Writing by David Lague. Editing by Peter Hirschberg and Bill Tarrant.)

聖誕漢奸(陶傑 ):外國勢力的文化侵略



聖誕漢奸

39,924
中國大學生發起「抵制聖誕節」,身穿像香港TVB電視劇「金枝慾孽」之類的古裝,舉起標語,聲稱「中國人不過聖誕節」。
你不慶賀聖誕是你的自由,連放個屁都要准不准的事,都提昇到「是不是中國人」的高度,可就好玩了。香港人個個都慶祝聖誕,因為公眾假期,放假兩天。香港人將「平安夜」稱為「失豬夜」,因為以香港習俗,平安夜狂歡,跟處女上床,慶祝聖誕,中國的大學生這樣一牛逼,難怪香港人被逼出「我不是中國人」的感覺。
原來慶祝西方的聖誕,就不是中國人,那麼沿用以耶穌生日確定的西曆,一樣罪大惡極,當然也不是中國人了。以此邏輯類推,這些大陸大學生,星期六,他們也叫「周末」,星期天不上課;「五一勞動節」也是「西方」制定的,「十一國慶」那個「十一」,也是耶穌西曆的數字。跟在這堆曆數後面瞎嚷嚷的,包括他們的父母、領導他們的黨委書記,也沒一個是中國人了。
由耶穌和聖誕老人,到馬克思列寧,全部是西方白人文化,這伙大陸大學生胡亂「標籤」,公開鬧事反聖誕節,如果「習李新政」不派公安毆打、都抓起來,這伙大學生越來越囂張,一步步的就會提出反馬克思、反列寧。若不准中國人朝拜馬列,中國人還有半絲中國的生理體味嗎?這幫大學狗嵬子,可反了。
香港的大專院校,也有許多中國大陸來的大學生。習總不制止大陸大學生反聖誕,成了氣候,香港的港大、中大、浸會、城大的「陸生」一串連,跟「愛港力」之類的愛國團體一起喧嘩呼應,人多勢眾的,不是會示威遊行,先聲討香港特區的聖公會主教鄺保羅及幾十萬香港基督徒是漢奸嗎?
中國人不過聖誕節,以顯示「文化自信」,那麼中國人過阿拉伯的清真節呢?請這些愛國的大學生,也操進中國新疆的烏魯木齊和喀什,向同屬「中國人」的新疆維吾爾人喧喊好了。
外國勢力的文化侵略,這樣如雷貫耳的一提醒,原來漢奸洋奴的香港,除了西方聖誕、西方元旦、西方復活節,還慶祝西方的情人節、母親節、父親節,西方這個、西方那樣,連西方的萬聖節,都一年比一年狂歡,看見中國的大學生的民族覺悟,你快去照照鏡子,反省一下你為什麼已經不再「中國人」,淚流滿面之際,趕緊打自己一記耳光。 

2014年12月30日 星期二

2014 香港十二個關鍵詞:雨傘、催淚彈、暗角


雨傘 2014年前,要是有誰提起香港的雨傘,許多外國人是要笑的。 他們會想起香港人晴天...
WWW.THESTANDNEWS.COM


雨傘
2014年前,要是有誰提起香港的雨傘,許多外國人是要笑的。
他們會想起香港人晴天撐傘的模樣,諷刺這個城市的嬌生慣養。用雨傘遮陽,外國人是不做的。在他們眼中,香港人連太陽也撐不住,太軟弱,太吃不起苦。
不怪他們。因為事實上許多香港人自這樣想。
直至9.28為止。那天煙霧瀰漫,穿黑衣的他一如25年前的王維林,只是當年的坦克換成今天的催淚彈,當年的膠袋,化身作今日的雨傘。
「當時我想告訴警察:我不害怕,我不會離開。」他說。
「這將是香港永遠記住的一刻。」外國媒體如此報道。從這一刻起,雨傘便成為這個城市在世界立足的關鍵詞。從今以後,無論何時、對誰、在哪裡,每當我們提起雨傘,我們將感到自豪。我們將對世界宣告:我們無力,但我們打不死。
2014年,雨傘不再一樣。

催淚彈
原來我們可以用「要不是……便不會……」的句型去理解雨傘運動的誕生。
要不是8月31日政府強推假普選方案,學生便不會罷課。
要不是9月27日政府出動防暴警察驅趕學生,市民便不會動惻隱之心,趕到金鐘支持學生。
要不是9月28日政府發射催淚彈甚至威脅開槍,讓十萬計市民透過電視看在眼裡,許許多多的香港人便不會醒覺,我們的政府早已失控。
但難道政府非得推假普選、出動防暴警察、發射催淚彈不可?不,他們絕對有更好的選擇。雨傘運動的誕生,諷刺地竟是源於政府連番的誤選、誤算。而誤選與誤算又以發射催淚彈一事為極致:它以一針見血的方式告訴我們,所謂的「公僕」已經把槍口對準他們的主人。
發射過八十七槍後,催淚彈成為常態的日子還會遠嗎?裝睡你就輸了。
2014年,催淚彈不再一樣。

暗角
2014年前,幾乎沒有一個人想過,香港警察將會名譽掃地。
只消回顧香港半世紀以來的警察電影、電視劇,便會了然市民對警隊的印象總是好的居多。比方說在螢光幕上看見警察抓住疑犯,就連小朋友也不會問:「爸爸,警察叔叔是捉他去警署羈留,還是捉去打?」
臉是人家給,架是自己丟。
2014年10月15日夜,暗角從一個攝影術語,變成警察濫用武力的代名詞。用胡椒噴霧你爭拗是最低武力,把示威者頭顱打破你辯稱是亂中失手,只有拖至暗角拳打腳踢,成為鐵證,讓警察的惡無所遁形。
巧合的是,「暗角」在攝影裡面其實還有一個名稱,叫做「失光」。警察的光明磊落如今已蕩然無存。
而香港人將永遠記得他們的污點。今後許多年,只要你在 Google 地圖上輸入「暗角」兩個字,它還是會指向添馬公園那變電站旁邊。
且看來年法庭如何審判這「七俠五義」。2014年,暗角不再一樣。

黑社會
黑社會介入佔領運動,有甚麼問題?
問題就在於他們闖過禁忌的界線。過去黑社會之所以叫「黑社會」,原因之一就是他們永遠在不為人知的黑暗處辦事。販毒是壞事,走私是壞事,恐嚇是壞事,但最少他們不是光明正大為之。光明與黑暗中間有一條不成文界線,意味只要你潔身自愛,不去惹黑幫,黑幫也不會搞你。因此,儘管香港有黑社會活動是人所共知的事,可她終究還是可以令人安居樂業的。
這一年,黑幫過界了。他們正式從黑暗跨進光明的一邊,摻進了正常人生活的「白社會」。許多身家清白的平民百姓因為表達己見,被黑社會砸打、謾罵。黑白分明的潛規則遭打破。「白社會」與「黑社會」,從未如此接近。
闖過了界會怎樣?從今以後香港每有大小衝突,你將會對黑社會的介入,不再覺得奇怪。示威被打不再罕有,提出異見被斬?不再新奇。結果就是我們,香港人,活在一個更恐懼、更黑暗的世界。
2014年,黑社會不再一樣。

學聯
「命運自主!」
從認中關社到民主回歸,到今日,學聯祭出了命運自主的旗號。
在赴港「宣旨」的北京大員面前,周永康高舉「香港我主場」五字;在自居長輩懶親熱的香港官員面前,他們有禮有節但步步進逼,逼使向來傲慢的高官,直面香港人的民意。
他們踏實沉著,凡事思慮再三,但毋懼身先士卒,做前人不敢做的事。七月二號,學界率先預演佔中;九二六重奪公民廣場,揭開香港抗爭新一頁。
不僅如此,今屆學聯還打破了六四後不與中共談判的傳統,上京要求京官直接回應港人訴求;就算港府對北大人的決定俯首,自斷雙臂,也不等於港人就要止步於此。學聯要港人重新思考一國兩制:「一國兩制不等於港人任人魚肉,中方必須正視港人訴求。」
面對高牆,他們始終不卑不亢。因為,他們決意要從政權手上,奪回香港人的主體性、要港人自主命運。
2014,學聯不再一樣。

獅子山
獅子山下精神是甚麼?努力奮鬥、任勞任怨。只是這解釋不完全。
不完全,是因為未有問,香港人因為甚麼而努力奮鬥、任勞任怨。未有問,是因為政府不想你問。他們只想你不問緣由地任勞任怨。他們只想你知道,《獅子山下》有許多闖天下的故事;卻不想你知道,《獅子山下》曾經也有過一集,談市民堵路抗爭。於是在政府的鼓吹下,獅子山下精神竟變成一種犬儒:努力奮鬥就好,任勞任怨就好。香港變成怎樣你不用管,也管不著。
理想一起去追,理想卻在哪裡?從這個角度看,政府其實是反獅子山下精神的。
轉變發生在2014。這一年,有人在獅子山掛上一支黃幡。他們在鼓勵香港人無畏無懼、踏平崎嶇、爭取一個更美好的香港。與其說他們在重新解釋獅子山下精神,還不如說他們是在撥亂反正。因為,理想一起去追,才是獅子山下精神。過去是,曾經不是,2014年起,重新是。
2014年,獅子山不再一樣。

黃之鋒
他的上一仗在2012。如果當時你還認為反國教不過是一場 by student、for student 的學生運動,那黃之鋒這一年就斬釘截鐵地告訴了你:不是這樣的。反抗暴政,不應該只是一場學生運動。
「當你們成年人說香港未來全靠我們,這說法比髒話更難聽。香港的未來是屬於你!你!你!我真不想在十年後,連小學生也要站出來罷課爭取民主。」
「如果普選是這個時代的責任、這個時代的任務,我要向習近平和梁振英說;我們這一代要完成它。不要再把責任推給下一代。」
然後香港人忽然驚醒了。因為他,多少人終於離開高床暖枕,站出來,身體力行,在胡椒噴霧前與學生並肩撐起黃傘,締造了這一場壯麗的運動。
香港是他們的,也是我們的,但她終究不只是他們的。她屬於我們每一個,因為我們都是香港人。今後,每當我們提起黃之鋒,我們將記得這一點。
2014年,黃之峰不再一樣。

長毛
2014年6月,梁國雄被判入獄,長毛,沒了。
多年來,他都是真正的行動派。左中右年輕人對泛民「大佬」藐嘴,卻都尊稱一句「毛哥」。928凌晨,大批年輕人因不滿學運被「騎劫」而離開,長毛追到立會,三度下跪,還要求在場者拍攝,把照片發送出去。
「贏就一齊贏,輸就一齊輸!」
「我向敢於抗爭的人下跪,不向中共下跪!為咗向習近平說不,向CY說仆街,我哋唔可以跪低,唔可以只顧自己!」
傘運中,抗爭方式急速演變,沒有任何一個傳統社運團體能夠駕馭。短短七十多日,「抗爭」由遊行集會迅速演化至流血爆頭。一向被指「最激」的社民連,被行動派嫌太過「和理非」。長毛阻止示威者衝出龍和,被斥「維穩」。
年輕人狠罵,長髮被剪,怎麼連鬥心都沒有了?
長毛面對數百示威者下跪一幕,成為佔中啟動後首個震撼人心的畫面。毛哥當日不惜跪下來也要大家聽進去的囑咐,可還記得?
2014年,長毛不再一樣。

鳩嗚
不難理解為何「鳩嗚」二字會一跑而出,成為香港2014年最流行的新詞:它的出現,源於「反佔中人士」誤以為遊行是為了購物的荒唐;它的讀音取自普通話諧音,象徵對自由行湧港的不滿與嘲弄;卻寫成與廣東話粗口同音的「鳩嗚」,則反映了香港草根民眾的強烈本土意識;至於梁振英鼓勵民眾前往清場後的旺角「多啲消費」,最終引來「鳩嗚團」,箇中其實亦包含了民眾對港府以至中國大陸物質主義掛帥,政治訴求充耳不聞的批判。
簡單二字,便幾近把全港各種民間怨氣包攬其中。少少粗鄙、多多趣味,更多的卻是血淚、理想,與及推翻不合理制度的呼聲。「鳩嗚」流行,可說是理所當然。
這就是港文化、港創意。上一代聽≪獨自去偷歡≫,是人家為商業利益唱給你的歌、寫給你的詞;到這一代聽≪日日去鳩嗚≫,自發寫詞自發拍 MV ,為的是爭取社會公義。這難道不是一種進步?
2014年,鳩嗚不再一樣。

無綫
我細路嘅年代,電視行 analog。第一台係 TVB ,第二台先係本港台。唔單止係我,個個同學仔都係咁 set ,令我好多年來都唔叫翡翠台做翡翠台,而叫第一台。本港台都唔叫本港台,叫第二台。我一直無問,點解翡翠台一定係第一,本港台行第二。好多年後我先知道,原來答案係三個字:慣性收視。
劇集幾爛都睇,最多一路鬧一路睇。台慶幾戇居都睇,又係一路鬧一路睇。有時羅樂林一日死五次。睇。有時台慶趣劇變鬧劇。睇。睇到今年,港視竟然夠膽死揀台慶日開台,有得揀,梗係揀港視。無綫死馬當活馬醫,出埋王祖藍長短腳求婚嘅戲碼但仍然搶救無效,Certified。2014,TVB 台慶平均收視25點,榮獲20年來新低。
而我認為 TVB 嘅失敗,簡直係香港復活嘅契機。畢竟睇過幾十年低智節目,邊個敢話自己可以100%獨善其身,無被低智污染。睇嘅唔在講,就算你無睇,朋友都有講。一台獨大嘅問題,根本就唔止係家家戶戶電視畫面相同咁簡單,而係連觀眾個腦諗嘅都相同,價值觀都相同。
一台獨大,係一種價值觀嘅獨大。
宜家港視開台,奇妙電視同香港電視娛樂免費台又在望,一台獨大即將遠去,新嘅價值觀將會萌芽。我,似乎可以見到香港嘅曙光。
2014年,無綫唔再一樣咯。

劉進圖
傳媒人成為新聞主角,肯定不會是好事。
2014首兩個月,明報總編輯劉進圖突被撤換,蘋果日報被抽廣告,李慧玲遭無理解僱,劉進圖身中六刀。早已烏雲籠罩的香港新聞自由遭遇到更兇猛、更肆無忌憚的侵害。
無論是劉進圖從病榻傳來的訊息:「如果我們畏懼,便會失去自由」,還是李慧玲在反滅聲集會說:「香港新聞自由是沒有根的」,都在反覆提醒我們,新聞自由可以很脆弱。我們不可以假設自由不變。自由需要我們每一個人努力維護,才能繼續下去。
就在漫天風雨的日子,新聞工作者、新聞系師生由台後走到台前,抬起「THEY CAN'T KILL US ALL」的巨型標語,以絕不妥協的姿態,宣示他們維護新聞自由的決心,是何等堅決。
2014年,劉進圖,還有新聞工作者,都不再一樣。

新界東北
「發展」代表「尊嚴」,林奮強語。
鄧小平有本書,名為《發展是硬道理》。自2001年發行以來,這套思維一直主宰著中國大陸的治國方針。因為發展是硬道理,所以拆遷農村,建高鐵、建路、建水壩,都是講道理的。拒遷拒拆、要求妥善安置的人呢,當然是不講道理了。於是推土機把他們統統推走,也就是合情合理的事。
2014年的香港政府青出於藍。當「硬道理」已不足夠滿足發展慾望,唯有把它提升到人類尊嚴層次,才能發展更多、更多。於是政府把「發展」與「尊嚴」劃上等號。既然發展就是尊嚴,那香港政府發展新界東北,自然是人道項目。反對發展的示威者,則是違反人權。
這就是香港政府的發展邏輯。這一年來關於新界東北的許多荒謬結果,就是這樣推論出來的。比如說無視議事規則,強行通過立法會撥款──這是為了「尊嚴」。把農地剷除,再建設農園?這是為了「尊嚴」。
2014年香港不幸成為「尊嚴」之都。來年,新界東北還會一樣嗎?


2014年12月27日 星期六

中印紛紛散財拉攏尼泊爾:中國最為擔憂的是在尼泊爾生活著大量的流亡藏人

中印紛紛散財拉攏尼泊爾

中國官方表示,2015-2016年度對尼泊爾提供的發展​​援助將增加5倍,幫助尼泊爾發展國內基礎設施。另外,中國在亞洲的競爭者印度也長期對尼泊爾擁有政治影響力。
Nepal Himalaya Annapurna
(德國之聲中文網)中國外交部部長王毅訪問尼泊爾期間,在同尼泊爾外長潘迪舉行會談之後,中國官方對外宣布了將增加對尼泊爾發展援助的消息。王毅此次對尼泊爾的訪問也被看作是為中國國家主席習近平明年出訪尼泊爾鋪路。
印度和中國作為亞洲兩個大國一直都在拉攏這個位於喜馬拉雅山上的國家。但是兩國也都對這個曾經歷了10年內戰社會分裂嚴重的國家從君主制向聯邦共和製的漫長轉型過程感到擔憂。
中國最為擔憂的是在尼泊爾生活著大量的流亡藏人。他們當中很多人都是翻越了喜馬拉雅山從西藏逃亡至尼泊爾。本週五,中國外長王毅參加了尼泊爾一家警察學校的奠基儀式。這所警校負責為尼泊爾培訓守衛尼泊爾同西藏邊境線的警察後備力量。
修建這所警校屬於北京除了向尼泊爾提供發展援助資金之外的又一項"禮物"。尼泊爾財政部一名官員說,北京向尼泊爾提供的發展​​援助從目前的每年2400萬美元增加到1.28億美元。
在尼泊爾生活著大量的流亡藏人
王毅向媒體表示:"作為中國的近鄰,尼泊爾在安全保障方面同中國有著共同的需求。在打擊非法入境和跨國犯罪的問題上我們需要攜手合作。"
按照慣例,如果尼泊爾警方逮捕到西藏流亡者,會將他們轉交給聯合國難民署,允許他們繼續前往印度。西藏流亡政府最高精神領袖達賴喇嘛生活在印度的達蘭薩拉。
但是中國方面聲稱這些難民是非法移民,並向尼泊爾官方施壓,阻止這些藏人遷移。所以從中國流亡尼泊爾的藏人數量從6年前的每年大約2500人已經減少到目前的年約200人。
中印兩國都在加強同尼泊爾的聯繫與合作。
印度同尼泊爾之間簽署了有關電力進出口的協定,滿足了尼波爾長年未解決的一項需求。據信,這一協議的簽訂將促進尼泊爾國內水力發電行業的投資。尼泊爾的水力發電潛力可達到42000兆瓦。
同尼泊爾有著漫長邊境線的印度也宣布向尼泊爾提供10億美元的低息貸款以示拉攏。

DW.DE

世衛組織:“吸煙讓中國面臨健康危機”

世衛組織:“吸煙讓中國面臨健康危機”

每天,中國有大約3000人因吸煙患病死亡。世界衛生組織駐華代表施賀德(Bernhard Schwartländer)為德國之聲分析吸煙盛行可能會給中國社會帶來怎樣的重大影響。
德國之聲:中國的煙草消費會導致公共健康危機嗎?
施賀德: 煙草消費是中國公共健康領域的一大問題。中國是世界上最大的煙草產品製造方和消費方。這裡有超過3億煙民。目前,每十個成年人中,就有大約三人(28%)吸煙,其中包括超過一半的成年男子。估計,中國每年因吸煙患病死亡的人數為一百萬,也就是說每天有3000人左右死亡。此外,超過7億人經常接觸"二手煙",導致每年另外有大約10萬人死亡。
煙草消費的增加對中國社會產生了怎樣的影響?
煙草消費的流行將給中國的健康保障系統、經濟乃至社會帶來高額費用。如果吸煙的流行勢頭不減,到了2050年,中國每年因吸煙患病死亡的人數將上升至3百萬。
中國社會中的哪些人吸煙最多?為什麼?有哪些誘因呢?
在中國,男性吸煙的比例非常高(超過50%的男性吸煙)。與此相對照的是,只有大約2%的女性自己吸煙。女性被迫吸二手煙的比率非常高,尤其是在家里和工作場所。
從地理的概念上來說,中國經濟越不發達的地方,煙民的比例越高,包括農村地區。
Bernhard Schwartlaender WHO
世界衛生組織駐華代表施賀德(Bernhard Schwartländer)
中國像世界其他許多國家一樣,大多數煙民從年輕的時候就開始吸煙。所以,防止兒童和青年人受誘惑開始吸煙就顯得至關重要。比如說教育他們吸煙如何有害健康,並阻止煙草公司為自己的產品做市場推廣。保護年輕人不養成抽煙的習慣,就可能保護他們的生命。
與其它國家不同,吸煙在中國不是什麼具有傳統的事情。中國吸煙比率如此之高的原因在於人們缺少認知,以及煙草生產商為了增加收入和利潤, 大肆展開產品的市場推廣。
中國離推出煙草管制法規還有多遠呢?
近幾年來,中國在管製菸草方面取得了一定的進步。今年年底,國務院和中共聯合推出的一項擴大全國控煙範圍的條例草案,以及剛剛通過的 北京禁煙法就是其中的例子。這項法令是一個100%的無菸法,沒有漏洞和特免。隨著該法律2015年6月15日全面生效,北京在國家政策上強勢禁煙的舉措為中國以及世界其他城市都樹立了標準。
中國國家衛生和計劃生育委員會最近向國務院遞交了一份《公共場所控制吸煙條例》的草案。其中包括在公共場所禁煙的一系列規定。這些都與世界衛生組織《煙草控制框架公約》(WHO FCTC)中的要求一致。中國政府於2005年批准了這一全球性公約。如果《公共場所控制吸煙條例》切實得以採用,將意味著中國在貫徹執行世界衛生組織《煙草控制框架公約》的過程中實現前所未有的進步。
Symbolbild Zigarette Rauchverbot
北京已經推出了相當嚴格的禁煙法
當前的這份《公共場所控制吸煙條例》將對哪些方面進行管制?這能足以抑制中國的煙草消費,以及預防許多因吸煙患病致死的情況發生嗎?
這一條例草案包括一系列控製菸​​草的政策。草案中的政策能夠降低中國的吸煙率。如果這些政策能夠全面得以實施,就能夠為中國解決日益流行的非傳染性疾病(NCDs)以及降低它高額的健康、經濟和社會成本作出巨大的貢獻。
為了在中國更好的抑製菸草消費,預防與吸煙有關的死亡病例出現。中國需要充分履行在世界衛生組織《煙草控制框架公約》下所作出的承諾。除了《公共場所控制吸煙條例》草案所包含政策以外,還可以考慮包括提高煙草稅在內的附加舉措。目前,中國的煙草價格非常低。在小賣部裡買一包香煙的價格和買一瓶飲用水的價格差不多。
為了有效解決這一危機,您給中國政府的建議是?
世界衛生組織就相關草案給中國國務院提出的建議是明確的:如果能夠及時、徹底的執行這一法規,給中國公眾健康所帶來的好處是巨大的。必須抵制利益集團任何嘗試削弱或淡化法規草案主要條款力度的行為。如果能全面實施這一法律,將挽救數百萬人的生命,並為個人、家庭和國家整體經濟節省巨額費用。
施賀德博士(Dr. Bernhard Schwartlaender)是聯合國世界衛生組織駐中國代表。

DW.DE

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