藏人「團結運動」在新德里舉行
報道 2013年02月05日
新德里——上周，一群藏人來到了印度首都，他們高舉旗幟和政治標語，內心裡則是喜憂參半，既抱有希望，又感到非常失望。一個令人悲痛的倒計時正在進行：為了抗議中國政府在西藏的統治而自焚的藏人人數已達99人，再有一人就將達到一個令人痛心的里程碑。
然而，當這一里程碑如陰影般籠罩在一個小型運動場里的約5000名西藏人身上時，同樣困擾他們的還有一種不確定性，那就是世界是否還在關注他們。在演講中，西藏領導人將自焚描述成絕望之舉，一些走投無路的人們之所以這麼做，是為了引起全球對中國西藏政策的注意。
“是什麼迫使他們自焚？”西藏流亡政府總理洛桑森格(Lobsang Sangay)在一次採訪中問道。“西藏沒有言論自由，也不允許進行任何形式的政治抗議活動。”
這次歷時四天的集會被稱為藏人的“團結運動”(Solidarity Campaign)，活動包括抗議、遊行、佛教祈願會以及政治講話，目的在於將西藏問題拉回已經排滿的國際議程上。如果說，阿拉伯之春(Arab Spring)燃起了一些西藏人的希望，讓他們以為政治變革是有可能的，那麼它也同時清楚地提醒他們：沒有任何兩種情況是一樣的，國際社會也不會對所有情 況給予同樣的回應。
洛桑森格補充說，“世界正在關注，但關注得還不夠。發生在突尼斯的自焚事件被稱為是阿拉伯之春的導火索。幾十年來，我們一直承諾非暴力。然而，為什麼國際社會給我們的支持卻比給阿拉伯世界的少？”
但是，即使這些自焚事件已經成為西藏抗議運動的核心，一些藏人中卻靜靜地展開了一場辯論，他們因年輕人死亡而感到悲痛，也質疑這些舉動是否符合佛教教義。發言人一遍又一遍地強調，西藏運動是非暴力的，那些自焚的人只傷害了自己。
“這些人中沒有一人試圖傷害別人，”流亡藏人的議會的發言人邊巴次仁(Penpa Tsering)稱。“自焚的99人中沒有一人試圖傷害漢人。”該議會位於印度達蘭薩拉市。
藏人自焚事件始於2009年，抗議者以此反對中國在藏區的統治。至少有81人死於自焚，幾乎所有的自焚事件都發生在中國的藏區，自焚的消息通過電子郵件或者倡議組織的地下網絡被偷偷傳送出去。
中國政府對此的回應則相當強硬。根據中國官方媒體的報道，一家中國法院上周對一名藏族僧侶以及他的侄子做出重判，他們的罪名是煽動八人自焚。這位僧 侶被判處死刑緩期執行，這通常相當於無期徒刑。政府明確表示，任何自焚或者鼓勵自焚的行為都將被視作故意殺人。（洛桑森格說在另外一個藏區也有六人被判重 刑。）
中國政府指責藏人精神領袖達賴喇嘛(Dalai Lama)煽動普通藏民進行自焚。藏人則駁斥了這種說法，稱原因是中國的鎮壓。
“你還有什麼？”邊巴次仁問道。“你唯一能做的事就是犧牲自己的生命。”
隨着達賴喇嘛讓出對西藏流亡政府的政治控制權並鼓勵選舉，以及由此選出洛桑森格這位前哈佛講師擔任總理一職，藏人運動就一直處在變化中。從某種程度 上來說，上周的事件只是洛桑森格和其他民選的西藏流亡議員為了鞏固地位而繼續做出的努力，他們希望證明，自己有能力為這樣一個長期以來依靠達賴喇嘛的魅力 和名望而維持下去的運動爭取政治上的支持。（達賴喇嘛沒有參加這次集會。）
五十多年來，印度一直是收留流亡藏人的主要國家，許多人從印度各地的藏人村蜂擁至新德里。28歲的洛桑泰(Lobsang Thai)來自印度卡納塔克邦的一個藏人村落蒙果，他說自焚反映了西藏的絕望處境。“我不認為這關乎對錯，”他說。“這是我們在不傷害他人的情況下唯一能 做的事情。這是最好的吸引世界關注的方法。”
42歲的丹增洛賽克(Tenzin Losec)來自印度切蒂斯格爾邦的一個藏人村邁恩巴德(Mainpat)，他同意這一觀點。“這對我們來說是非常不幸的，”他說。“但在西藏的人，他們 沒有別的辦法。他們沒有任何權利。在西藏以外，我們正努力喚起世界對這一問題的關注。”
西藏流亡政府領袖們決心將上周的事件描畫成國際社會、特別是印度對他們的願望給予支持的證據。儘管印度政府的主要領導人沒有參與，但不少議員以及該國主要政黨的政治人物都出現在了各個活動中。
洛桑森格和其他人希望聯合國敦促中國改善西藏的狀況，並允許檢查人員巡視該地區。“中國政府應該有種要做些什麼的壓力，”他說。“此類事件正在引發一種惡性循環：強硬政策、抗議、鎮壓、更強硬的政策、更多抗議、更多鎮壓。”
然而，當這一里程碑如陰影般籠罩在一個小型運動場里的約5000名西藏人身上時，同樣困擾他們的還有一種不確定性，那就是世界是否還在關注他們。在演講中，西藏領導人將自焚描述成絕望之舉，一些走投無路的人們之所以這麼做，是為了引起全球對中國西藏政策的注意。
這次歷時四天的集會被稱為藏人的“團結運動”(Solidarity Campaign)，活動包括抗議、遊行、佛教祈願會以及政治講話，目的在於將西藏問題拉回已經排滿的國際議程上。如果說，阿拉伯之春(Arab Spring)燃起了一些西藏人的希望，讓他們以為政治變革是有可能的，那麼它也同時清楚地提醒他們：沒有任何兩種情況是一樣的，國際社會也不會對所有情 況給予同樣的回應。
洛桑森格補充說，“世界正在關注，但關注得還不夠。發生在突尼斯的自焚事件被稱為是阿拉伯之春的導火索。幾十年來，我們一直承諾非暴力。然而，為什麼國際社會給我們的支持卻比給阿拉伯世界的少？”
但是，即使這些自焚事件已經成為西藏抗議運動的核心，一些藏人中卻靜靜地展開了一場辯論，他們因年輕人死亡而感到悲痛，也質疑這些舉動是否符合佛教教義。發言人一遍又一遍地強調，西藏運動是非暴力的，那些自焚的人只傷害了自己。
“這些人中沒有一人試圖傷害別人，”流亡藏人的議會的發言人邊巴次仁(Penpa Tsering)稱。“自焚的99人中沒有一人試圖傷害漢人。”該議會位於印度達蘭薩拉市。
藏人自焚事件始於2009年，抗議者以此反對中國在藏區的統治。至少有81人死於自焚，幾乎所有的自焚事件都發生在中國的藏區，自焚的消息通過電子郵件或者倡議組織的地下網絡被偷偷傳送出去。
中國政府對此的回應則相當強硬。根據中國官方媒體的報道，一家中國法院上周對一名藏族僧侶以及他的侄子做出重判，他們的罪名是煽動八人自焚。這位僧 侶被判處死刑緩期執行，這通常相當於無期徒刑。政府明確表示，任何自焚或者鼓勵自焚的行為都將被視作故意殺人。（洛桑森格說在另外一個藏區也有六人被判重 刑。）
中國政府指責藏人精神領袖達賴喇嘛(Dalai Lama)煽動普通藏民進行自焚。藏人則駁斥了這種說法，稱原因是中國的鎮壓。
“你還有什麼？”邊巴次仁問道。“你唯一能做的事就是犧牲自己的生命。”
隨着達賴喇嘛讓出對西藏流亡政府的政治控制權並鼓勵選舉，以及由此選出洛桑森格這位前哈佛講師擔任總理一職，藏人運動就一直處在變化中。從某種程度 上來說，上周的事件只是洛桑森格和其他民選的西藏流亡議員為了鞏固地位而繼續做出的努力，他們希望證明，自己有能力為這樣一個長期以來依靠達賴喇嘛的魅力 和名望而維持下去的運動爭取政治上的支持。（達賴喇嘛沒有參加這次集會。）
五十多年來，印度一直是收留流亡藏人的主要國家，許多人從印度各地的藏人村蜂擁至新德里。28歲的洛桑泰(Lobsang Thai)來自印度卡納塔克邦的一個藏人村落蒙果，他說自焚反映了西藏的絕望處境。“我不認為這關乎對錯，”他說。“這是我們在不傷害他人的情況下唯一能 做的事情。這是最好的吸引世界關注的方法。”
42歲的丹增洛賽克(Tenzin Losec)來自印度切蒂斯格爾邦的一個藏人村邁恩巴德(Mainpat)，他同意這一觀點。“這對我們來說是非常不幸的，”他說。“但在西藏的人，他們 沒有別的辦法。他們沒有任何權利。在西藏以外，我們正努力喚起世界對這一問題的關注。”
西藏流亡政府領袖們決心將上周的事件描畫成國際社會、特別是印度對他們的願望給予支持的證據。儘管印度政府的主要領導人沒有參與，但不少議員以及該國主要政黨的政治人物都出現在了各個活動中。
洛桑森格和其他人希望聯合國敦促中國改善西藏的狀況，並允許檢查人員巡視該地區。“中國政府應該有種要做些什麼的壓力，”他說。“此類事件正在引發一種惡性循環：強硬政策、抗議、鎮壓、更強硬的政策、更多抗議、更多鎮壓。”
As Self-Immolations Near 100, Tibetans Question the Effect
February 05, 2013
NEW DELHI — A crowd of Tibetans came here
to India’s capital last week, bearing flags and political banners and a
bittersweet admixture of hope and despair. A grim countdown was under
way: The number of Tibetans who have set themselves on fire to protest
Chinese rule in Tibet had reached 99, one short of an anguished milestone.
Yet as that milestone hung over the estimated 5,000 Tibetans who gathered in a small stadium, so did an uncertainty about whether the rest of the world was paying attention at all. In speeches, Tibetan leaders described the self-immolations as the desperate acts of a people left with no other way to draw global attention to Chinese policies in Tibet.
“What is forcing these self-immolations?” Lobsang Sangay, prime
minister of the Tibetan government in exile, asked in an interview.
“There is no freedom of speech. There is no form of political protest
allowed in Tibet.”
Billed as the Tibetan People’s Solidarity Campaign, the four-day gathering featured protests, marches, Buddhist prayer sessions and political speeches in an attempt to push Tibet back onto a crowded international agenda. If the Arab Spring has inspired hope among some Tibetans that political change is always possible, it has also offered a sobering reminder that no two situations are the same, nor will the international community respond in the same fashion.
“The world is paying attention, but not enough,” Mr. Sangay added. “There was a self-immolation in Tunisia which was labeled the catalyst for the Arab Spring. We’ve been committed to nonviolence for many decades. And how come we have been given less support than what we witnessed in the Arab world?”
Yet even as the self-immolations have become central to the Tibetan protest movement, a quiet debate has been under way among Tibetans who are anguished over the deaths of their young men and who question how the acts reconcile with Buddhist teachings. Again and again, speakers emphasized that the Tibetan movement remains nonviolent and that the people who have self-immolated harmed only themselves.
“None of them have tried to harm anybody else,” said Penpa Tsering, the speaker of the Tibetan Parliament, which is based in Dharamsala, the Indian city that is host to the exiled Tibetan government. “None of the 99 people have tried to harm any Chinese.”
The Tibetan self-immolations began in 2009 as protests against China’s rule in Tibetan regions of the country. At least 81 Tibetans have died after their acts, and nearly all the self-immolations have occurred inside Tibet, with news smuggled out via e-mail or through networks of advocacy groups.
The Chinese authorities have responded by taking a harder line. Last week, a Chinese court handed down stiff sentences to a Tibetan monk and his nephew on charges that they had urged eight people to set themselves on fire, according to Chinese state news media. The monk was given a suspended death sentence, usually equivalent to life in prison, and the authorities have made it clear that committing or encouraging the act will be treated as intentional homicide. (Mr. Sangay said that six others in a different area of Tibet were also given harsh sentences.)
The Chinese government has blamed the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan spiritual leader, for inciting ordinary Tibetans to carry out self-immolations. Tibetans rebut the claim, saying the cause is Chinese repression.
“What are you left with?” Mr. Penpa asked. “The only thing you can do is sacrifice your life.”
With the Dalai Lama having ceded political control of the Tibetan government — and having encouraged the elections that elevated Mr. Sangay, a former lecturer at Harvard, to prime minister — the Tibetan movement is in flux. To some degree, last week’s events were part of continued efforts to establish Mr. Sangay and other democratically elected Tibetan members of Parliament as figures capable of rallying political support for a movement long dependent on the charisma and stature of the Dalai Lama. (He did not attend the gathering.)
For more than a half century, India has been the primary host of exiled Tibetans, and many of the people who flocked to New Delhi came from special Tibetan villages elsewhere in the country. Lobsang Thai, 28, who came from Mundgod, a Tibetan village in the Indian state of Karnataka, said the self-immolations reflected the desperate situation in Tibet. “I don’t think it is about right or wrong,” he said. “That is the only thing we can do without hurting other people. That’s the best way to get the world’s attention.”
Tenzin Losec, 42, who is from Mainpat, a Tibetan village in the Indian state of Chhattisgarh, agreed. “This is very sad for us,” he said. “But people inside Tibet, they have no other way. They have no rights. Outside Tibet, we are trying to raise awareness around the world.”
Tibetan leaders were determined to portray the week’s events as evidence that the global community, especially India, supported their aspirations. Lawmakers and other political figures from India’s leading political parties appeared at different events, though the government’s top leaders stayed away.
Mr. Sangay and others want the United Nations to push China to improve conditions in Tibet and also to allow inspectors to tour the region. “The Chinese government should feel pressure to do something,” he said. “This is leading to a vicious cycle: hard-line policies, protests, repression, more hard-line policies, more protests, more repression.”
Yet as that milestone hung over the estimated 5,000 Tibetans who gathered in a small stadium, so did an uncertainty about whether the rest of the world was paying attention at all. In speeches, Tibetan leaders described the self-immolations as the desperate acts of a people left with no other way to draw global attention to Chinese policies in Tibet.
按图放大
Freetibet.org, via Associated Press
Ninety-nine Tibetans have set themselves on fire to protest Chinese rule, like this farmer last fall.
按图放大
Enrico Fabian for The New York Times
Tibetan monks shout slogans as they
take part in a rally during a four-day gathering billed as the Tibetan
People’s Solidarity Campaign.
Billed as the Tibetan People’s Solidarity Campaign, the four-day gathering featured protests, marches, Buddhist prayer sessions and political speeches in an attempt to push Tibet back onto a crowded international agenda. If the Arab Spring has inspired hope among some Tibetans that political change is always possible, it has also offered a sobering reminder that no two situations are the same, nor will the international community respond in the same fashion.
“The world is paying attention, but not enough,” Mr. Sangay added. “There was a self-immolation in Tunisia which was labeled the catalyst for the Arab Spring. We’ve been committed to nonviolence for many decades. And how come we have been given less support than what we witnessed in the Arab world?”
Yet even as the self-immolations have become central to the Tibetan protest movement, a quiet debate has been under way among Tibetans who are anguished over the deaths of their young men and who question how the acts reconcile with Buddhist teachings. Again and again, speakers emphasized that the Tibetan movement remains nonviolent and that the people who have self-immolated harmed only themselves.
“None of them have tried to harm anybody else,” said Penpa Tsering, the speaker of the Tibetan Parliament, which is based in Dharamsala, the Indian city that is host to the exiled Tibetan government. “None of the 99 people have tried to harm any Chinese.”
The Tibetan self-immolations began in 2009 as protests against China’s rule in Tibetan regions of the country. At least 81 Tibetans have died after their acts, and nearly all the self-immolations have occurred inside Tibet, with news smuggled out via e-mail or through networks of advocacy groups.
The Chinese authorities have responded by taking a harder line. Last week, a Chinese court handed down stiff sentences to a Tibetan monk and his nephew on charges that they had urged eight people to set themselves on fire, according to Chinese state news media. The monk was given a suspended death sentence, usually equivalent to life in prison, and the authorities have made it clear that committing or encouraging the act will be treated as intentional homicide. (Mr. Sangay said that six others in a different area of Tibet were also given harsh sentences.)
The Chinese government has blamed the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan spiritual leader, for inciting ordinary Tibetans to carry out self-immolations. Tibetans rebut the claim, saying the cause is Chinese repression.
“What are you left with?” Mr. Penpa asked. “The only thing you can do is sacrifice your life.”
With the Dalai Lama having ceded political control of the Tibetan government — and having encouraged the elections that elevated Mr. Sangay, a former lecturer at Harvard, to prime minister — the Tibetan movement is in flux. To some degree, last week’s events were part of continued efforts to establish Mr. Sangay and other democratically elected Tibetan members of Parliament as figures capable of rallying political support for a movement long dependent on the charisma and stature of the Dalai Lama. (He did not attend the gathering.)
For more than a half century, India has been the primary host of exiled Tibetans, and many of the people who flocked to New Delhi came from special Tibetan villages elsewhere in the country. Lobsang Thai, 28, who came from Mundgod, a Tibetan village in the Indian state of Karnataka, said the self-immolations reflected the desperate situation in Tibet. “I don’t think it is about right or wrong,” he said. “That is the only thing we can do without hurting other people. That’s the best way to get the world’s attention.”
Tenzin Losec, 42, who is from Mainpat, a Tibetan village in the Indian state of Chhattisgarh, agreed. “This is very sad for us,” he said. “But people inside Tibet, they have no other way. They have no rights. Outside Tibet, we are trying to raise awareness around the world.”
Tibetan leaders were determined to portray the week’s events as evidence that the global community, especially India, supported their aspirations. Lawmakers and other political figures from India’s leading political parties appeared at different events, though the government’s top leaders stayed away.
Mr. Sangay and others want the United Nations to push China to improve conditions in Tibet and also to allow inspectors to tour the region. “The Chinese government should feel pressure to do something,” he said. “This is leading to a vicious cycle: hard-line policies, protests, repression, more hard-line policies, more protests, more repression.”
上百勞工臥軌
 |
| 全國關廠工人連線昨日結束在勞委會前抗議後轉往台北火車站，在等不到勞委會主委潘世偉的回應後，關廠勞工跳下軌道阻擋列車進站。（記者王敏為攝） |
300 多名全國關廠工人連線成員，不滿勞委會提出關廠勞工貸款案解決方案，晚間7點多買月台票進入台北火車站第三月台，晚間8點25分近百名勞工突然跳下月台， 衝向從基隆開往彰化的區間車，所幸台鐵事先通報列車減速，火車在距工人前兩公尺緊急煞住，工人則臥軌抗議，警方花了近20分鐘，將鐵軌上的勞工一一抬離軌 道。
16年前東菱電子、聯福製衣、福昌紡織等工人，因雇主倒閉積欠勞工大筆資遣費及退休金，勞委會從就業安定基金撥款貸款，借貸戶共1105戶，當時勞工認為是「代位求償」，但勞委會認定是貸款，去年6月向勞工提告追償，引發關廠工人激烈抗爭。
台鐵統計，共有40列次班車被延誤總計1200分鐘，有10600名旅客受影響，晚間11點，警方和勞工協商，勞工才搭台鐵的專車離去，結束激烈抗爭。
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