Egyptian Court Orders the Release of Mubarak
By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK
The order for former President Hosni Mubarak’s release provided another
sign of the return of his authoritarian style of government and came as
state forces arrested the Muslim Brotherhood’s spiritual leader.
European Union to Meet on Aid to Egypt
By STEVEN ERLANGER
Foreign ministers will meet in an emergency session on Wednesday to
discuss suspending aid to the country as the military crackdown
continues.
埃及37囚遭屠殺 25警遇襲亡
〔國 際新聞中心/綜合報導〕埃及情勢持續動盪,臨時政府十八日坦承安全部隊殺害三十七名在押的伊斯蘭派囚犯後,西奈半島十九日又發生疑似好戰份子突襲警車事 件,造成至少二十五名員警喪生,多人受傷。軍方十四日血腥鎮壓挺伊斯蘭派總統穆希示威者以來,埃及各地動亂不息,六天內已有超過千人喪生,西奈半島這起最 新流血事件,更凸顯埃及政治危機深陷僵局。
防長塞西︰將強力回應暴力
國 防部長兼武裝部隊最高委員會主席塞西(Abdel Fattah al-Sisi)矢言,若再有暴力事件造成全國動盪,將「強力」回應。這是軍方支持的臨時政府對穆斯林兄弟會展開血腥鎮壓以來,塞西首度發表談話。塞西 說:「國家大難當頭,我們絕對不會沉默以對」,「我們已做好萬全準備」,如果有人再攻擊警察局及政府建築物,軍方將「強力」回應。
兄弟會18日示威活動多取消
據 報導,兩輛警車十九日上午開往以埃邊界的拉法鎮時遇襲。稍早報導指攻擊者是伊斯蘭好戰份子,以機槍與火箭彈攻擊警車,但稍後報導引述官員說法,指武裝份子 是強逼員警離開警車,要他們趴在地上後再射殺。目前官方並未證實細節,但內政部將事件歸咎於「武裝恐怖組織」,事發後當局隨即關閉位於西奈和加薩走廊間、 多數巴勒斯坦人賴以出境的拉法關卡。
穆希所屬穆斯林兄弟會連日發動街頭抗爭,十八日原本也計畫在開羅各地發動九場示威,但為避免與軍方擴大衝突,大部分活動後來取消,仍持續的幾場活動也刻意避開軍方狙擊手部署路段,當局似乎也避免強制執行戒嚴。
此外,埃及內政部十八日證實,三十七名隸屬穆斯林兄弟會的囚犯,在轉送開羅北部阿布紮巴爾監獄時發動暴動企圖逃亡,警方以催淚瓦斯攔阻;但穆斯林兄弟會描述這些囚犯是遭「刺殺」,並聲稱受害者多達五十二人,分別是遭到槍殺,或在囚車內因窗口灌進催淚瓦斯窒息而死。
囚犯被殺過程 官方兩度改口
埃 及當局並未說明囚犯遇害細節,也未解釋這些人為何在囚車上。內政部發布的聲明前後矛盾,一度宣稱囚犯挾持監獄官員,後來又說是好戰份子企圖攻擊囚車救囚, 過程中造成囚犯被殺,另有一度表示獄方使用催淚瓦斯 對付囚犯,造成囚犯窒息而死,稍後的聲明又宣稱,囚犯都是死在獄中,而非死在囚車上。
這 些殺戮事件再度證明,由於軍方與挺穆希派都不願退讓,埃及人對於未來走向越見分歧,目前看不到明確的政治解決方案。臨時政府考慮查禁穆斯林兄弟會,可能迫 使兄弟會轉入地下,但此舉並不會讓兄弟會從此銷聲匿跡,因為八十多年來他們早已成為社會的一部分。外國政府對於如何因應埃及情勢同樣意見分歧。
Islamists Killed While in Custody, Egypt Confirms
By ROD NORDLAND
The deaths were the fourth mass killing of civilians since the military took control on July 3, but the first time those killed were in government custody at the time.
8月18日, 600多名被逮捕的穆尔西追随者和穆斯林兄弟会成员在被转移途中 发生逃跑未遂事件,警方施放催泪弹导致36名囚犯窒息死亡。 欧盟各国大使周一聚会布鲁塞尔,讨论制止埃及暴力的统一立场。
8月18日, 600多名被逮捕的穆尔西追随者和穆斯林兄弟会成员在被转移途中
エジプト死者800人超す 同胞団への解散命令検討
【カイロ=貫洞欣寛、杉崎慎弥】エジプト全土で16日にあったムルシ前大統領支持派のデモと治安部隊の衝突をめぐって、暫定政権は17日、173人が死亡したと発表した。ムルシ派のデモが強制排除された14日以降、一連の衝突による死者は800人を超えた。
暫定政権のベブラウィ首相は17日、「血に汚れた手で武器を持つ者と和解はできない」として、ムルシ前大統領の出身母体「ムスリム同胞団」に対し、解散命令を出すことを検討していると述べた。
同胞団は2011年のムバラク政権崩壊まで、長く非合法とされてきたが、福祉活動などを続け、貧困層を中心に支持を集めてきた。実際に解散命令が出たとしても、それを受け入れる可能性は低く、一層の反発を招くのは必至だ。
暫定政権のベブラウィ首相は17日、「血に汚れた手で武器を持つ者と和解はできない」として、ムルシ前大統領の出身母体「ムスリム同胞団」に対し、解散命令を出すことを検討していると述べた。
同胞団は2011年のムバラク政権崩壊まで、長く非合法とされてきたが、福祉活動などを続け、貧困層を中心に支持を集めてきた。実際に解散命令が出たとしても、それを受け入れる可能性は低く、一層の反発を招くのは必至だ。
Standoff Erupts at a Mosque in Cairo
By KAREEM FAHIM and MAYY EL SHEIKH
New fighting turned a central thoroughfare into a war zone as Egypt’s
security seemed to slip further from its rulers’ grasp. Above, a soldier
pointed his weapon at the crowd as he helped a man leave the mosque.
Two Narratives of the Violence in Egypt
With
hundreds of protesters dead, supporters and opponents of the Muslim
Brotherhood are circulating opposing videos to push each side’s view of
the calamity.
New Bloodshed in Egypt as Islamists Defy Threat of Force
By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK
Reports of dozens of deaths emerged on Friday as Muslim Brotherhood
supporters marched in Cairo and other cities to denounce a crushing
assault by Egyptian forces.
埃及穆兄會如何應對流血事件將決定埃及命運
2013年08月16日
Mosaab Elshamy/European Pressphoto Agency
周
開羅——周四早晨,很多伊斯蘭主義者聚集在一個安置着前一天遇難的數百民眾的屍體的清真寺周圍,滿懷信心地等待獲得更多民眾的高漲同情及支持。但是,他們的願望沒有實現。
由於領導人要麼被監禁,要麼保持沉默,伊斯蘭主義者茫然失措,不知如何應對埃及現代歷史中最慘烈的大屠殺事件。到周四夜間,據衛生官員統計,已有638人死亡,將近4000人受傷,但最終的死亡人數預計還會進一步增加。
- 檢視大圖
The New York Times埃及發生的事件引發了埃及各地的暴力衝突。
開羅正在等待被罷黜總統穆罕默德·穆爾西(Mohamed Morsi)的支持者在主麻日聚禮(Friday Prayer)結束後展開的新一輪抗議活動,城市裡籠罩着一種緊張的寂靜。新政府授權警方,可以在感覺面臨危險的情況下使用致命性武器。
很多在臨時停屍房外等待的人談到了內戰。一些人指責科普特基督教(Coptic Christian)少數派支持軍方掌權。一些人公開支持訴諸暴力。
「解決方法興許是列出一個暗殺名單,」27歲的艾哈邁德(Ahmed)說。「射殺所有身穿制服的人。即便好人跟着壞人遭了殃也不要緊,因為我們昨晚經歷了同樣的事情。」艾哈邁德像其他人一樣不願使用全名,擔心遭到新政府的報復。
30歲的穆罕默德·拉斯米(Mohamed
Rasmy)插嘴說,「這不是解決辦法。」他堅稱,伊斯蘭領導人將會通過「集體抗議」的計劃再次崛起。儘管警方的行動似乎獲得了私營新聞媒體及許多開羅人
的廣泛支持,但他還是辯稱,到現在,流血事件將會促使其他民眾反對軍方指定的政府。
他說,「這樣的轉變已經開始了。」
目前,伊斯蘭主義者內部爭論的結果或許是決定埃及危機下一
階段走向的最重要變數。軍方支持的政府已經明確表明了自己的決心,即通過無情的手段妖魔化並壓制伊斯蘭主義者,殘忍程度甚至超過了賈邁勒·阿卜杜勒·納賽
爾(Gamal Abdel Nasser),60年前,這名獨裁者首次將穆斯林兄弟會(Muslim Brotherhood)列為非法組織。
伊斯蘭主義者的應對方式必然會對他們的運動及埃及帶來改
變。他們會繼續利用穆斯林兄弟會在前總統胡斯尼·穆巴拉克(Hosni
Mubarak)統治時期使用的妥協策略,在傷亡持續增加的情況下繼續加強街頭抗議嗎?還是會訴諸武裝叛亂,像一些人在20世紀90年代所做的那樣呢?
為了應對此次流血事件,奧巴馬總統中斷了為期一周的假期。他沒有暫停美國每年向埃及提供的13億美元(約合79億元人民幣)的軍事援助,但取消了原定於幾個月之後進行的聯合軍演。
在歐洲,一些官員呼籲歐盟暫停援助,至少有一個歐盟成員國
——丹麥——已經切斷了支援。英國和法國召回了駐埃及大使,以此譴責暴力事件。在土耳其安卡拉,總理雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安(Recep Tayyip
Erdogan)呼籲聯合國安全理事會(United Nations Security
Council)儘早召開會議,討論他所說的「屠殺事件」。埃爾多安是穆爾西的意識形態盟友。
埃及的伊斯蘭主義者仍然在全國各地進行抗議。幾十名伊斯蘭
主義者阻斷了環繞開羅的一條主要公路。在亞歷山大港,幾百人在街道上與反對者和警方作戰,衛生部官員說至少已有9人死亡。還有人投擲燃燒彈,使位於吉薩金
字塔群附近的一座省政府大樓着了火。在最新一輪的襲擊中,他們對科普特基督教堂和科普特人的商鋪發動了襲擊,在法尤姆,至少又有一座教堂遭到焚燒。
在開羅的清真寺外,一些伊斯蘭主義者辯稱,科普特牧首塔瓦
德魯斯二世(Tawadros II)似乎認可了鎮壓行動。他們還把針對埃及各地教堂的襲擊稱為反擊。35歲的會計師馬姆杜·哈姆迪(Mamdouh
Hamdi)說,「如果塔瓦德魯斯牧首在大屠殺後出來感謝軍方和警察,那就不要用宗派主義來對我橫加指責。」
47歲的跨國公司管理人員阿里·法爾加利(Ali
Farghaly)正在清真寺外等候,他說,伊斯蘭主義運動在當地一向以紀律嚴明著稱,現在卻似乎脫離了領導人的控制,進入了危險的新階段。「現在忘了領
導人吧,」他說。「左右局面的是大街上的情形,如果事情不再受領導人控制,沒人能預測情況將會如何。」
然而,要說伊斯蘭主義者希望周三的暴力事件激起其他國民對
由軍方控制的政府的反對情緒,周四卻看不到什麼此類跡象。曾獲諾貝爾獎的臨時副總統穆罕默德·巴拉迪(Mohamed
ElBaradei)是唯一一個因為鎮壓行動而辭職的官員,並且因為此事在國家和私營媒體上受到了廣泛批評。
極端保守的光明黨(Nour party)、自由派的4月6日組織和極左的革命社會主義者(Revolutionary Socialists)都公開譴責了殺戮行為。但是,大多數其他政治團體則將伊斯蘭主義者指為恐怖主義威脅,並且對政府的行動表示讚賞。
在穆爾西被罷黜後的六周內,成千上萬名埃及人曾在一些地方紮營抗議。直到將近中午的時候,他們紮營之處的一塊塊燒焦土地仍在冒煙。在權充停屍房的清真寺里,240多具屍體排列得整整齊齊,屍體上包裹着白色的床單,人們把棺材搬進搬出,把死者送去埋葬。
埃及安全部隊為剷除帳篷區而縱了火,很多人都被火燒焦,乃
至根本無法識別。中午天氣十分炎熱,有人把冰塊放在了一些死者的胸口,以減緩腐爛的速度。志願者在屋子裡來來回回,噴洒着殺菌劑。為了幫助識別傷亡者身
份,工作人員對找到的身份證進行了展示,在展示地點後面,一個小男孩就睡在死者當中。
外面聚集了數百人,他們或是來尋找失蹤親友,或是來表示對死者的支持。喇叭里的聲音反覆要求人們散去,與送出去的棺材一同離開。門上的標識特別指出,這個人群聚集的地方既非靜坐抗議,也非示威活動地點,只是個認領死者的場所。這樣說或許是為了防止警方發動另一輪襲擊。
電視上的新聞報道顯示,晚上9點宵禁以後,警察進來了。他們向清真寺投擲催淚瓦斯,控制了現場,並且轉移了尚未運走的屍體。目前尚不清楚他們為何轉移屍體,也不清楚屍體的去向。
Alan Cowell自巴黎、Mayy El Sheikh和Kareem Fahim自開羅對本文有報道貢獻。翻譯:許欣、陳柳
Death Toll in Egypt Surpasses 600
August 16, 2013
Mosaab Elshamy/European Pressphoto Agency
A young man next to the bodies of protesters
killed on Wednesday. Many of the dead were shot in the head or chest;
some appeared to be in their early teens.
CAIRO — Gathering Thursday
morning around a mosque used as a morgue for hundreds killed the day
before, many Islamists waited confidently for a surge of sympathetic
support from the broader public. But it failed to materialize.
With their leaders jailed
or silent, Islamists reeled in shock at the worst mass killing in
Egypt’s modern history. By Thursday night, health officials had counted
638 dead and nearly 4,000 injured, but the final toll was expected to
rise further.
- 查看大图
The New York TimesThe events in Cairo set off a violent backlash across Egypt.
A tense quiet settled over
Cairo as the city braced for new protests by the supporters of ousted
President Mohamed Morsi, after Friday Prayer. The new government
authorized the police to respond with lethal force if they felt
endangered.
Many of those waiting
outside the makeshift morgue talked of civil war. Some blamed members of
Egypt’s Coptic Christian minority for supporting the military takeover.
A few argued openly for a turn to violence.
“The solution might be an
assassination list,” said Ahmed, 27, who like others refused to use his
full name for fear of reprisals from the new authorities. “Shoot anyone
in uniform. It doesn’t matter if the good is taken with the bad, because
that is what happened to us last night.”
Mohamed Rasmy, a
30-year-old engineer, interrupted. “That is not the solution,” he said,
insisting that Islamist leaders would re-emerge with a plan “to come
together in protest.” Despite the apparently wide support for the police
action by the private news media and much of Cairo, he argued that the
bloodshed was now turning the rest of the public against the
military-appointed government.
“It is already happening,” he said.
The outcome of the internal
Islamist debate may now be the most critical variable in deciding the
next phase of the crisis. The military-backed government has made clear
its determination to demonize and repress the Islamists with a
ruthlessness exceeding even that of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the autocrat who
first outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood six decades ago.
How the Islamists respond
will inevitably reshape both their movement and Egypt. Will they resume
the accommodationist tactics of the Muslim Brotherhood under former
President Hosni Mubarak, escalate their street protests despite
continued casualties, or turn to armed insurgency as some did in the
1990s?
President Obama,
interrupting a weeklong vacation to address the bloodshed, stopped short
of suspending the $1.3 billion in annual American military aid to Egypt
but canceled joint military exercises scheduled to take place in a few
months.
In Europe, some officials
called for a suspension of aid by the European Union, and at least one
member state, Denmark, cut off support. The British and French summoned
their Egyptian ambassadors to condemn the violence. In Ankara, Turkey,
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, an ideological ally of Mr. Morsi’s,
called for an early meeting of the United Nations Security Council to
discuss what he called a “massacre.”
Egyptian Islamists
continued to lash out across the country. Scores of them blocked a main
highway circling the capital. In Alexandria, hundreds battled with
opponents and the police in the streets and health officials said at
least nine died. Others hurled firebombs that ignited a provincial
government headquarters near the pyramids in Giza. In the latest in a
string of attacks on Coptic Christian churches and businesses, at least
one more church was set fire, in Fayoum.
Outside the mosque in
Cairo, some Islamists contended that the Coptic pope, Tawadros II, had
appeared to endorse the crackdown, and they portrayed attacks on
churches around the country as a counterattack. “When Pope Tawadros
comes out after a massacre to thank the military and the police, then
don’t accuse me of sectarianism,” said Mamdouh Hamdi, 35, an accountant.
The Islamist movement,
usually known here for its tight discipline, appeared to slip loose from
its leaders, entering perilous new ground, said Ali Farghaly, 47, an
executive at a multinational company who was waiting outside the mosque.
“Forget the leaders now,” he said. “The streets are leading this, and
when things get out of the control of the leaders no one can predict the
situation.”
But if the Islamists hoped
that Wednesday’s violence would turn the rest of the country against the
military-dominated government, there were few signs of it on Thursday.
Mohamed ElBaradei, the interim vice president and a Nobel Prize-winner,
was the only official to resign over the crackdown, and he was widely
criticized for it in both the state and the private media.
The ultraconservative Nour
Party, the liberal April 6 group and the far-left Revolutionary
Socialists spoke out against the killings. But most other political
factions denounced the Islamists as a terrorist threat and applauded the
government action.
By late morning, patches of
blackened ground were still smoldering on the grounds where tens of
thousands had camped for the six weeks since Mr. Morsi’s ouster. More
than 240 bodies lay in neat rows in the mosque-turned-morgue, wrapped in
white sheets as teams moved coffins in and out to remove the dead for
burial.
Many were charred beyond
recognition by the fires that Egyptian security forces set to eradicate
the tent city. Some had blocks of ice on their chest to slow
decomposition in the intense midday heat and volunteers moved through
the room spraying antiseptic. Behind a display of recovered
identification cards used to aid identifications, a young boy slept amid
the dead.
Hundreds had gathered
outside to try to find missing friends of relatives, or to stand in
solidarity with the lost. A voice over a loudspeaker repeatedly urged
the crowd to disperse, to march off with the departing coffins. A sign
on the door pointedly declared that the assembly was not a sit-in or a
demonstration but just a place to claim the dead, presumably to avoid
attracting another police crackdown.
After the 9 p.m. curfew,
the police moved in, firing tear gas into the mosque, seizing control
and removing the remaining bodies, television news coverage showed. It
was not clear where they were taken, or why.
Alan Cowell contributed reporting from Paris, and Mayy El Sheikh and Kareem Fahim from Cairo.----
分析 美國兩難
How American Hopes for a Deal in Egypt Were Undercut
By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK, PETER BAKER and MICHAEL R. GORDON
Egypt’s military crackdown has left President Obama in a no-win
position: risk a partnership that has been the bedrock of Middle East
peace, or stand by while allies try to hold on to power by mowing down
opponents.
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