〔編 譯楊芙宜、記者歐祥義、彭顯鈞／綜合報導〕繼英國「經濟學人」雜誌先前刊載「Ma the bumbler」專文後，英國「經濟學人資訊社」（Economist Intelligence Unit，ＥＩＵ）發表有關台灣外人直接投資（ＦＤＩ）報告再指出，馬英九總統與政府部門雖宣示一系列吸引外資的方案與誘因，卻與台灣發展利基、產業結構 現代化目標相左，不是對台灣長期發展有利的策略，錯誤的政策手段恐無法達成吸引更多外資流入的目標。
府強調：努力排除投資障礙
對此，總統府昨晚表示，「改造產業結構，提高薪資水準」、「排除投資障礙，擴大就業機會」是國慶演說中的兩大方向，政府會與全民共同努力朝此方向前進。媒體在報導相關新聞時，並未讓各部會有充足的時間說明，處理方式對政府並不公平。
經建會主委尹啟銘指出，媒體的看法是錯誤的，與事實情況不符。吸引外資來台或台商回流，並未限定高科技產業，而是針對國際品牌、產業供應鍊關鍵地位、高附加價值，以及企業營運總部等條件，主要目的就是要藉由增加投資，來創造台灣就業機會。
去年FDI流出 逾二千億美元
經 濟學人資訊社（ＥＩＵ）為經濟學人集團旗下研究機構，這篇題為「尋找外人投資」（In search of foreign investors）的報告在十九日刊載，開場白直接點出台灣總統馬英九在國慶演說中宣示，把降低外人來台投資障礙視為優先經濟政策，而現實是近年來台灣 ＦＤＩ流入金額遠不及流出金額，去年ＦＤＩ流入存量僅五六二億美元，與二○○六年的五○二億美元相差無幾，但去年ＦＤＩ流出存量卻高達二一三○億美元，明 顯比五年前的一二○○億美元高出許多。
ＥＩＵ文章指出，十一月起，政府推出一系列反映馬總統宣示的措施，包括為期兩年的推動台商回台投資政 策，承諾降低機具設備進口關稅、提供如貸款、土地等所需協助、簡化行政程序等，但政府考慮放寬外籍勞工來台規定備受爭議，如鬆綁部分產業與製造業外勞人數 最高增額比率十五％，甚至允許部分企業聘用外勞人數最高達員工總額的四十％。
文章指出，政府最新促進投資的措施雖可能吸引台商返鄉投資、增加就業機會與經濟成長，卻「可能無法吸引有利於台灣長期發展的企業」，因為確保低工資措施吸引的主要是勞力密集產業，而非吸引創新、資本密集的製造業以生產有更高附加價值的產品。
文章說，從目前政策來看，政府ＦＤＩ策略恰與台灣產業結構現代化、從毛利低的製造業轉型的更宏觀目標相牴觸；近年來從中國返台的企業主要如紡織業與電子業等產業，對促進結構調整恐無益處。
文 章指出，台灣的投資利基包括已發展的產業聚落與供應鏈、高教育水準的勞動力及有活力的民間部門，經商環境也已改善，政府其實已有足夠本錢展示給投資人，並 不需要提供額外的成本誘因。反而在產業升級、交通通訊等基礎設施改善，開放醫療保健、教育、金融服務、通訊等產業，更能激發投資意願。
ＥＩＵ總結，台灣雖然決定要帶進更多ＦＤＩ，但現行政策方向要達到目標，恐有困難。
*****
馬英九總統廿三日拜訪詩人余光中夫婦。余光中以目前最火紅「bumbler」話題為馬英九打氣；他說，這個字沒什麼問題，就像中國字的「拙」，如老莊「大巧若拙」，是媒體翻譯有問題。馬英九也舉父親常以曾國藩家書「尚誠尚拙」教誨，他說，《經濟學人》沒惡意，他不會介意。
英國《經濟學人》以「bumbler」評論馬英九，被國內媒體翻譯為「笨蛋」，連日來引發討論。
八十五歲的余光中與八十歲妻子范我存居住在高市愛河畔的河堤社區大樓。馬英九昨天在高雄餐旅學校與青年學子座談結束後，近午時分拜訪余光中夫婦。
馬英九剛坐下，余光中就主動提起，現在不是大家很熱門在討論這個「bumbler」嗎？總統聞言大笑，重覆唸著「bumbler」。余光中說，其實bumbler就是「拙」的意思，表示踏實、負責任、不輕舉妄動，如同大智若愚、愚公移山、大巧若拙，是媒體翻譯有問題。
馬英九回應說，《經濟學人》亞洲版編輯也很罕見地特別寫信給我國駐英代表處，說明這個字沒有那個意思。他指出，從小在家裡，爸爸即以晚清名臣曾國藩人生哲學「尚誠尚拙」教導他們，以「惟天下之至誠，勝天下之至偽；惟天下之至拙，勝天下之至巧」，所以他不會介意。
馬英九表示，台灣在經濟上也有很不錯表現。如《經濟學人》智庫最近也做全球評比，用購買力評價計算國內生產毛額，我國第一次超過英國，也超過法國、德國、日本、韓國。國內很少用購買力來算，大家比較少去注意，藉這個機會讓大家瞭解一下也好。
馬英九強調，身為國家元首，大家對他有意見是正常，如果評論有錯誤他會澄清，有意見他聽了會檢討。
馬英九說，最欣賞余光中一九七九年寫的〈西化中文─從西而不化到西而化之〉，余老師舉五十七個例子，說明有些可用很簡潔的中文，卻用很西化的語句，讓他讀了感受良深，經常影印分送給部屬分享。
馬英九也推崇范我存在高雄市立美術館當十六年志工，登上台灣志工禮讚的書。范我存說，在美術館也碰過總統夫人。馬英九說，妻子在孩子小時候，很喜歡帶她們到美術館、博物館。
余光中也透露，馬總統的女兒馬惟中將於下月訪問他，談「五月畫會當時怎麼興起？」馬英九愣了一下，大笑。
bumble
---(bŭm'bəl) 
v., -bled, -bling, -bles.
v.intr.v., -bled, -bling, -bles.
- To speak in a faltering manner.
- To move, act, or proceed clumsily. See synonyms at blunder.
To bungle; botch.
bumbler bum'bler n.
bum·ble2 (bŭm'bəl)
intr.v., -bled, -bling, -bles.
To make a humming or droning sound; buzz.
n.
A humming or droning sound; a buzz.
[Middle English bomblen, of imitative origin.]
英國經濟學人雜誌（The Economist）16日在網頁中以「笨拙，馬英九」（Ma the bumbler）為題，批評台灣總統馬英九，副題中點出︰曾是萬人迷的馬英九，現在已經喪失光環。結論中並以辛辣語氣指出，看來馬先生的政策沒有改變的跡 象，不過他的公信力卻每天都在流失。
Ma the bumbler
A former heart-throb loses his shine
這bumbler一字的解釋 變成台灣的全民英語學習
官方介入之後 還有什麼"猶豫..... "
查Shorter Oxford English Dictionary
它就是blunderer 而 blunder 呢?
blunder
- 音節
- blun • der
- 発音
- blʌ'ndər
- レベル
- 社会人必須
- blunderの変化形
- blunders (複数形) • blundered (過去形) • blundered (過去分詞) • blundering (現在分詞) • blunders (三人称単数現在)
- blunderの慣用句
- blunder upon, （全1件）
━━[動](自)
━━(他)
1 …をやりそこなう；〈財産・機会などを〉（不手ぎわで）失う((away))；…を（…の状態に）間違って至らしめる((into ...))
2 〈秘密などを〉ついうっかり口にする；〈弁解などを〉しどろもどろに言う((out)).
blunder upon ［on］ ...
〈新事実などを〉偶然［まぐれ当たりで］見つける.
［スカンジナビア語. BLIND（盲人の）と関係があり, 原義は「盲人のごとくふるまう」］
blun・der・ing・ly
[副]
英國經濟學人雜誌（The Economist）16日在網頁中以「笨拙，馬英九」（Ma the bumbler）為題，批評台灣總統馬英九，副題中點出︰曾是萬人迷的馬英九，現在已經喪失光環。結論中並以辛辣語氣指出，看來馬先生的政策沒有改變的跡 象，不過他的公信力卻每天都在流失。
Taiwan politics
Ma the bumbler
A former heart-throb loses his shine
Nov 17th 2012 | TAIPEI
| from the print edition
WHEN he was first elected in 2008, Taiwan’s president, Ma
Ying-jeou, offered Taiwanese high hopes that the island’s economy would
open a new chapter. He promised ground-breaking agreements with China to
help end Taiwan’s growing economic marginalisation. At the time, Mr
Ma’s image was of a clean technocrat able to rise above the cronyism and
infighting of his party, the Kuomintang (KMT). He was a welcome
contrast to his fiery and pro-independence predecessor, Chen Shui-bian,
now in jail for corruption.
Five years on, and despite being handily re-elected ten months ago, much has changed. In particular, popular satisfaction with Mr Ma has plummeted, to a record low of 13%, according to the TVBS Poll Centre. The country appears to agree on one thing: Mr Ma is an ineffectual bumbler.
Ordinary people do not find their livelihoods improving. Salaries have stagnated for a decade. The most visible impact of more open ties with China, which include a free-trade agreement, has been property speculation in anticipation of a flood of mainland money. Housing in former working-class areas on the edge of Taipei, the capital, now costs up to 40 times the average annual wage of $15,400. The number of families below the poverty line has leapt. Labour activists have taken to pelting the presidential office with eggs.
Exports account for 70% of GDP. So some of Taiwan’s problems are down to the dismal state of rich-world economies. Yet Mr Ma’s leadership is also to blame. He has failed to paint a more hopeful future, with sometimes hard measures needed now. Worse, he frequently tweaks policies in response to opposition or media criticism. It suggests indecisiveness.
Public anger first arose in June, when Mr Ma raised the price of government-subsidised electricity. Few Taiwanese understood why, even though Taiwan’s state-owned power company loses billions. In the face of public outrage, Mr Ma postponed a second round of electricity price rises scheduled for December. They will now take place later next year.
People are also worried that a national pension scheme is on course for bankruptcy in less than two decades. Yet Mr Ma cannot bring himself to raise premiums sharply, because of the temporary unpopularity it risks. When Mr Ma does try to appeal to Taiwanese who make up the island’s broad political centre, it often backfires with his party’s core supporters. Following public grumbles that retired civil servants, teachers and ex-servicemen were a privileged group, the cabinet announced plans to cut more than $300m in year-end bonuses, affecting around 381,000. The trouble was, veterans are among the KMT’s most fervent backers. Now some threaten to take to the streets in protest and deprive the KMT of their votes until the plan is scrapped. Meanwhile, Mr Ma’s clean image has been sullied by the indictment of the cabinet secretary-general for graft.
Cracks are starting to grow in the KMT façade. Recently Sean Lien, a prominent politician, criticised Mr Ma’s economic policies, saying that any politician in office during this time of sluggish growth was at best a “master of a beggar clan”—implying a country of paupers.
But the next election is four years away, and presidential hopefuls will not try to oust or even outshine Mr Ma anytime soon. After all, they will not want to take responsibility for the country’s economic problems. Nothing suggests Mr Ma’s main policies will change (or that they should), but his credibility is draining by the day.
*****
Five years on, and despite being handily re-elected ten months ago, much has changed. In particular, popular satisfaction with Mr Ma has plummeted, to a record low of 13%, according to the TVBS Poll Centre. The country appears to agree on one thing: Mr Ma is an ineffectual bumbler.
Ordinary people do not find their livelihoods improving. Salaries have stagnated for a decade. The most visible impact of more open ties with China, which include a free-trade agreement, has been property speculation in anticipation of a flood of mainland money. Housing in former working-class areas on the edge of Taipei, the capital, now costs up to 40 times the average annual wage of $15,400. The number of families below the poverty line has leapt. Labour activists have taken to pelting the presidential office with eggs.
Exports account for 70% of GDP. So some of Taiwan’s problems are down to the dismal state of rich-world economies. Yet Mr Ma’s leadership is also to blame. He has failed to paint a more hopeful future, with sometimes hard measures needed now. Worse, he frequently tweaks policies in response to opposition or media criticism. It suggests indecisiveness.
Public anger first arose in June, when Mr Ma raised the price of government-subsidised electricity. Few Taiwanese understood why, even though Taiwan’s state-owned power company loses billions. In the face of public outrage, Mr Ma postponed a second round of electricity price rises scheduled for December. They will now take place later next year.
People are also worried that a national pension scheme is on course for bankruptcy in less than two decades. Yet Mr Ma cannot bring himself to raise premiums sharply, because of the temporary unpopularity it risks. When Mr Ma does try to appeal to Taiwanese who make up the island’s broad political centre, it often backfires with his party’s core supporters. Following public grumbles that retired civil servants, teachers and ex-servicemen were a privileged group, the cabinet announced plans to cut more than $300m in year-end bonuses, affecting around 381,000. The trouble was, veterans are among the KMT’s most fervent backers. Now some threaten to take to the streets in protest and deprive the KMT of their votes until the plan is scrapped. Meanwhile, Mr Ma’s clean image has been sullied by the indictment of the cabinet secretary-general for graft.
Cracks are starting to grow in the KMT façade. Recently Sean Lien, a prominent politician, criticised Mr Ma’s economic policies, saying that any politician in office during this time of sluggish growth was at best a “master of a beggar clan”—implying a country of paupers.
But the next election is four years away, and presidential hopefuls will not try to oust or even outshine Mr Ma anytime soon. After all, they will not want to take responsibility for the country’s economic problems. Nothing suggests Mr Ma’s main policies will change (or that they should), but his credibility is draining by the day.
*****
新連任的美國總統歐巴馬，和中國新領導人習近平，處境非常接近；他們解決困局的能力，也決定未來幾年全球的命運。
經濟，是他們共同面對的艱鉅任務。
今年中國經濟降溫，各項指標數據大不如前，陷入七．五％低經濟成長率、製造業採購經理人指數（ＰＭＩ）降低為五○、出口成長率低至七．八％的「三低」谷底。
美國則受困七．八％高失業率、十六兆美元高國債、連續四年破兆美元高財政赤字的「三高」懸崖。
三低谷與三高崖，也是台灣不得不面對的經濟現實。中美分居台灣第一、與第三大貿易伙伴，加起來共佔台灣貿易總額的三成以上。
歐巴馬與習近平做的任何一個經濟決策，都影響台灣經濟與民生。
中國三低vs. 美國三高
歐巴馬在珊迪颶風殘局未收之際連任總統。當選第二天，他就宣布，對富人加稅；且未來十年，要減少四兆美元赤字。這就表示，未來四年的美國，將更重視所得分配，也會控制支出的成長。
歐巴馬的首席經濟智囊，是去年八月就任白宮經濟顧問委員會主席的克魯格（Alan Krueger）。他是哈佛經濟學博士，專長就業與所得分配，他的首要工作，就是為美國創造更多就業機會。歐巴馬宣示就任之前，美國已出現新一波創業潮。
經濟，是他們共同面對的艱鉅任務。
今年中國經濟降溫，各項指標數據大不如前，陷入七．五％低經濟成長率、製造業採購經理人指數（ＰＭＩ）降低為五○、出口成長率低至七．八％的「三低」谷底。
美國則受困七．八％高失業率、十六兆美元高國債、連續四年破兆美元高財政赤字的「三高」懸崖。
三低谷與三高崖，也是台灣不得不面對的經濟現實。中美分居台灣第一、與第三大貿易伙伴，加起來共佔台灣貿易總額的三成以上。
歐巴馬與習近平做的任何一個經濟決策，都影響台灣經濟與民生。
中國三低vs. 美國三高
歐巴馬在珊迪颶風殘局未收之際連任總統。當選第二天，他就宣布，對富人加稅；且未來十年，要減少四兆美元赤字。這就表示，未來四年的美國，將更重視所得分配，也會控制支出的成長。
歐巴馬的首席經濟智囊，是去年八月就任白宮經濟顧問委員會主席的克魯格（Alan Krueger）。他是哈佛經濟學博士，專長就業與所得分配，他的首要工作，就是為美國創造更多就業機會。歐巴馬宣示就任之前，美國已出現新一波創業潮。
有「美元殺手」之稱的中國社會科學院學部委員余永定，分析美國經濟要成長，只有兩個途徑：增加消費，或增加出口。歐巴馬受限長期財政
平衡的目標，必須控制支出，美國只剩拉高出口一途。「美國要增加出口，中國還要貿易順差，這就很難。兩國一定要合作，才能突破僵局，」余永定說。
保增長、調結構
太平洋這一岸的大國中國，在十八大之後，將由新任國務院總理李克強操盤經濟。五十七歲的李克強，是北京大學經濟學博士，曾任農業大省河南省委書記，與工業大省遼寧省委書記。
一位中國經濟學者觀察，李克強是中國第一位五○後（一九五○年後），正統科班出身的經濟領導人。和現任的中國經濟救火隊長王岐山相比，王強勢、能言善道；李寡言低調、善於理論規劃。王岐山在乎「保增長」，李克強更強調「調結構」。
李克強主導的中國經濟，將以所得分配與擴大內需為主軸。他在四年副總理任內，推動醫療改革，將大部份中國民眾納入醫保。而中國目前正擴大試辦營業稅改徵增值稅（加值型營業稅）的稅改，也出自他手。
「經驗不是最重要的，能力才是關鍵，」余永定認為，中國新領導人面對的挑戰，比過去更棘手。但是，中國財政穩健，新手上路，還是有條件推動漸進式經改。
很多年以後，當人們再度回首二○一二年十一月的這週，會發現，歷史在這裡轉了一個彎。因為，無論中、美，都正面臨歷史轉型的關鍵點。
保增長、調結構
太平洋這一岸的大國中國，在十八大之後，將由新任國務院總理李克強操盤經濟。五十七歲的李克強，是北京大學經濟學博士，曾任農業大省河南省委書記，與工業大省遼寧省委書記。
一位中國經濟學者觀察，李克強是中國第一位五○後（一九五○年後），正統科班出身的經濟領導人。和現任的中國經濟救火隊長王岐山相比，王強勢、能言善道；李寡言低調、善於理論規劃。王岐山在乎「保增長」，李克強更強調「調結構」。
李克強主導的中國經濟，將以所得分配與擴大內需為主軸。他在四年副總理任內，推動醫療改革，將大部份中國民眾納入醫保。而中國目前正擴大試辦營業稅改徵增值稅（加值型營業稅）的稅改，也出自他手。
「經驗不是最重要的，能力才是關鍵，」余永定認為，中國新領導人面對的挑戰，比過去更棘手。但是，中國財政穩健，新手上路，還是有條件推動漸進式經改。
很多年以後，當人們再度回首二○一二年十一月的這週，會發現，歷史在這裡轉了一個彎。因為，無論中、美，都正面臨歷史轉型的關鍵點。
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