China’s Hierarchy Strives to Regain Unity温家寶行不得也/紅歌運動bye bye/拥护调整领导决定， Wen warns that China faces another Cultural Revolution

China’s Hierarchy Strives to Regain Unity After Chongqing Leader’s Ouster

By JONATHAN ANSFIELD and IAN JOHNSON

Published: March 29, 2012

BEIJING — China’s top leaders are retaking the initiative after the country’s worst political crisis in a generation, showcasing a united front and moving forward with plans for a major leadership reshuffle later this year.

But the ouster of Bo Xilai, the populist icon formerly in charge of the southwestern megacity of Chongqing, has spurred weeks of frenzied internal politicking and a rare dissenting vote within the Politburo Standing Committee, according to interviews with publishers, academics and analysts tied to the Communist Party’s upper echelons or its powerful families.

They say that the outward calm is tenuous and was achieved only after China’s leadership team of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao appealed to party elders for support and yielded important posts in Chongqing to representatives of other influential political blocs.

“They want everyone to believe that the top level has no problem — that there’s no split and no struggle,” said Jin Zhong, publisher of the influential China-watching magazine Open, in Hong Kong. “But this is a false impression.”

According to people briefed by central party officials, Mr. Bo is being confined to his house in Beijing, watched by the Central Guard Bureau, a unit of the People’s Liberation Army under the control of the party’s General Office. He faces a disciplinary investigation over a range of allegations of corruption and abuse of power, these people say. His wife, a noted lawyer, is under more formal detention in connection with some of those allegations.

Much is at stake because the party is undergoing its once-in-a-decade leadership reshuffle. Over the next year, the Communist Party will get a new leadership team and general secretary, who will pick a new premier and other top government positions.

Until his fall, Mr. Bo was a contender for one of the leadership slots. But in early February, Mr. Bo’s police chief, Wang Lijun, fled to the United States Consulate in Chengdu with damning evidence about his boss.

That precipitated a divisive meeting on March 7 of the party’s Standing Committee, the nine-person body that effectively rules China, according to two people close to ruling circles. Eight of the nine top leaders, including the current party boss, Hu Jintao; the country’s premier, Wen Jiabao; the incoming party boss, Xi Jinping; and the incoming premier, Li Keqiang, are said to have supported or gone along with the decision to remove and investigate Mr. Bo.

But, crucially, the head of the country’s ubiquitous security services, Zhou Yongkang, resisted, these people said. Mr. Bo was seen as Mr. Zhou’s possible successor and Mr. Zhou had previously endorsed Mr. Bo’s zealous crackdown on organized crime. The position of Mr. Bo’s onetime patron, the former leader Jiang Zemin, was unclear, although he appears not to have intervened in the decision.

Mr. Bo failed to attend a Parliament meeting the next day, but at a news conference on March 9, he denied any wrongdoing and predicted that Mr. Hu would eventually visit Chongqing. But on March 15, official media issued a terse statement saying Mr. Bo had been removed from his main post.

That was not the end of the effort to forge broader consensus, party insiders say. Instead, top leaders like Mr. Hu and Mr. Wen have met with ministers, provincial leaders and party elders to marshal approval for Mr. Bo’s ouster and solicit views on handling the case. Some of those approached include the former premiers Zhu Rongji and Li Peng, as well as the former top leaders Li Ruihuan and Qiao Shi, people familiar with the matter say.

Party officials have also floated trial-balloon versions of the investigation. At closed-door briefings, selected top officials have been read documents from central offices enumerating a range of initial charges against Mr. Bo, they said. Mr. Wang has been branded a “traitor.”

Reflecting the uncertainty at the top, some analysts say, online censors have allowed some damaging rumors and details about Mr. Bo and Mr. Zhou to circulate widely, but also tolerated some support for Mr. Bo.

But outwardly, top leaders are pushing unity. After failing to appear in person at a national legal conference last week, Mr. Zhou has now been in the Chinese press regularly urging legal and police officials to toe the party line. Mr. Hu has embarked on a trip abroad. On Tuesday, the main army newspaper ordered military officers to ignore “social noise” and “hostile forces,” and to unite under the party.

The party congress is also thought to be going ahead largely as planned. Key decisions will not be made until the summer, but a line-up for the nine-person Standing Committee is slowly jelling, with Mr. Bo given almost no chance of assuming a position on it. Instead, he appears to be fighting to retain some kind of ceremonial post and to avoid prison.

Mr. Bo’s fate may rest in part on unraveling the full story of his fall, which is full of uncertainties.

Why Mr. Wang, the police chief, fled to the United States Consulate, for example, is still not clear. A General Office document alleges that Mr. Bo obstructed justice and retaliated against Mr. Wang for allowing a police investigation related to his family. Some say this pertained to the death last year of an Englishman, Neil Heywood, a family friend and business associate. Mr. Wang is said to have pressed this case at the U.S. Consulate, according to people briefed on the matter.

But most people interviewed for this article said Mr. Heywood’s death was only part of a chain of events going back months. Last October, according to a Communist Party academic who knew Mr. Bo and a political analyst with ties to ruling circles, the party’s Commission for Discipline Inspection began to investigate Mr. Wang for corruption.

Mr. Wang, possibly in retaliation for Mr. Bo bending to pressure from the inspection, twice filed complaints to Discipline Inspection against Mr. Bo. Mr. Wang alleged that Mr. Bo’s wife, the lawyer Gu Kailai, had transferred huge sums of money overseas, and accused Mr. Bo of seeking to resist “central party authorities” in the course of governing Chongqing, including deploying wiretaps to eavesdrop on other leaders, according to the academic. At the time, he added, Mr. Wang’s complaints were rebuffed.

The academic, an old friend of Mr. Bo’s who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said Mr. Bo told him in two telephone conversations before his dismissal that he was confident he would weather the scandal but was resigned to accept possible repercussions.

“He told me, ‘I can withstand investigation’ on these two matters” of corruption and political insubordination, said the friend. But later Mr. Bo noted that both had been in jail as young men during the Cultural Revolution, a period of turmoil from 1966 to 1976, remarking to his friend, “What hardships have we not endured?”

Mr. Bo’s continuing influence helps explain why the party has not issued a fuller explanation. He is still, formally, a member of the 25-member Politburo, and commands support among some generals, descendants of revolutionaries and others in the Communist Party’s left wing who are uneasy about the loss of traditional Communist ideology.

Ultimately, even if Mr. Bo is found to have had corrupt dealings, those who have supported him within the party hierarchy are likely to insist on concessions for his removal from power.

Already, horse-trading appears to have begun. Mr. Bo’s temporary replacement in Chongqing, Vice Premier Zhang Dejiang, is like Mr. Bo a protégé of Mr. Jiang and a contender for promotion to the Standing Committee. A veteran of Mr. Hu’s political power base was positioned to replace Mr. Wang atop Chongqing’s police force, only to be transferred in recent days in favor of another man closer to Mr. Zhou’s camp.

Edy Yin and Li Bibo contributed research.

德媒纷纷报道薄熙来被免职的消息，认为这个大事件揭示了中共掩盖的18大前的权力斗争未必与方向性之争有关，反腐也是为了维护权力，因此目前还看不出政治改革的明显迹象。 


Taiwanese firms in Chongqing unaffected by politics
Taipei Times
The sacking of Chongqing Chinese Communist Party (CCP) secretary Bo Xilai (薄熙來) is not expected to affect the operations of Taiwanese businesses in the city, companies said yesterday. Asustek Computer Inc (華碩) and Acer Inc (宏碁) have production ...




昨天溫家寶又來一場溫情的演出
可惜以溫之地位 都還無法真正的政治改革
他說的話 都會被拿掉
他是行不得也
莫說臺灣自由行

權力制衡是未來中國改革的關鍵
在財政收支權沒有受到實質性的約束和制衡之前，談任何表層的市場化改革，都只會流於空談。財政體制改革，應該是當下和未來中國政治體制改革的核心問題。
--

 　　据人民网3月17日电 ，今天出版的《重庆日报》在头版重要位置刊登了重庆市政府、人大、政协领导班子传达学习中央有关文件精神，领会贯彻3月15日 全市领导干部大会上李源潮部长、张德江书记的重要讲话情况的相关文章。重庆市长黄奇帆、市人大常委会主任陈存根、市政协主席邢元敏主持会议并讲话，要求各 级干部要与中央保持一致、拥护调整领导决定，把思想和行动统一到中央的决定上来。



中国最大城市重庆的市委书记薄熙来被免职。这位“太子党”出身的政坛明星的陨落标志着“新左派”受到严重打击。但人们不能因此期待中共会走出政治改革的步伐。

Power games

Bo Bo Black Sheep

The dismissal of a powerful chief sends tremors across China’s political landscape

Mar 17th 2012 | BEIJING | from the print edition

OFFICIAL reports were as terse as usual: Bo Xilai, the party chief of the south-western region of Chongqing, had been replaced by a deputy prime minister, Zhang Dejiang. Until recently Mr Bo appeared destined for a job at the pinnacle of power in Beijing. The news, issued without explanation on March 15th, was a stark indication of strife at the highest level of Chinese politics.
It was far from unexpected. Mr Bo’s political prospects had slumped on February 6th, when a deputy mayor and former police chief of Chongqing, Wang Lijun, Mr Bo’s right-hand man in a very public campaign against organised crime, fled to an American consulate and spent a day there. Both American and Chinese officials have kept mum about what happened inside. Mr Wang walked out of the consulate into custody after Chongqing’s mayor, Huang Qifan, had gone in to talk to him. Since then it has been widely thought the real point of the investigation into Mr Wang was to undermine Mr Bo himself.

Since the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989, the Communist Party has been at pains to keep its power struggles under wraps. It was partly the awareness of high-level infighting that emboldened citizens to join the protests that year. The drama in Chongqing suggests the facade of unity may crack, as younger leaders less involved in the struggles of the 1980s compete for top positions. Late this year the party is due to hold its five-yearly congress, at which seven out of the nine members of the ruling Politburo’s standing committee are expected to be replaced. Mr Bo was long reckoned to be a contender for one of those slots.
No longer. A day before his sacking, Wen Jiabao, the prime minister, had rebuked Mr Bo publicly in a way not heard between Politburo members since the 1980s. At a news conference at the end of a ten-day annual session of China’s parliament, the National People’s Congress (NPC), Mr Wen said Chongqing’s leaders should “reflect” on the Wang Lijun case. In China’s guarded political language, that was a stinger.
Mr Wen also gave an unusual hint of his own doubts about political stability. He said that without political reform a “tragedy like the Cultural Revolution” could happen again. This was remarkable: very few of even the most bearish observers of Chinese politics believe that the bloody internecine strife of the 1960s and 1970s is likely in the foreseeable future. Perhaps Mr Wen intended another swipe at Mr Bo, who is much loved by diehard Maoists. They particularly admire his love of state enterprises and of “red songs”.
What Mr Wen means by political reform, however, may be no more than a gradual extension of elections of sorts (no opposition parties allowed), from the village level up to higher tiers of authority. At every level of China, power is almost always in the hands of party secretaries rather than elected leaders. The party has all but abandoned plans, favoured by reformist leaders in the 1980s, to introduce greater democracy within its own senior ranks.
Before dismissing him, the party did allow Mr Bo one last chance to meet the press at the NPC. The charismatic son of one of the party’s early “immortal” revolutionary stalwarts could be trusted, it seemed, to toe the party line even under extreme pressure. Mr Bo said that the Wang Lijun case reflected “negligent supervision” on his part. But he denied having offered to resign or that he was under investigation. Speculation to the contrary will now intensify.
Two other Politburo members have been humiliated and purged since Tiananmen. In 1995 Chen Xitong, who was then Beijing’s party chief, was forced from office and later jailed for corruption. A similar fate befell Chen Liangyu, who was then Shanghai’s party chief, in 2006. The two (unrelated) Chens were also widely thought to have been casualties of power struggles. But neither enjoyed Mr Bo’s near-untouchable status as a “princeling”, nor his national celebrity. Many ordinary Chinese see him as a hero for his campaign against criminal gangs.
Mr Bo is less liked by China’s economic reformers. In interviews with the foreign press this month, a rich Chongqing businessman, now in hiding abroad, accused Mr Bo of using his anti-mafia campaign as a “red terror” tactic to force wealthy private entrepreneurs into ceding their assets to the government. Mr Bo’s successor, Mr Zhang, will need to work hard to reassure private businesses. The good news is that Mr Zhang boasts a degree in economics. The bad news is that it was bestowed by Kim Il Sung University in Pyongyang.

Chinese Party Chief Falls After Rebuke

A Chinese Communist Party leader who led a revival of Maoist ideology was removed from his post as leader of a southwestern mega-city after Premier Wen Jiabao dealt him an unusual public rebuke, exposing deep rifts within the party elite ahead of a once-a-decade leadership change this fall.

Fast-Rising Chinese Leader Ousted From Communist Party

Bo Xilai was a strong contender for the national leadership transition until a scandal brought an end to his political career on Thursday.

READ FULL STORY

中共上演權力鬥爭劇 台灣的不舉

在

中國國務院總理溫家寶不同尋常的公開指責後﹐重慶市委書記薄熙來被解職﹐暴露出今年秋季10年一次的領導層換屆之前共產黨高層存在深刻分歧。薄熙來曾領導了重慶市的“打黑唱紅”活動。

新華社週四早間報道﹐中國國務院副總理張德江將接替薄熙來擔任重慶市委書記。報道說﹐這個決定是日前做出的﹐但報道沒有提供更多細節。

Getty Images

2012年3月3日﹐薄熙來在北京人民大會堂參加政協會議開幕式。

在以總理身份召開的最後一次年度新聞發佈會上﹐溫家寶不加掩飾地抨擊西南大城市重慶的市委書記薄熙來。薄熙來一度被認為是今年秋季換屆時最有可能晉升的人選之一﹐直到他手下的前公安局局長上個月在一處美國領事館呆了一夜之後被關押。

溫家寶說﹐重慶市領導層必須“反思”這樁醜聞並從中“吸取教訓”。接著﹐他又間接但非常明顯地批評薄熙來試圖復興毛澤東時代集體主義精神的舉措﹐包括組織民眾“唱紅歌”等活動。

溫家寶還呼籲改革中國的政治和領導體制﹐這是迄今為止他最大膽的呼籲之一。他警告說﹐沒有政治改革﹐文革的“悲劇”還有可能再次發生。

相關報導

美英報紙評溫家寶記者會
溫家寶記者會傳遞重要信息
溫家寶：推動政治體制改革應有緊迫感

中國高級領導人在公開場合批評其他高級領導人是極其罕見的﹐哪怕是拐彎抹角的批評。所以溫家寶在兩會最後一天的發言被認為是對薄熙來以及他所代表的治理模式的支持者的沉重打擊。

在溫家寶說這些話之前﹐分析人士說﹐薄熙來可能會保留政治局（最頂層的25位領導人）委員職位﹐但不太可能進入人數更少的政治局常務委員會（目前為九人）﹐其重慶市委書記一職今年秋季也很可能不保﹐改任權力較小的職務。

但如今他的政治生涯可以說已經終結﹐雖然他可能保留政治局委員的職位。新華社報道並未提及他不再擔任政治局委員。

視頻：薄熙來將何去何從？

新華社周四報道，薄熙來將不再擔任中國西部直轄市重慶的市委書記，他的政治生涯是否就此終結？《華爾街日報》的Andrew Browne和袁莉就這位富有爭議官員的下一步去向進行了討論。

如果薄熙來的政治生命果真終結﹐將對力挺他的黨內高官以及支持他所倡導的發展模式的政府官員和學術人士產生破壞性影響。這個發展模式依靠的是未來10年政府對經濟和社會的強有力干預。

薄熙來任重慶市委書記期間高調打擊有組織犯罪﹐大力投資基礎設施建設﹐還定期舉辦“唱紅歌”活動。這些舉措贏得了部分黨內高層以及“新左派”學術人士的讚譽。不過批評人士說﹐薄熙來的打黑行動不符合法律程序。

但是﹐支持自由改革的學術人士和政府官員（溫家寶是其中的主要人物）擔心毛澤東時代的復興以及重慶打黑被指有違法律程序的問題。

這些人看好的新領導班子候選人是前任重慶市委書記、現任中國廣東省委書記的汪洋。汪洋提倡“小政府”﹐他因今年妥善處理了一起村民抗議活動而被人稱道。村民抗議的原因是一樁涉嫌強征土地的事件。

Jason Lee/Reuters

在中國國務院總理溫家寶不同尋常的公開指責後，重慶市委書記薄熙來被解職。本圖集回顧了自2001年來令薄熙來廣受關注的一些事件。

在新聞發佈會快要結束時﹐有一位外國記者問到了王立軍事件﹐溫家寶的回答顯然是自由改革派陣營發出的重重一擊。王立軍曾任重慶公安局長﹐2月6日在美國駐成都領事館呆了一夜後﹐被中國安全部門扣押。

這是溫家寶首次公開評論王立軍事件。他首先重復了之前的官方表述﹐說王立軍正在接受調查﹐中央政府對此事“高度重視”。但他也說﹐現任重慶市委和市政府必須反思﹐並認真從王立軍事件中吸取教訓。

分析人士說﹐鑒於王立軍事件高度敏感﹐溫家寶在說這番話之前可能已經獲得其他政治局常委成員的認可﹐這其中包括預計今年秋季將接任中共中央總書記一職的現任國家副主席習近平。中國國有電視台播出了溫家寶的講話。

在 週四宣佈薄熙來被免職之前﹐新加坡國立大學(National University of Singapore)的中國政治問題專家黃靖說﹐溫家寶的批評不僅針對薄熙來﹐也是針對薄熙來身後那些人。如果薄熙來拒絕在其政治野心上做出讓步﹐接受一 個緩和的處理辦法﹐目前的領導層可能就會採取一些措施了。

在上週五的新聞發佈會上首次對王立軍事件公開發表評論時﹐薄熙來曾試圖對這起醜聞的政治影響進行控制。他承認了自己用人失察﹐但是否認已主動向中央政治局提出辭職或是正在接受調查。

溫家寶在記者會上對薄熙來關於毛澤東的言論給予了轉彎抹角的抨擊。批評人士說﹐薄熙來的說法粉飾了毛澤東時代的恐怖。那時候﹐有數千萬人死於1958年到1961年因政策導致的飢荒、以及1966年到1976年文化大革命時期的政治動盪。

溫家寶指出﹐共產黨在毛澤東死後兩年於1978年召開的一次歷史性會議上對這段時期的錯誤已有定論﹐會上還決定轉變中國的發展道路﹐實施以市場為導向的改革。

他說﹐歷史告訴我們﹐一切符合人民利益的實踐﹐都要認真吸取歷史的經驗教訓﹐並且經受住歷史和實踐的考驗。去年﹐中國官方媒體報道了溫家寶首次公開談論其父親在文革期間受到迫害、被迫在養豬場勞動的消息。

香港浸會大學(Hong Kong Baptist University)的中國政治問題專家高敬文（Jean-Pierre Cabestan）說﹐溫家寶週三這番卸任前的直率話﹐顯而易見是對薄熙來、他的唱紅歌運動和一切讓人回憶起文革的做法的批評。

他說﹐也許我們低估了這些紅歌在社會上以及黨內精英中引起的反感。許多人在那段時期遭受了苦難。

然而﹐溫家寶沒有對政治改革提出任何明確的建議﹐只是提到中國農村進行的直接選舉應該擴大到鄉和縣──共產黨早已作出了這方面的承諾。

在過去的兩年里﹐溫家寶反復呼籲進行政治改革﹐但這些言論沒有能夠轉化為政策改變﹐這讓許多中國人認為﹐他或是缺乏意願、或是缺乏實力在實行集體領導的中共領導層內推動政治改革。

Jeremy Page / Andrew Browne

溫家寶：警惕文革悲劇重演

Wen warns that China faces another Cultural Revolution

英國《金融時報》 吉密歐 北京報道

Chinese premier Wen Jiabao fired a parting shot at conservative officials in the ruling Communist party, warning that China could face another Cultural Revolution unless it undertook urgent political reforms.	中國總理溫家寶在離任前尖銳地批評執政的中國共產黨的保守官員，他警告稱，如果中國不進行政治改革，“文革”會再次上演。
“Without successful political structural reform, it is impossible for us to fully institute economic structural reform and the gains we have made in this area may be lost,” Mr Wen said at his farewell briefing at the National People’s Congress, China’s rubber stamp parliament, which meets for just 10 days every year.	“沒有政治體制改革的成功，經濟體制改革不可能進行到底，已經取得的成果還有可能得而復失，”溫家寶在其任內全國人大(NPC)的最後一場答記者問上說。全國人大每年只召開十天的會議。
“New problems that have cropped up in Chinese society will not be fundamentally resolved and such a historical tragedy as the Cultural Revolution may happen again,” he added, in remarks broadcast live on television. “The mistake of the Cultural Revolution and impact of feudalism are yet to be fully eliminated.”	“社會上新產生的問題，也不能從根本上得到解決，文化大革命這樣的歷史悲劇還有可能重新發生，”溫家寶在現場直播的發布會上表示。“‘文革’的錯誤和封建的影響，並沒有完全清除。”
Mr Wen, who will step down from the party’s powerful politburo standing committee later this year, directed his aim at rivals including Bo Xilai. Mr Bo is the ruling party official in Chongqing, a large city in southwest China, and a candidate for promotion in the upcoming leadership transition. His prospects, however, have been damaged by a recent scandal involving Chongqing’s former police chief.	溫家寶將於今年晚些時候退出掌握實權的政治局常委會。他的矛頭指向包括薄熙來在內的一些同僚。薄熙來是中國西南部大城市重慶的市委書記，也是下一屆領導班子的熱門人選。不過，他的仕途在近期一起涉及重慶市前公安局長的醜聞中受到了打擊。
Mr Wen’s references to the anarchy of the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, during which millions of people were persecuted and perished, appeared to be a swipe at the “Cultural Revolution-style” campaigns organised by Mr Bo in Chongqing. The campaigns evoke revolutionary, or “red”, propaganda and ostensibly target organised crime.	溫家寶提到“文革”時期的混亂，聽上去是在嚴厲批評薄熙來在重慶發起的“文革”式運動。成百上千萬人在1966-76年間發生的“文革”中遭迫害致死。重慶的運動再現了革命或者“紅色”的宣傳攻勢，而表面上是針對有組織犯罪。
In another rare example of open criticism among senior Communist party officials, Mr Wen also addressed the scandal that brought down Mr Bo’s former police chief and political ally, Wang Lijun, who tried to defect to the US last month and is now in Chinese custody.	溫家寶還就導致薄熙來的前公安局長兼政治同盟王立軍下臺的醜聞發表了看法，如此公開的發表批評在中共高級官員中並不多見。上個月王立軍試圖叛變到美國，現在處於中國的羈押之下。
“The current [Chongqing] party committee and government of Chongqing must seriously reflect on the Wang Lijun incident and learn lessons from this incident,” Mr Wen said.	溫家寶說：“現任重慶市委和市政府必須反思，並認真從王立軍事件中吸取教訓。”
As Mr Wen and President Hu Jintao prepare to make way for a new generation of leaders in a once-in-a-decade reshuffle, the country’s political elite are engaged in internecine struggles that will determine the national agenda for years to come. Mr Bo has been angling for a place on the nine-person Politburo standing committee, the Communist party’s most powerful body.	溫家寶和胡錦濤主席即將在十年一次的權力交接中卸任，新一代領導人即將上臺。中國政治上層中較量正酣，其結果將左右中國未來數年的走向。薄熙來一直謀求進入由9名委員組成的政治局常委會，這是中共權力最大的機構。
“There are obviously some [political] conflicts, with the most important conflicts related to the distribution of power within the party,” said He Weifang, a law professor at Beijing University. “There are also different views over ... China’s social problems, including wealth distribution, corruption and China’s relations with the outside world.”	北京大學法學教授賀衛方表示：“顯然存在某些（政治）沖突，最重要的沖突是關於黨內權力的分配。對中國社會問題……也存在不同的觀點，包括財富分配、腐敗和中國對外關系等方面。”
During a three-hour press conference, Mr Wen outlined a liberal reform agenda including steps towards direct elections. While he has commented about the need for reform before, Mr Wen has rarely done so in such forceful language.	在長達三個小時的新聞發布會上，溫家寶描繪了一份開明的改革議程，其中包括直選問題。雖然以前溫家寶提過改革的必要性，但是很少使用如此有力的語言談論這個問題。
	譯者/和黎

人大徒有其表 改革遥遥无期

本台中文部主任冯海因认为，一年一度的全国人大只是一场表演，而秋季召开十八大之前的权力斗争则被遮掩下来。

(德国之声中文网)在中国，什么东西都大一号，议会同样如此。拥有将近3000名代表的全国人民代表大会是世界上人数最多的议会。同样的，在中国，什么东 西都有些不一样，而这一点对于议会也依然适用。尽管根据宪法，全国人大是中国最高权力机构，但它没有实权。在历史上，全国人大没有否决过任何一项法律草 案，没有驳回过任何一份政府工作报告。会场上没有唇枪舌剑的辩论，只是一片死气沉沉。简而言之：全国人大徒有其表，仅仅是个摆设。

人大徒有其表 改革遥遥无期(音频)

也许这只是一个巧合：今年全国人大的开幕日恰恰是所谓的"学习雷锋纪念日"。雷锋是共产党用宣传工具"塑造"出来的一个偶像式人物。这 个据说充满无私和谦虚精神的年轻人在1960年被树立为全国民众的榜样。其实每个人都知道：真实生活中的雷锋根本不是宣传机构所宣扬的那样，而那本《雷锋 日记》根本就是一件"艺术作品"。
但在当年，谁也无法阻止一场史无前例的宣传攻势浩浩荡荡地展开，主题就是"学习雷锋"。
"学习雷锋"
正如雷锋这个英雄形象一样，人民大会堂里的所谓"人民代表"也是一个假象：他们不是通过选举产生，而是经过精心挑选。数亿中国人生活在农村，但在3000 人大代表中，却只有十几个农民。与此形成鲜明对比的是，70名最富裕的全国人大代表的资产总和超过800亿美元。这正是所谓的"具有中国特色的社会主 义"。
在全国人大期间，代表们、媒体和民众收到了一大堆报告，但其中的透明度却令人大为怀疑。最高人民法院的工作报告就是一个例子。这份报告里也充斥着无数统计 数字：人们在其中还真能发现一些有意思的新消息，比如去年中国一共处理了66000件与知识产权有关的案件，比2010年增加将近40%。还有，去年处理 的重大案件将近7万件，对10万5000名被告作出了判决。
但是，究竟判处了多少死刑，又执行了多少，这依然是精心保守的国家机密。人们只知道，中国每年的死刑数量比其他国家的总和还多，估计大约在4000 左右。还好，至少现在某地方电视频道的一档令人作呕的节目被停播了，时机恰巧是在全国人大期间。这档节目的内容是在死刑犯被处死之前对其进行访谈，让他们 在死前再遭受一次羞辱。
全国人大所透露的另一项令人感兴趣的数字是，在胡温政权所大力宣扬的"和谐社会"中，维护国内治安的费用竟然超过了国防预算。
警惕"文化大革命悲剧重现"
温家宝的闭幕新闻发布会颇为出人意料。这位中国政府总理警告说，如果政治体制改革不成功，文革的历史悲剧还有可能重新发生。但他并未指明，这些改革措施的具体内容是什么。
对于胡锦涛和温家宝来说，今年是他们任期的最后一年。政治局常委会中，激烈的权力斗争暗流涌动。中国最高权力圈九个席位中的七个将在今年秋季迎来新的主 人。除了温家宝发出的严重警告之外，会议的主导者们依然与以往一样努力营造一幅完美的大团结场景。来自少数民族的代表们也加入了这一行列，他们身穿带有异 域风情的民族服装穿行于人民大会堂。不过，他们并非少数族群的真正代表。只有一名四川官员提到了最近以来的藏人自焚浪潮，并将其称之为"犯罪行为"。
中国人很清楚该如何看待这样一出"表演"，对此兴致索然。他们知道：中国的决策是在其他地方作出的。而且，他们的意见不会得到征询。
作者：冯海因　　编译：石涛
责编：邱璧辉


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溫家寶記者會傳遞重要信息

正文

評論(2)

中

國國務院總理溫家寶在周三舉行的記者會上批評了重慶現任市委和市政府，表示中國的房地產調控絕不會放鬆，中國的政治體制改革必須繼續進行，否則文化大革命那樣的錯誤就有可能重演。

Reuters

周三，中國總理溫家寶出席十一屆全國人大五次會議閉幕後召開的記者會。

但周三在這場涉及多方面問題的記者會上，溫家寶也堅持了中共在多個重大問題上的立場。溫家寶反駁了外界對中國貿易和匯率政策的批評，並指出中央政府降低今年中國經濟增速的目標是經濟結構調整的必要措施之一。

溫家寶同時指責“西藏流亡政府”應對近期抗議中國政府對藏區統治的僧侶自焚事件負責，並說中國阻止國際社會反對敘利亞政府的種種舉措並非出於私利。

溫家寶是在十一屆全國人大五次會議閉幕後召開上述記者會的。中國人大是一個全國性立法機構，主要負責通過中國領導層制定的各種決議。溫家寶一年一次的記者會給了國內外記者一個向中國這位高層領導人發問的難得機會，盡管問題需要事先寫好提交。

這有可能是溫家寶作為總理所召開的最後一次記者會了。外界預計，由於十年一次的領導層換屆，溫家寶將於明年卸任。

溫 家寶不點名地批評了重慶市委書記薄熙來。上個月，重慶市公安局前任局長在美國駐成都領事館待了一夜之後被中國安全部門帶走，這件事使薄熙來卷入了一場政治 醜聞。一直到最近外界還認為薄熙來在今年的中國領導層換屆中很有希望成為中共中央政治局常委。中共中央政治局常務委員會是中國的最高決策機構。

這是溫家寶首次在公開場合談論王立軍事件，他說王立軍仍在接受調查。他讚揚了重慶市政府推進改革的種種努力，但也提出“現任重慶市委和市政府必須反思，並認真從王立軍事件中吸取教訓”。

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溫 家寶還間接地批評了薄熙來鼓勵當地居民吟唱毛澤東時代革命歌曲、讓當地官員和學生下鄉，從而恢復毛澤東精神的運動。批評人士說，這項運動粉飾了毛澤東時代 的苦難。那時候，有數千萬人死於1958年到1961年因政策導致的飢荒，以及1966年到1976年文化大革命時期的政治動盪。

溫家寶指出，共產黨已經在毛澤東死後兩年、1978年的一次會議上為文革糾偏，並把重心轉移到經濟改革上面。他說，將來的政策必須吸取歷史教訓。

在說這番話之前，溫家寶在記者會上呼吁改革中國的政治和領導體制，這是迄今為止他最大膽的呼吁之一。他警告說，沒有政治改革，文革就有可能重演。溫家寶說：“現在改革到了攻堅階段。”

但 在民主問題上，溫家寶採取了謹慎態度。自南方烏坎村村民因土地爭端趕走黨幹部、然後舉行據觀察者說相對自由的選舉以來，這幾個月裡，民主問題已經被推到前 台。雖然中國很多地方政府都選舉領導人，但整個過程是在共產黨的密切監視下進行的，而據專家說，選舉過程中腐敗現象也是層出不窮。

溫家寶在回答一個有關中國民主問題的一般化提問時說：“我至今還是這樣認為，群眾能夠管好一個村，就能夠管好一個鄉的事情；能夠管好一個鄉，就能夠管好一個縣的問題。”他還說：“中國的民主制度會依照中國的國情循序漸進地得到發展。”

溫家寶周三還宣稱，中國的房價遠未下降到合理水平，調控不能放鬆。中國領導人擔心，近幾年房價的飆升讓人住不起房，可能導致社會動盪。

他說，過去兩年出台的調控措施收到了成效，過快取消會造成市場的“混亂”。這些措施包括限制購買住房和提高房貸利率、首付比例等。

他說：“什麼叫房價合理回歸？我以為合理的房價，應該是房價與居民的收入相適應，房價與投入和合理的利潤相匹配。”

他 說了這些話之後，房地產開發商股價大幅下跌，恆大地產集團有限公司(Evergrande Real Estate Group)在香港上市的股票下跌3.4%，金地（集團）股份有限公司(Gemdale Corp.)在上海上市的股票下跌5.9%，萬科企業股份有限公司(China Vanke Co.)在深圳上市的股票下跌0.2%。上証綜合指數周三全天多數時候處在上漲區域，尾盤時跳水，收盤下跌2.6%。

溫家寶說，政府在控制房價方面面臨的困難包括來自房地產開發商和金融企業的阻力，中央政府和依賴土地出讓收入的地方政府之間的沖突也是一個因素。

他說，改革的阻力相當之大。他承認，北京方面之前在2003、2005和2006年進行的為房地產市場降溫的舉措成效不大，但他說這一次政府調控的決心堅定而不動搖。

溫家寶說：“對於房地產市場，我有個基本看法，那就是中國有13億多人口，又處在工業化和城鎮化階段，對住房的需求是剛性的，而且將會是持續的。”

在經濟增速問題上，溫家寶為今年將經濟增速目標略微下調至7.5%進行了辯護，說這會有助於高質量的增長，而且這個速度並不算低。他表示經濟增長放緩是政府主動調控的結果，同時由於歐債危機、外部市場萎縮，中國經濟有下行的壓力。

溫 家寶說，更為適度的經濟增長目標有利於經濟結構調整和發展方式的轉變，真正使中國經濟的發展擺脫過度依賴資源消耗和污染環境，走上一條節約資源能耗，保護 生態環境的正確道路。世界銀行不久前建議中國進行廣泛的改革，從而實現經濟的再平衡，包括減少對出口和投資的依賴以及削減政府在經濟中發揮的作用，從而維 持長期增長。

就貿易和匯率問題，溫家寶反駁了對中國政策的批評，他給出的理由是中國與世界其他國家的貿易順差不斷縮小，以及近年來人民幣 的不斷升值。他說，在2011年中國經常性賬戶佔GDP的比重已經達到2.8%，小於3%的國際公認標準。也就是說在國際收支和貨物貿易上，中國已經實現 了基本平衡。他還說，人民幣匯率有可能已經接近均衡水平，並表示中國將繼續加大匯改的力度，特別是較大幅度地實行匯率的雙向波動。

一些美國議員認為，中國人為壓低人民幣匯率，從而獲得了對美國的貿易優勢。隨著美國今年11月總統大選的臨近，這個問題日漸突出。挑戰現任總統奧巴馬(Barack Obama)的共和黨參選人都說，他們會在貿易問題上對中國政府採取更強硬的立場。

不過溫家寶也呼吁中美加強在貿易問題上的合作，顯然是試圖應對中美之間日漸緊張的關系。美國是中國最大的貿易伙伴國。

AARON BACK / JEREMY PAGE / ESTHER FUNG