中國軍艦嚴重挑釁 「雷達瞄準」日艦
〔編譯林翠儀／綜合報導〕日本防衛相小野寺五典五日晚間證實，上月十九日 及三十日中國海軍船艦，兩度在釣魚台海域附近以雷達瞄準威嚇日本自衛隊的護衛艦和艦載直升機。對於這種極度挑釁的行為，日本已於五日向中國提出強烈抗議， 小野寺表示，只要稍有差池就會演變成非常危險的狀態。而中國外交部發言人華春瑩，在五日例行記者會上並未正面回應日方抗議雷達瞄準一事，僅強調中國公務船 巡航執法有據。
中艦使用射控系統雷達
由於中國巡防艦用來瞄準日艦的雷達，就是一般稱為「射控系統」的雷達，也就是武器自動實施瞄準與發射的裝備。日媒報導指出，這是日中兩國爆發釣魚台紛爭之後，中國軍艦第一次以射擊為前提將雷達瞄準自衛隊艦艇，這種威嚇的行為極具挑釁，稍有閃失可能引發兩軍火併。
日 本朝日新聞報導，中國的一艘巡防艦上月三十日航行於釣魚台海域時，以雷達瞄準日本海上自衛隊的護衛艦「夕立號」，當時兩艦距離約三公里。而同樣的情形似也 發生在上月十九日，一艘中國巡防艦以雷達瞄準海上自衛隊護衛艦「大波號」上搭載的直升機，當時這架艦載直升機正在距離「大波號」數公里內飛行，由於直升機 對雷達瞄準的感應並不靈敏，數據分析檢證較花時間，至於三十日「夕立號」遭雷達瞄準，則是當場就能判斷，防衛省五日才公布這兩件事。
不過，小野寺五日召開緊急記者會時，僅表示發生地點位於東海的公海上，並未說明與釣魚台的關係位置。據ＢＢＣ中文網報導，小野寺召開記者會時神情緊張，對記者追問中方意圖表示「不知道」，僅不斷重申中方此舉讓事態處於「千鈞一髮」的危險狀態。
曾 任日駐中國大使館武官的小原凡司表示，開啟射控雷達照射對方等於昭告對方可以向其發動攻擊，是一種極為危險的行為；但中方此舉是否因為自衛隊護衛艦的某些 跡象讓中方認為是一種危險行為，或是根本就是純粹的挑釁，有必要冷靜地進行分析，畢竟日中雙方對何種舉動屬於危險行為缺乏相互了解。
ＮＨＫ報導，軍艦上一般搭載三種雷達，射控雷達在非戰爭狀態時一般不使用，顯示中國軍艦使用射控雷達屬於非常措施。小野寺在記者會前和首相安倍晉三研商對策，安倍指示防衛省必須採取「萬無一失」措施對應，並向中方抗議。
马尼拉
〔編譯林翠儀／綜合報導〕日本防衛相小野寺五典五日晚間證實，上月十九日 及三十日中國海軍船艦，兩度在釣魚台海域附近以雷達瞄準威嚇日本自衛隊的護衛艦和艦載直升機。對於這種極度挑釁的行為，日本已於五日向中國提出強烈抗議， 小野寺表示，只要稍有差池就會演變成非常危險的狀態。而中國外交部發言人華春瑩，在五日例行記者會上並未正面回應日方抗議雷達瞄準一事，僅強調中國公務船 巡航執法有據。
中艦使用射控系統雷達
由於中國巡防艦用來瞄準日艦的雷達，就是一般稱為「射控系統」的雷達，也就是武器自動實施瞄準與發射的裝備。日媒報導指出，這是日中兩國爆發釣魚台紛爭之後，中國軍艦第一次以射擊為前提將雷達瞄準自衛隊艦艇，這種威嚇的行為極具挑釁，稍有閃失可能引發兩軍火併。
日 本朝日新聞報導，中國的一艘巡防艦上月三十日航行於釣魚台海域時，以雷達瞄準日本海上自衛隊的護衛艦「夕立號」，當時兩艦距離約三公里。而同樣的情形似也 發生在上月十九日，一艘中國巡防艦以雷達瞄準海上自衛隊護衛艦「大波號」上搭載的直升機，當時這架艦載直升機正在距離「大波號」數公里內飛行，由於直升機 對雷達瞄準的感應並不靈敏，數據分析檢證較花時間，至於三十日「夕立號」遭雷達瞄準，則是當場就能判斷，防衛省五日才公布這兩件事。
不過，小野寺五日召開緊急記者會時，僅表示發生地點位於東海的公海上，並未說明與釣魚台的關係位置。據ＢＢＣ中文網報導，小野寺召開記者會時神情緊張，對記者追問中方意圖表示「不知道」，僅不斷重申中方此舉讓事態處於「千鈞一髮」的危險狀態。
曾 任日駐中國大使館武官的小原凡司表示，開啟射控雷達照射對方等於昭告對方可以向其發動攻擊，是一種極為危險的行為；但中方此舉是否因為自衛隊護衛艦的某些 跡象讓中方認為是一種危險行為，或是根本就是純粹的挑釁，有必要冷靜地進行分析，畢竟日中雙方對何種舉動屬於危險行為缺乏相互了解。
ＮＨＫ報導，軍艦上一般搭載三種雷達，射控雷達在非戰爭狀態時一般不使用，顯示中國軍艦使用射控雷達屬於非常措施。小野寺在記者會前和首相安倍晉三研商對策，安倍指示防衛省必須採取「萬無一失」措施對應，並向中方抗議。
马尼拉
由于无望达成双边共识，
2012.11
Where the South China Sea dispute between China and members of the ASEAN
power bloc is concerned, there appears to be no easy solution. But, a
code of conduct might be the first step toward finding one.
Deutsche Welle: Have there been any developments with regards to the South China Sea since the last ASEAN summit in July?
Gerhard Will: There has been a fair amount of change. A number of talks have been held behind the scenes after the debacle at the last ASEAN summit in Phnom Penh, where no joint declaration was issued. Meanwhile the ASEAN countries have given a six-point declaration of how such a code of conduct might look. As we have heard, there were discussions with China at an official level.
Would such a code of conduct reduce the military tension in the South China Sea?
Not necessarily. It may well be the case that the parties adopt such a code of conduct while at the same time making it clear they will not rule out any military option and that they are arming themselves accordingly.
How do you view China's role in efforts to find a diplomatic solution to the territorial dispute?
Chinese leadership knows very well that it should not push too far in the dispute with its neighbors in Southeast Asia. One needs good relations with one's neighbors to promote further economic development. There are two sides of the same coin: On the one hand, territorial sovereignty along with natural resources is an issue. On the other hand, it's also important to have peace in the region. So it is not unlikely that China would agree to such a code of conduct - one that would have no fixed rules but instead would be a list of behavioral guidelines.
A code of conduct would not mean China would give up its territorial claim; it would ensure that the status quo is maintained. So China might well agree to such a code without having to give up crucial elements of its position.
What is the significance of the territorial dispute for the ASEAN countries?
Some of the ASEAN countries are trying to use this conflict to bring about a greater cohesion between the ASEAN nations. Conversely, China is trying to do all that it can to frustrate these attempts and prevent a common stance among ASEAN countries from emerging. I would say that this dispute has a central importance within ASEAN, as, ultimately, it is all about relations with China. This is an issue that concerns all ASEAN countries.
Do you think the joint exploitation of natural resources in the South China Sea is nothing more than a utopian ideal?
I would not call it utopian. I would go as far as to say that it is probably the only peaceful solution to the dispute. China itself has repeatedly suggested joint exploration and development of projects. So far though, there have not been any projects where that would have worked. However, assuming that reason and economic factors are taken into consideration, joint resource management is the only way to solve the dispute. I think the idea that this conflict can be solved by drawing boundaries and setting up exclusive economic zones is utopian - who would control such long borders? Where borders exist, there will always be conflict.
How dangerous is the dispute?
It is indeed a very dangerous thing because it is not just about economic interests. If it were only about that, then, in my opinion, there would be a solution sooner or later. However, it is also about political legitimacy of the governments involved. The governments have to prove to the people that they are representing national interests. That goes just as much for China as it does for Vietnam and the Philippines. That is the aspect of domestic politics. But there is also the strategic dimension - the rivalry between China and the US in the South China Sea. That is really what makes the dispute so difficult - various participants in the conflict are interlinked with one another with regards to economic issues, domestic politics and the strategic interests of superpowers.
Dr Gerhard Will is a Southeast Asia expert with Berlin's German Institute for International and Security Affairs.
Gerhard Will: There has been a fair amount of change. A number of talks have been held behind the scenes after the debacle at the last ASEAN summit in Phnom Penh, where no joint declaration was issued. Meanwhile the ASEAN countries have given a six-point declaration of how such a code of conduct might look. As we have heard, there were discussions with China at an official level.
Would such a code of conduct reduce the military tension in the South China Sea?
Not necessarily. It may well be the case that the parties adopt such a code of conduct while at the same time making it clear they will not rule out any military option and that they are arming themselves accordingly.
How do you view China's role in efforts to find a diplomatic solution to the territorial dispute?
Chinese leadership knows very well that it should not push too far in the dispute with its neighbors in Southeast Asia. One needs good relations with one's neighbors to promote further economic development. There are two sides of the same coin: On the one hand, territorial sovereignty along with natural resources is an issue. On the other hand, it's also important to have peace in the region. So it is not unlikely that China would agree to such a code of conduct - one that would have no fixed rules but instead would be a list of behavioral guidelines.
A code of conduct would not mean China would give up its territorial claim; it would ensure that the status quo is maintained. So China might well agree to such a code without having to give up crucial elements of its position.
What is the significance of the territorial dispute for the ASEAN countries?
Some of the ASEAN countries are trying to use this conflict to bring about a greater cohesion between the ASEAN nations. Conversely, China is trying to do all that it can to frustrate these attempts and prevent a common stance among ASEAN countries from emerging. I would say that this dispute has a central importance within ASEAN, as, ultimately, it is all about relations with China. This is an issue that concerns all ASEAN countries.
Do you think the joint exploitation of natural resources in the South China Sea is nothing more than a utopian ideal?
I would not call it utopian. I would go as far as to say that it is probably the only peaceful solution to the dispute. China itself has repeatedly suggested joint exploration and development of projects. So far though, there have not been any projects where that would have worked. However, assuming that reason and economic factors are taken into consideration, joint resource management is the only way to solve the dispute. I think the idea that this conflict can be solved by drawing boundaries and setting up exclusive economic zones is utopian - who would control such long borders? Where borders exist, there will always be conflict.
How dangerous is the dispute?
It is indeed a very dangerous thing because it is not just about economic interests. If it were only about that, then, in my opinion, there would be a solution sooner or later. However, it is also about political legitimacy of the governments involved. The governments have to prove to the people that they are representing national interests. That goes just as much for China as it does for Vietnam and the Philippines. That is the aspect of domestic politics. But there is also the strategic dimension - the rivalry between China and the US in the South China Sea. That is really what makes the dispute so difficult - various participants in the conflict are interlinked with one another with regards to economic issues, domestic politics and the strategic interests of superpowers.
Dr Gerhard Will is a Southeast Asia expert with Berlin's German Institute for International and Security Affairs.
DW.DE
East China Sea is hit by a wave of nationalism
Rising nationalism in China and Japan is fueling the dispute between China and Japan over a string of islands in the East China Sea, experts say. Yet most expect the two economic powers to resolve their differences. (11.09.2012)- Date 15.11.2012
- Author Hans Spross / Richard Connor
- Editor Sarah Berning
中國將在三沙市設軍事警備區
北京
據法新社報導，中國國防部週一（7月23日）在其網站上通報說，中央軍委批准在南中國海設軍事警備區。此舉有可能使中國與越南、菲律賓等鄰國的關係更趨緊張。根據中國國防部的通報，軍事警備區將設在以西沙群島（Paracel Islands，帕拉塞爾群島，越南稱“黃沙群島”）為中心的三沙市，負責三沙地區的國防動員和預備役部隊的活動。通報雖未說明警備區將於何時設立完備，但在西沙群島派駐軍隊的計畫本身就有可能引發河內作出憤怒反應。北京上個月宣佈設立三沙市，作為管理西沙群島和南沙群島（Spratly Islands，斯普拉特利群島，越南稱“長沙群島”）的行政中心。昨天，越南首都發生民眾反華示威遊行。中國和南越曾分別管理南沙群島的部分地區，但在1974年的短期武裝衝突後，北京基本控制了該群島，但越南仍佔有該群島的若干島嶼。菲律賓、汶萊和馬來西亞等國也對南中國海提出部分主權要求。因相關爭議，東盟會議在本月13日結束後未能發表共同聲明。這在東盟45年歷史上尚屬首次。
16 July 2012 Last updated at 22:29 GMT
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南海太平風雲: 台灣敬陪後座《南沙群島 危險地帶》
釣魚台主權衝突急遽升溫。日本內閣會議通過決議，以二十億五千萬日圓（約新台幣七億八千萬元）買下釣魚台，將釣魚台列嶼收歸國有；我國外交部隨即發表強 烈抗議，嚴厲譴責日本政府「國有化」行為不法侵犯中華民國的領土主權。中國大陸也以強勢對決姿態，表明北京寸土不讓的決心，不但宣布釣魚島領海基線，並派 遣兩艘海監船到釣魚台海域值勤。事實上，除了釣魚台領土之爭劍拔弩張外，南沙群島的主權爭議也是箭在弦上，一觸即發。
年初中國大陸海 監船和漁政船因為護漁和菲律賓海軍軍艦在南海（South China Sea）黃岩島對峙；六月中國大陸又在南海設立三沙市，管轄南沙、中沙、西沙諸島海域，引起菲律賓、越南強烈抗議，美國也嚴詞批評此舉將升高區域緊張情 勢。而實際控制南沙群島最大島嶼--太平島的台灣，七、八月一連舉辦兩梯次的「全民國防南沙研習營」，國家安全會議秘書長胡為真、內政部長李鴻源和立法委 員林郁方、陳鎮湘、陳亭妃也分別登上太平島宣示主權。
南沙群島位於南海南端，由超過六百五十個珊瑚礁形成的大小島嶼、環礁、岩礁組 成，面積約16,000至36,000平方公里，是太平洋和印度洋之間的國際航道要衝，控制全球三分之一的海上交通運輸線和所有歐亞航線，不只軍事戰略地 位舉足輕重，還是坐擁驚人經濟價值的聚寶盆。南沙群島和它周邊海域的龐大水產資源、豐富的油氣和礦藏早已成為鄰近國家覬覦的焦點，尤其350億噸的油氣儲 量號稱「第二個波斯灣」，更是兵家必爭，包括菲律賓、越南、印尼、馬來西亞、汶萊、中國和台灣都宣稱擁有南沙群島的主權。
南沙群島的主權之爭最早源於周遭國家為了確保自身航道通行權，但在1970年代發現豐富的海底石油和天然氣蘊藏後，領土與主權爭奪戰更加白熱化。
1950年代菲律賓人多瑪士克羅瑪佔地為王，在南沙群島三十多座島嶼收集鳥糞；1978年馬可仕總統正式宣佈南沙群島是菲律賓領土。越南不甘示弱地聲稱 安南王朝的軍隊在十七世紀就已經出現在南沙海域，1975年統一後進一步表明他們擁有西沙和南沙群島主權。而對中國來說，南海屬於中國更是無庸置疑。西元 1405年，明朝皇帝朱棣派鄭和率領兩萬八千人，兩百多艘船隻，七次下西洋，足跡遠達非洲海岸，在在說明中國早已出入南中國海了。
《南沙群島：危險地帶 Spratlys, Dangerous Ground》由法國第五電視台於2011年製作，導演Franck Cuvelier深入廣達82萬平方海里的南沙群島，拍攝並訪問戍衛全長僅150公尺的楊信沙洲上的菲律賓軍人；駕駛海洋研究船--迪藍尼松號，巡迴南海 收集物種樣本的越南科學家；以及奪取越南赤瓜礁和菲律賓美濟礁的中國海軍，掀開了南海主權爭議的壓力鍋。
視南中國海為囊中物，不曾立 碑宣示主權、也未曾佔領任何島礁的中國，仗著強大武力的後盾，在這場領土、資源的爭奪戰中也開始急起直追，先後佔據了6座小島；作為世界第一強權的美國自 然無法坐視，分別聯合菲律賓、越南舉行軍事演習，向中國提出警告。位於布魯塞爾的國際危機組織表示，「沒有處理危機的行動準則，南中國海的緊張局勢只會輕 而易舉地朝着不可逆轉的方向發展」，聯合國已經將南沙列為世界八大火藥庫之一。
Sep 8th 2012 | from the print edition
釣魚台主權衝突急遽升溫。日本內閣會議通過決議，以二十億五千萬日圓（約新台幣七億八千萬元）買下釣魚台，將釣魚台列嶼收歸國有；我國外交部隨即發表強 烈抗議，嚴厲譴責日本政府「國有化」行為不法侵犯中華民國的領土主權。中國大陸也以強勢對決姿態，表明北京寸土不讓的決心，不但宣布釣魚島領海基線，並派 遣兩艘海監船到釣魚台海域值勤。事實上，除了釣魚台領土之爭劍拔弩張外，南沙群島的主權爭議也是箭在弦上，一觸即發。
年初中國大陸海 監船和漁政船因為護漁和菲律賓海軍軍艦在南海（South China Sea）黃岩島對峙；六月中國大陸又在南海設立三沙市，管轄南沙、中沙、西沙諸島海域，引起菲律賓、越南強烈抗議，美國也嚴詞批評此舉將升高區域緊張情 勢。而實際控制南沙群島最大島嶼--太平島的台灣，七、八月一連舉辦兩梯次的「全民國防南沙研習營」，國家安全會議秘書長胡為真、內政部長李鴻源和立法委 員林郁方、陳鎮湘、陳亭妃也分別登上太平島宣示主權。
南沙群島位於南海南端，由超過六百五十個珊瑚礁形成的大小島嶼、環礁、岩礁組 成，面積約16,000至36,000平方公里，是太平洋和印度洋之間的國際航道要衝，控制全球三分之一的海上交通運輸線和所有歐亞航線，不只軍事戰略地 位舉足輕重，還是坐擁驚人經濟價值的聚寶盆。南沙群島和它周邊海域的龐大水產資源、豐富的油氣和礦藏早已成為鄰近國家覬覦的焦點，尤其350億噸的油氣儲 量號稱「第二個波斯灣」，更是兵家必爭，包括菲律賓、越南、印尼、馬來西亞、汶萊、中國和台灣都宣稱擁有南沙群島的主權。
南沙群島的主權之爭最早源於周遭國家為了確保自身航道通行權，但在1970年代發現豐富的海底石油和天然氣蘊藏後，領土與主權爭奪戰更加白熱化。
1950年代菲律賓人多瑪士克羅瑪佔地為王，在南沙群島三十多座島嶼收集鳥糞；1978年馬可仕總統正式宣佈南沙群島是菲律賓領土。越南不甘示弱地聲稱 安南王朝的軍隊在十七世紀就已經出現在南沙海域，1975年統一後進一步表明他們擁有西沙和南沙群島主權。而對中國來說，南海屬於中國更是無庸置疑。西元 1405年，明朝皇帝朱棣派鄭和率領兩萬八千人，兩百多艘船隻，七次下西洋，足跡遠達非洲海岸，在在說明中國早已出入南中國海了。
《南沙群島：危險地帶 Spratlys, Dangerous Ground》由法國第五電視台於2011年製作，導演Franck Cuvelier深入廣達82萬平方海里的南沙群島，拍攝並訪問戍衛全長僅150公尺的楊信沙洲上的菲律賓軍人；駕駛海洋研究船--迪藍尼松號，巡迴南海 收集物種樣本的越南科學家；以及奪取越南赤瓜礁和菲律賓美濟礁的中國海軍，掀開了南海主權爭議的壓力鍋。
視南中國海為囊中物，不曾立 碑宣示主權、也未曾佔領任何島礁的中國，仗著強大武力的後盾，在這場領土、資源的爭奪戰中也開始急起直追，先後佔據了6座小島；作為世界第一強權的美國自 然無法坐視，分別聯合菲律賓、越南舉行軍事演習，向中國提出警告。位於布魯塞爾的國際危機組織表示，「沒有處理危機的行動準則，南中國海的緊張局勢只會輕 而易舉地朝着不可逆轉的方向發展」，聯合國已經將南沙列為世界八大火藥庫之一。
Sep 8th 2012 | from the print edition
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