2012年12月15日 星期六

呼籲知識份子、青年學子捍衛民主 Taiwan's Youth Fights for Democracy, Again壹傳媒收購案引發憤怒!台灣媒體何去何從?


中研院院士聲援 難道要等著被中國砍頭?呼籲知識份子、青年學子捍衛民主

〔記者湯佳玲/台北報導〕中央研究院院士林明璋表示,壹傳媒併購案已直接影響到台灣民主與新聞自由,「台灣人不出來捍衛民主,誰來幫你?難道要等著被中國砍頭?」呼籲知識份子、青年學子通通站出來對抗!
前 中研院院長李遠哲與林明璋、李文雄、廖運範、周昌弘、吳茂昆、杜正勝、鄭天佐等八位院士登高一呼,加入「捍衛民主多元,守護新聞自由,貫徹公平競爭—全國 學術界反對壹傳媒併購案」連署後,學界連署人數暴增,一下子從六十人暴增至兩百多人,連遠在海外的美國加州州立大學聖地牙哥分校、南伊利諾大學艾德華村分 校等教授也跨海響應。
學界連署增至兩百多人 遍及海內外
林明璋表示,台灣民主自由得來不易,對壹傳媒併購案感到「非常危險、非常擔心」,因為背後的中資將直接對台灣言論與新聞自由造成衝擊。
他說,日前三立政論節目「新台灣加油」主持人廖筱君也請辭,是繼「大話新聞」主持人鄭弘儀請辭後的又一人,可見她承受了相當大的壓力。
反壟斷大遊行 75歲林明璋走了4小時
高齡七十五歲的林明璋平常住在新竹,但在「九○一反媒體壟斷大遊行」時,他特地到台北參與,走了四個多小時的路;儘管當時天氣熱到快中暑,但是他很高興看到有那麼多青年學子、有責任感的知識份子站出來。
林明璋呼籲,台灣人要自己捍衛台灣的民主與自由,不然「難道要等著被中國砍頭?」
人在香港的中研院院士暨國立東華大學校長吳茂昆則表示,他加入連署的原因非常簡單,因為言論思想自由、免於被歧視的自由是人性的核心價值。他說,大學就是設計用來保護與實踐這些核心價值,「身為一位大學校長,保護且教育下一代這些核心價值,是我的責任。」
中 研院社會所研究員瞿海源表示,壹傳媒併購案是台灣民主政治的不幸,併購案背後明顯的中資,讓原本是社會公器、應為多元化發聲的媒體,淪為只為中國發聲、只 為財團發聲、只為傾中政權發聲。對台灣未來的媒體生態與社會生態感到非常悲觀,除非政府出面,否則民間力量有限,難以阻擋併購案。



Taiwan's Youth Fights for Democracy, Again
Students concerned about the erosion of free speech take to the streets to halt a mogul's media buying spree.

Don't call it a "Taiwanese Spring"—yet. But student protests against a major media merger contain echoes of an earlier era in Taiwan, when the nation struggled to bring down authoritarian rule and take its first steps as a young democracy.
Those battles of the 1980s saw young lawyers, academics and students face off against the repressive Kuomintang regime. Today, the targets of the youth movement are tycoons who, through a string of acquisitions, threaten to undermine free speech in Taiwan.
In November, Hong Kong mogul Jimmy Lai surprised Taiwan by announcing that he planned to sell the Taiwanese branch of his Next Media empire, famed for its fearless criticism of Beijing. More shocking was the subsequent announcement that the coalition of buyers included a man whom Mr. Lai had vowed never to sell to: Want Want China Times Group chairman Tsai Eng-meng.
In 2008, Taiwan's richest man positioned himself as a major media player when he acquired the China Times Group. Since then Mr. Tsai has been accused of interfering with editorial matters and turning a blind eye to Beijing's human rights violations (Mr. Tsai once denied that the events of June 4, 1989, at Tiananmen Square constituted a massacre).
Associated Press
Young demonstrators hold a protest against the proposed sale of influential media outlets to a pro-China businessman in front of the Executive Yuan in Taipei, Taiwan, Tuesday, Nov. 27, 2012.
Mr. Tsai's numerous print and television outlets, which include the China Times, the China Times Weekly, CTiTV, and China Television Co, have launched sustained attacks on his detractors, including members of the National Communications Commission, the island's media regulator, and competitors.
Earlier this year, a number of senior editors and reporters at Mr. Tsai's China Times and CtiTV resigned or applied for early retirement to protest requests by their boss that they attack academics and regulators critical of the mogul's dealings. The workers' union at Next Media's Apple Daily has said it fears meddling by the newspaper's new owner. Mr. Tsai denies that he has interfered in editorial matters.
Earlier this year, Mr. Tsai sought to increase his grip on Taiwanese media by acquiring cable TV services owned by China Network Systems for $2.4 billion. Now, along with Formosa Plastics Group chairman William Wong, Chinatrust Charity Foundation chairman Jeffrey Koo Jr. and Lung Yen Life Service Corp chairman David Lee, Mr. Tsai is on the brink of acquiring Next Media's Taiwan assets. The consortium signed a $600 million deal on Nov. 27.
If the purchase is—as expected—approved by regulators, Mr. Tsai will control more than 45% of Taiwan's newspaper market. Next year Mr. Tsai will also reportedly launch a new magazine, Media Plus, in cooperation with the Chinese Communist Party-affiliated Fujian Daily Group. Critics argue the Next Media deal puts too much power into one man's hands. What's more, Mr. Tsai's co-investors all have major business interests in the mainland. This again raises the specter of self-censorship.
Often accused of being politically apathetic, Taiwan's youth were energized by the deal. Using social media with dazzling skill and originality, student groups, operating under the "Alliance Against Media Monsters," launched two protests in late November that brought together 500 students from 37 universities nationwide.
Among other things, they are calling for a thorough evaluation of the Next Media deal (with assurances that no Chinese money is involved) and passage of legislation on media monopoly. What's at stake, they argue, is the diversity of voices in the media—-diversity that is essential to democracy, and which cannot be protected by market forces alone.
The media demonstrations gave most protestors their first experience facing off against rows of police officers in riot gear. Some real leaders have emerged from the fight, including Chen Wei-ting, a university student. In a matter of months, he has transformed from a visibly shaken young adult—-in July he faced the threat of a lawsuit from a China Times Weekly editor for posting a critical picture on Facebook FB +2.39% --to a man displaying the crowd-rousing capabilities of a seasoned activist.
Early December brought the remarkable sight of Mr. Chen berating Minister of Education Chiang Wei-ling in Taiwan's legislature. One week earlier, the ministry's Student Affairs Committee emailed school districts asking them to find out more about the student protesters.
Soon after Mr. Chen condemned the Ministry's partisan overreach, Mr. Tsai's print and TV media launched vicious attacks on the student activist and his fellow protesters. This in turn prompted National Tsing Hua University, where Mr. Chen is a student, to apologize to Mr. Chiang for the stduent's "offensive language."
The students have reacted to the criticism not by backing down, as the authorities might have expected, but with ridicule. They organized a mock funeral at Tsing Hua for the death of the university's spirit. A mere hours after a Kuomintang legislator berated them for their "rude" behavior, compilations of her own unceremonious antics in the legislature were circulating on the Internet.
In past weeks, several hundred Taiwanese students around the world joined the campaign to oppose the deal. Taiwanese activists are drawing heavily on the power of the Internet to provide inspiration and updates. Vilification by Mr. Tsai's media and the government has only strengthened the students, who are now receiving moral support from a large number of respected academics and opposition legislators.
Today's young Taiwanese were not born when their parents and grandparents suffered under authoritarianism. Nor did they take part in the struggle to end one-party rule. But they know enough about the virtues of liberty to recognize when freedom is threatened.
Mr. Cole is deputy news chief at the Taipei Times.

 

 

這次收購事件 才使人知道中國時報和聯合報的市佔率這樣低.....

 

壹傳媒收購案引發憤怒!台灣媒體何去何從?


2012-12-05 Web only 作者:經濟學人

媒體併購通常會上頭條,但很少會像壹傳媒的收購案引發如此憤怒。買方為一群當地大亨,其中還包括一名親北京的媒體高層;這也讓人擔心,台灣的媒體會變得更不具多元性、更沒有活力,也更不會批評中國政府。

11月27日,雙方在澳門秘密簽署協議,並於隔日宣佈,黎智英的壹傳媒同意以6.01億美元的價格,將台灣的出版和電視業務賣給兩個台灣收購團。出售業務包括常常揭發名人醜聞的暢銷雜誌壹周刊,以及擁有超過300萬讀者、市佔率40%的蘋果日報。

台灣的其他報紙要不傾向於北京,要不就是傾向於台獨,蘋果日報非屬兩者,而是提供辛辣的新聞和犯罪事件,並佐以血腥的圖片和衣著清涼的模特兒,在揭發政治醜聞方面亦毫無畏懼。
出版業務的買家由中信金董事長之子辜仲諒帶領,其中亦包括旺旺中時集團的總經理蔡紹中。電視業務的收購團亦由辜仲諒帶領,但蔡紹中並未參與。黎智英並沒有出售壹動畫,此收購案也尚未通過台灣監管機構的審核。

蔡紹中為旺旺集團董事長蔡衍明之子;蔡衍明以親北京聞名,曾對華盛頓郵報表示天安門事件的死傷人數太過誇大。黎智英退出之後,有人擔心台灣報業大部分將落入蔡衍明之手。

旺 旺參與收購,促使約百名學生在行政院前抗議,支持台獨的民進黨亦表示,此收購案是台灣民主的災難;與蔡衍明親近之人則指出,蔡衍明並不是北京的傀儡。黎智 英為台灣帶來了聳動的小報式新聞,也創造了台灣僅有的中立報紙媒體;問題在於,換了經營者之後,優點能否延續下去。(黃維德譯)

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