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| NCC去年七月以附加三項停止條件方式有條件通過「旺中併購中嘉案」，NCC昨天審查確認「條件未成就」否決旺中案。圖為媒改團體發起的「反媒體壟斷大遊行」，要NCC做好把關責任。 （資料照） |
信託中天新聞台 未完全切割
ＮＣＣ 去年七月以附加三項停止條件方式有條件通過「旺中併購中嘉案」，要求旺中集團應與中天新聞台完全切割、中視新聞台變更為非新聞台、中視應設立獨立新聞編審 制度等三項條件成就後，此併購案才能生效。但旺中集團總裁蔡衍明不服ＮＣＣ的條件，去年曾說中天是他的最愛不能給別人，因此和ＮＣＣ打行政官司、使得併購 案一度陷入僵局。
但春節前旺中集團又突然向ＮＣＣ遞件申請，表示旺中集團已以信託方式委託台灣工業銀行，持有神旺投資中天電視的七十五％股份，此舉應已符合「完全切割」的要求。不過，ＮＣＣ委員會昨天審查此案，確認「條件未成就」，因而否決此案。
監察人獨立性 ＮＣＣ有疑義
ＮＣＣ否決理由有三，第一為信託法主管機關經濟部回覆ＮＣＣ，說明「控制公司如果將股權信託他人管理，既存從屬關係並不受影響」，亦即就算旺中集團將中天新聞台信託了，依法仍具有控制權，仍未能達到「完全切割」的條件。
ＮＣＣ並檢視旺中集團信託契約條文，其中約定股東權之行使由信託監察人為之，而該信託監察人之報酬由其與委託人（旺中集團）另行約定，所以這個信託監察人的「獨立性」有疑義；另外，中視編審制度並未獨立。
旺中可另提方案 再申請審議
ＮＣＣ主委石世豪表示，基於上面三點理由，ＮＣＣ委員會一致同意「條件未成就」，信託申請案沒有法律效力，此案也沒有召開聽證會之必要。但ＮＣＣ法律事務處長謝煥乾表示，旺中未來還是可以另提方案再申請審議。
九 ○一反媒體壟斷聯盟召集人陳曉宜表示，這個結果顯示ＮＣＣ的確有進行實質審查，因為旺中集團的信託行為不會改變控制關係，手段上只是表面切割。基於旺中還 可以再提申請，以其他方式捲土重來，陳曉宜指出，反媒體壟斷專法也已出爐，明定系統、頻道不得水平與垂直整合，顯示這是朝野及社會共識，呼籲旺中盡速實質 切割中天電視，別再挑戰司法。
學者：旺中鑽漏洞 應該駁回
曾任金管會主委和公平會委員的中研院人文社會科學研究中心研究員施俊吉指出，旺中集團本來就不能併購中嘉系統，ＮＣＣ應該逕予駁回，最後卻還是以三個停止條件有條件通過，結果旺中集團想出用信託手段「鑽漏洞」，施俊吉表示，請旺中集團不要再製造社會動亂，浪費社會成本。
旺中集團昨日在截稿前，未就ＮＣＣ否決案做出正式回應；記者昨晚電話連絡上旺中寬頻特助趙育培，但他只說：「我現有事、我現有事。」立即掛上電話。台灣工銀表示，工銀只是單純的受託機構，沒有立場進行任何評論。
一則被閹割的新聞
◎ 黃勝淋
十幾位媒改學者、學生及傳播界人士，上月二十一日到二十六日在行政院前連續靜坐六天，要求行政院、立法院立即修改公視法，儘速讓延宕超過兩年的公視董事會完成改選。他們以接力靜坐的方式表達訴求，希望能讓行政院裡的官員們聽見台灣公廣媒體改革的聲音。然而這六天的行動，我沒看到任何一家民營電視台報導這則新聞。
公視屬於全民，並非政府或執政黨擁有的電視台，但國民黨重返執政後，透過「林益世條款」，強改公視法的董事席次名額，試圖干預公視董事會的運作，將政黨的黑手伸入本應屬於「全民的公共電視」中。
世界上媒體發展進步的國家，對於公廣媒體的扶植向來不遺餘力，英國ＢＢＣ、日本ＮＨＫ、韓國ＫＢＳ等，都是具有公信力、享譽國際的公廣媒體，每年擁有的預算，更是台灣公廣的數十、數百倍之多！當其他國家以豐富的資源製作優質節目時，我們的公視卻連一個董事改選都無法完成。
年金制度的改革讓社會紛紛擾擾、對立嚴重，內閣又即將改組，公視的問題被掩藏在這些議題之下無人聞問。但公廣媒體的發展不能忽略，政府及新內閣亦不該裝死擺爛、或伸手胡攪一通！應儘早面對、改善，回應台灣媒體「反壟斷、要公廣」的民意訴求。
（作者為中正大學傳播系學生）
民主對抗媒體恐怖主義（顏厥安）2012年11月17日
幾大產業與金融集團聯手買下壹傳媒，
恐怖主義有幾大特點：敵視自由民主與多元價值；欲以秘密方式，
先是幾年前國民黨透過其政治力操作，
過去一年多來，以旺中集團為核心的一連串事件，
先是幾年前國民黨透過其政治力操作，
過去一年多來，以旺中集團為核心的一連串事件，
財團恐嚇不服從者
更
值得注意的是，這個發展並不僅是單一個人或集團的作為，
非 常關鍵的一點是，這些財團往往又需要政府的「特許」。
然而對抗這種恐怖主義，終究還是要回歸民主。雖然期望不高，
非 常關鍵的一點是，這些財團往往又需要政府的「特許」。
然而對抗這種恐怖主義，終究還是要回歸民主。雖然期望不高，
作者為台大法律系教授，「台灣守護民主平台」監事
China congress highlights contrast with Taiwan, amid continuing struggle for influence
Lee Jin-man/Associated Press -
Chinese paramilitary policemen march near a portrait of late
Chinese leader Mao Zedong on the Tiananmen Square in Beijing Saturday,
Nov. 10, 2012.
“Taiwan’s democracy has learned from the United States,” said
Wang Yingying, who moved from eastern China to Taiwan in 2005 with her
Taiwanese spouse. “We in China cannot vote for our national leaders.
Mainland politics are backward, Taiwan’s democracy is much better.”
The astonishingly rapid detente could send a message beyond just Asia.
Split since Mao Zedong’s Communist forces drove Chiang Kai-shek and his Nationalist government from the mainland, China and Taiwan used to engage in a propaganda and ideological war against each other. Since Taiwan jettisoned one-party rule in the 1980s and moved toward democracy, the competition for hearts and minds continues but is more low-key.
“There is now no excuse for the Chinese government to tell its people that Chinese culture is somehow at odds with democracy,” said Emile Sheng, who served as culture minister during Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou’s just-completed first term. “Taiwan’s experience proves this wrong.”
Stepped-up trade and travel between China and Taiwan as well as a revival in longstanding cultural and social ties are all carrying Taiwan’s success with democracy to mainlanders. Wang, the mainlander bride, is one of 300,000 Chinese spouses living in Taiwan. More than 2 million Chinese tourists travel to Taiwan every year, often holing up in their hotels to watch Taiwan’s many politically relentless all-news television stations.
China’s ruling Communists continue to hail their model as superior, noting its state-directed economy has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty in recent decades and government policies have warded off the recession and weak growth that have wracked the West during the past four years. In his opening speech to the congress Thursday, President Hu Jintao said China would never adopt a Western-style political system.
“There is a contest of ideology between China and Taiwan,” said political scientist George Tsai of Taipei’s Chinese Culture University. “It is dictatorship versus democracy. Many people are wondering if Taiwan’s model of democracy is appropriate for China’s future.”
Sheng, the former culture minister, said a high watermark for Taiwan’s influence came earlier this year when millions of politically literate mainlanders closely followed Taiwan’s hard-fought presidential election between Ma and challenger Tsai Ing-wen.
He said the thousands of favorable comments that appeared on Chinese blogs — which mainlanders use to skirt government restrictions on officially sanctioned media — left little doubt that some in China had been won over by the vibrancy of the Taiwanese system.
“They were really taken with the openness of the electoral process, the way the candidates conducted themselves, the graciousness of Tsai’s concession speech after she lost,” he said.
Despite Sheng’s optimism, even some Chinese impressed by Taiwan’s democratic transition believe it is naive to assume that a robust democratic system can take root on the mainland anytime soon. Decades of repressive policies mean there is no ready opposition party, and many Chinese fear the chaos that might result from a collapse of the Communist Party. Then there’s the leadership’s resistance to losing power.
“They realize what kind of purge they could expect if democracy ever came,” mainlander Eric Zhang wrote in a recent post on Sina Corp.’s popular Weibo service, a Chinese version of Twitter. “They would no doubt fight democracy as if their lives depended on it.”
Copyright 2012 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
