"我們都是國家資本主義者"
哈佛歷史學家弗格森對"國家資本主義"論提出質疑，認為將中美之間的競爭歸結為國家資本主義與自由市場之間的全球製度競爭，過於簡單化，也是錯誤的。中國成功的關鍵並非在於政府控制經濟，而在於自由市場力量
尼爾·弗格森（Niall Ferguson）為《時代周報》（11月23日）撰寫的這篇文章寫道： "今天的世界看起來不同以往，現在的金融危機似乎證明，自由資本主義站立在怎樣的泥足之上。華爾街崩潰，似乎唯一成功應對其連鎖效應的就是中國政府控制的經濟。人們或許以為，'一致贊同北京'的時代已經到來。"
文章說，美國政治學家伊恩·布雷默（Ian Bremmer）認為，全球專制政權發明了"國家資本主義"，政府將市場作為權力工具，利用它創造富裕，維護統治精英的倖存，不僅對自由市場經濟構成危險，而且危及許多新興工業國家的民主制度。 "這種危險有多大？布雷默認為取決於中國人。國際貨幣基金組織估計，中國的國內生產總值會在5年後超過美國，中國的人均收入也在迅速趕上來。"
對此，作者提出不同看法："然而問題在於，政府乾預是否真是中國成功的秘訣，事實上難道不是市場力量使然嗎？得出什麼答案，取決於去哪裡。比如在上海或重慶，國家權力無處不在；相反，在沿海城市溫州，一個充滿企業家和自由市場思想的經濟已經發展起來，沒有敵手。
"當然，中國的國民經濟將會繼續以5年計劃為導向基礎。然而中國領導人面臨一個問題，這個問題更多地與市場力量有關，而不是中央計劃。因為，中國近年來產生了房地產泡沫。一方面，中央銀行調高利息，擴大儲備，以減少貸款發放，另一方面，影子銀行系統卻在溫州那樣的城市繁榮發展，為業主和投資者提供資金，不斷建造新公寓大樓。"
作者覺得，如果和中國經濟學家談話，或許會得出這樣一個印象，"政府全力以赴要廢除國家資本主義"，一位給最高層出謀劃策的中國主要經濟學家主張，"必須將所有國企私有化，包括人民大會堂"。
政府普遍干預經濟
作者得出的結論是，"很清楚，將世界劃分為自由市場和國家資本主義過於簡略，無濟於事。其實，幾乎所有國家都或多或少地存在著政府乾預經濟的明顯形式。"
作者強調，"必須避免將國家資本主義普遍化，這個概念不比過去馬列主義的國家壟斷資本主義更好。我們都是國家資本主義者，並且已經一個世紀之久，從政府開始擴張時就是。但是，國家資本主義種類無數，從新加坡的開明專製到津巴布韋功能錯亂的暴政，應有盡有。
"所以，就此而言，談論全球兩個制度的決鬥，一邊是中國的國家資本主義，另一邊是美國的自由市場，是錯誤的。溫州熱忱的市場贊成者對北京的黨魁不屑一顧，就像美國預算討論的對手彼此不屑一樣，……。"
摘譯：林泉
責編：苗子
以上內容摘譯自其它媒體，不代表德國之聲觀點
Chinese factories hit by strikes amid manufacturing slowdown
Already facing a sharp slowdown, factories in China's manufacturing heartland are now experiencing a rash of labor strikes reminiscent of the worker unrest that swept the country last year.
Thousands of workers at a massive shoe factory in the southern city of Dongguan last week clashed with police as they marched to a local government office to protest the loss of overtime.
The strike at the plant owned by the Taiwanese Pou Chen Group came shortly after 18 managers were laid off because of declining orders, according to the Economic Observer, a Chinese newspaper.
Earlier in the week, 1,000 workers walked out of a plant in nearby Shenzhen that manufactured computer keyboards for leading brands such as Apple and IBM. Employees said they were being forced to work excessive hours on weekdays so that owners didn't have to pay overtime on Saturdays, as required by law. The company acquiesced after three days.
"People had to work so late, they couldn't concentrate any longer," said Zhao Xiaobing, 38, a former employee. "They will have more strikes."
A day before in Shenzhen, 400 workers went on strike in a pay dispute at an underwear factory. Employees reportedly were denied fair wages and forced to meet unachievable production quotas, according to China Labor Watch, a New York-based workers advocacy group.
Two other strikes took place in October, one at a Shenzhen factory owned by Japanese watchmaker Citizen Holdings Co., and one at a furniture plant in Dongguan where employees were left unpaid after their boss disappeared.
"There are more protests because of the economy," said Li Qiang, director of China Labor Watch. "The management systems in factories are not suitable."
Official data to be released Thursday could show manufacturing contracting in November. The so-called purchasing managers index barely broke even in October.
Annual export growth rose 15.9% in October, down from 17.1% in September, largely because of diminishing orders from financially-troubled Europe.
Labor unrest spread across China during the summer of 2010 as workers were galvanized by strikes at plants operated by Toyota, Honda and Foxconn, the world's largest electronic components manufacturer.
Workers then were protesting low pay as inflation was driving up the cost of living. Many provinces responded by boosting minimum wages. Independent unions, however, are still illegal.
It remains to be seen if the recent demonstrations will inspire others. Unlike in 2010, local governments and factory bosses may not be as willing to increase pay now that growth prospects appear grim in many foreign markets. China's economy is also expected to taper off, because of declining exports and continued restrictions on the property market and limited options for fiscal stimulus.
"One difference between the recent strikes and last summer's is that, as far as I can see, this time workers are not winning big victories" such as 50% wage increases, said Geoffrey Crothall, a spokesman for China Labor Bulletin, a Hong Kong-based workers rights group. "This means the domino effect of one successful strike inspiring another is not happening this time. There is a lot going on now, and I think we might have to wait a while to see what kind of picture emerges."
RELATED:
Inflation and property prices ease in China
Predictions of an economic collapse in China are in vogue
Foreign maids in Hong Kong fight for permanent residency
台湾の人口密度は世界2位、1平方キロメートル当たり639人―
自由的百科全书
人口密度是指在一定時期一定單位面積土地上的平均人口數目，計算方式是其總人口數除以總面積。一般使用的單位是每平方公里人數或每平方米所居住的人口數。
人口密度是反映人口分布疏密程度的常用數量指標。它通常用於計算一個國家、地區、城市或全球的人口分布狀況。參見國家人口密度列表、中華人民共和國行政區人口密度表。
目錄[隐藏] |
[编辑] 單位
- 數學密度（Arithmetic densit）：最常用，即總人口數／土地面積（單位多為km²）
- 生理密度（Physiological density）: 總人口數／耕地面積
- 農業密度（Agricultural density）: 總人口數／農業用地面積
[编辑] 資料
[编辑] 高密度國家與地區
以下為世界人口密度前10高的國家或地區：
| 國家（地區） | 面積（平方公里） | 人口 | 人口密度（人口/每平方公里） |
|---|---|---|---|
| 澳門 | 29.5 | 556,800 | 18874.58 |
| 摩納哥 | 1.95 | 31,987 | 16403.6 |
| 新加坡 | 692.7 | 4,452,732 | 6428.1 |
| 香港 | 1,104.04 | 6,963,600 | 6350 |
| 馬耳他 | 316 | 397,499 | 1257.9 |
| 馬爾地夫 | 300 | 320,165 | 1067.2 |
| 巴林 | 665 | 656,397 | 987.1 |
| 孟加拉 | 144,000 | 133,376,684 | 926.2 |
| 巴貝多 | 431 | 276,607 | 641.8 |
| 中華民國 | 36,189 | 23,063,027 | 637.28 |
| 模里西斯 | 2,040 | 1,200,206 | 588.3 |
| 諾魯 | 21 | 12,329 | 587.1 |
| 南韓 | 98,480 | 48,324,000 | 490.7 |
[编辑] 低密度國家與地區
以下為世界人口密度前10低的國家或地區：
| 國家（地區） | 面積（平方公里） | 人口 | 人口密度（人口/每平方公里） |
|---|---|---|---|
| 蓋亞那 | 214970 | 698209 | 3.2 |
| 加拿大 | 9976140 | 31902268 | 3.2 |
| 利比亞 | 1759540 | 5368585 | 3.1 |
| 茅利塔尼亞 | 1030700 | 2828858 | 2.7 |
| 冰島 | 103000 | 279384 | 2.7 |
| 蘇里南 | 163270 | 436494 | 2.7 |
| 波札那 | 600370 | 1591232 | 2.7 |
| 澳洲 | 7686850 | 19546792 | 2.5 |
| 納米比亞 | 825418 | 1820916 | 2.2 |
| 蒙古國 | 1565000 | 2694432 | 1.7 |
沒有留言:
張貼留言