2014年6月11日 星期三

Beijing’s ‘White Paper’ Sets Off a Firestorm in Hong Kong北京白皮書激起香港眾怒


北京白皮書激起香港民眾大遊行


1984年12月,英國首相瑪格麗特·撒切爾(Margaret Thatcher)和中國總理趙紫陽在北京簽署了將香港交還給中國的聯合聲明。聲明中的基本政策之一是,雖然香港將會「直轄於」中央政府,但「除外交和國防事務屬中央人民政府管理外,香港特別行政區享有高度的自治權。」
但是在周二,北京發佈了一份新報告,堅稱其對香港的管轄,這引起許多香港人的批評,他們說共產黨的領導人正在背棄遵守「一國兩制」政策的諾言,該政策讓香港在北京的統治下,保持民主自治。
  • 檢視大圖 周三,正值7月22日香港民眾公投選舉下一屆港督的宣傳時期,抗議者用廁紙展示香港《基本法》。
    Philippe Lopez/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
    周三,正值7月22日香港民眾公投選舉下一屆港督的宣傳時期,抗議者用廁紙展示香港《基本法》。
親民主的公民黨(Civic Party)領袖及立法委員梁家傑在談到這份報告時說,「白皮書讓我們非常吃驚,對我們來說,它是在重寫『一國兩制』政策。」
為了表達憤怒程度,梁家傑周三帶領一些人在中央政府駐香港聯絡辦公室門前舉行了抗議,該辦公室是共產黨負責香港事務的機構。社會民主連線(The League of Social Democrats)以及其他政黨也各自舉行了抗議,他們在抗議中燒了代表白皮書的紙張。
梁家傑是一名註冊律師,曾參加過香港首席行政長官的競選,他說,北京發佈這份白皮書,是在違背自己的諾言,他也反對白皮書中把政治要求作為選擇香港法官的考慮因素的說法。
他說,白皮書「重新定義了高度自治的含義,甚至還暗示我們的法院應該由那些具有政治意識的人擔任法官,他們不僅要維護香港的繁榮,而且要維護全國的繁榮。實話說,如果這份白皮書是在《基本法》剛剛公布的1990年代發表的話,那時,我敢打賭香港不會那麼順利地回歸中國。」
作為對白皮書的回應,香港大律師公會(Hong Kong Bar Association)表示,法官「不應該被視為在工作上被加入政治要求的『治港者』或管治團隊的一部分。」該組織還警告說,把政治試金石強加於法官將會削弱香港對法治的尊敬。
香港政府基本法委員會委員兼全國人大代表譚惠珠在一次廣播電台採訪中說,北京發佈這份白皮書是與有關允許香港普選的爭論相配合的,香港人不應該認為他們「可以做任何法律不禁止的事情。」
在親民主組織要求北京遵循自己以前表示過的意向,允許香港普選之際,香港最高行政長官梁振英計劃將在年底前就選擇香港下一屆領導人一事發佈一份提議。
如果提議不允許公眾提名首席行政長官人選的話,「佔領中環」組織計劃發動一場公民不服從運動,運動威脅將阻礙市中心商業區的交通,這進一步提升了這場爭論的厲害關係;北京則一直釋放信號表示,將只允許那些對共產黨的領導表示忠誠的人作為候選人。
「佔領中環」將在6月20日至22日在全香港舉行一次非正式投票,以徵得公眾對其抗議計劃的支持。一個由積極分子組成的更激進的組織已發下誓言,如果政府制定的改革提案將限制誰能被提名為香港領導人的話,將佔領香港立法委。
周二,外國商業組織警告說,計劃的抗議活動可能會給香港經濟帶來十分不利的影響。加拿大、印度、意大利和巴林的商團在報紙刊登廣告,呼籲組織者重新考慮抗議的計劃。
廣告寫道,「『佔領中環』可能會導致中心商務區經濟癱瘓,給當地小公司和大型跨國公司的運營帶來影響。」
政治分析人士戴高禮(Michael DeGolyer)在提到白皮書時說,「這份報告用7種語言同時發表。這顯然不是一份僅僅針對中國大陸和香港人的文件,這份報告顯然是要製造國際輿論,為中央政府採取行動奠定一個法律基礎。」
他說,「這是對香港宣讀防暴法。這非常明顯是為對『佔領中環』採取行動打下基礎,因為這份白皮書稱,中央政府在認為國家面臨危險時,有權、也有責任出動人民解放軍。」
一份最近的調查發 現,在接受調查的香港居民中,有一半以下的人相信「一國兩制」會持續下去,這反映出,自2008年金融危機爆發以來,人們對該政策的信心不斷下滑。在另外 一份調查中,不到十分之一的受調查者只是「有些」相信梁振英將會允許一個更公正的提名程序,也就是不排斥那些與北京觀點相悖的人參加競選。
翻譯:張亮亮


Beijing’s ‘White Paper’ Sets Off a Firestorm in Hong Kong


In December 1984, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of Britain and Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang of China signed a document in Beijing pledging to restore Hong Kong to Chinese control. One of the basic policies laid out in the declaration was that while Hong Kong would be “directly under the authority of” Beijing, it would “enjoy a high degree of autonomy except in foreign and defense affairs.”
But on Tuesday, Beijing released a new report asserting its authority over the territory, igniting a firestorm of criticism from many people in Hong Kong who said that the Communist leadership was reneging on its pledges to abide by the “one country, two systems” policy that allows for a democratic, autonomous Hong Kong under Beijing’s rule.
  • 查看大图 Demonstrators displayed Hong Kong's Basic Law as toilet paper on Wednesday, while promoting a June 22 referendum on proposals for choosing the territory's next leader.
    Philippe Lopez/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
    Demonstrators displayed Hong Kong's Basic Law as toilet paper on Wednesday, while promoting a June 22 referendum on proposals for choosing the territory's next leader.

“We were taken completely aback by the white paper,” Alan Leong Kah-kit, a legislator and leader of the pro-democracy Civic Party, said in referring to the report. “It is rewriting ‘one country, two systems’ for us.”
Showing the extent of the anger, Mr. Leong led a protest Wednesday at the liaison office of the Chinese government, the Communist Party’s arm that deals with Hong Kong affairs. And The League of Social Democrats and other political groups held a separate demonstration where props that meant to represent the white paper were set afire.
Mr. Leong, also a barrister and a former candidate for the city’s top job, said that with the white paper, Beijing was reneging on its promises, and he also objected to the paper’s suggestion that political requirements factor into the selection of the city’s judges.
The report “redefines what a high degree of autonomy is, and even go so far as to suggest that our court should be manned by judges who have this political perspective to maintain the prosperity of not only Hong Kong but the country,” he said. “Honestly, had the white paper been published in 1990, when the Basic Law was promulgated, I can bet you anything that Hong Kong would not have reverted to Chinese sovereignty as smoothly as we did.”
Reacting to the white paper, the Hong Kong Bar Association said that judges “are not to be regarded as part of ‘Hong Kong’s administrators’ or part of the governance team upon whom a political requirement is imposed.” It warned that imposing political litmus tests on judges would undermine Hong Kong’s respect for the rule of law.
Maria Tam Wai-chu, a member of the  Hong Kong government’s Basic Law Committee and head of the delegation to China’s legislature, said in a radio interview that Beijing’s release of the white paper is timed to the debate over granting Hong Kong universal suffrage, and that the people of Hong Kong should not think that they “could do whatever the law did not forbid.”
As pro-democracy groups are demanding that Beijing adhere to its previously stated intent to allow universal suffrage, the current administration of Hong Kong’s chief executive, Leung Chun-ying,  is scheduled to release a proposal before the end of the year on selecting Hong Kong’s next top official.
Raising the stakes in the debate are plans by the group Occupy Central to stage a civil disobedience campaign that threatens to block traffic in the city’s central business district if the proposal does not allow the public to nominate the candidates for chief executive; Beijing has been sending signals that it will only allow candidates who show loyalty to the Communist leadership.
Occupy Central will hold a citywide unofficial vote from June 20 to 22 to rally public support for its protest plans. A more radical group of activists has pledged to occupy the city’s Legislative Council if the government devises a reform proposal that restricts who can be nominated as Hong Kong’s leader.
On Tuesday, foreign business groups warned that planned protests could have very negative consequences for the Hong Kong economy. In newspaper ads, Canadian, Indian, Italian and Bahraini groups called for organizers to reconsider the protest plans.
‘‘Occupy Central could potentially cripple commerce in the Central Business District, impacting small local businesses and large multinational operations,’’ the ads said.
Michael DeGolyer, a political analyst, said of the white paper: “The report was released in seven different languages at the same time. This is clearly not a document just meant for mainland Chinese and Hong Kongers, this is clearly a document meant to make a case internationally to lay out a legal basis for action by the central government.”
“Hong Kong has been read the riot act,” he said. “It is very clearly laying the basis for action to Occupy Central, because the document says the central government has the right and the obligation to call out the People’s Liberation Army if it thinks the nation is in peril.”
A recent survey found that less than half of the people in Hong Kong who were polled are confident that the “one country, two systems” would endure, reflecting a steady decrease since the financial crisis in 2008. In a separate poll, fewer than one in 10 respondents had even “some” belief that Leung Chun-ying would allow a fair nominating process that did not exclude candidates whose views are at odds with Beijing’s views.

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