中國“防火長城” 美國要個說法
美國再度向中國政府施壓,要求北京就封鎖諸多美國公司網頁、以至於給這些公司造成經濟損失的做法作出解釋。
美國政府就中國實行互聯網封鎖一事再度向北京施壓,要求做出解釋。美國駐世貿大使彭克(Michael Punke)本週一至信給中國駐世貿大使,其中寫道,許多美國公司都將在網上提供公司的信息和服務概況等作為重要的經營途徑,而一些公司的網站在中國被屏蔽是對其開展業務的嚴重阻礙。彭克說,"一些美國公司已經對此表達了強烈不滿。"
一些美國的網絡巨頭,比如社交網絡"臉譜"Facebook,和即時新聞平台推特twitter,以及視頻網站Youtube均在中國大陸遭防火牆封鎖。美國谷歌去年也因抗議北京的網絡過濾,而關閉中文版搜索服務,將服務器轉至香港。
美國貿易代表榮·柯克(Ron Kirk)也警告北京方面的互聯網限制會影響美國企業打開中國市場。美國貿易代表處此前已經多次向國會遞交關於中國互聯網政策及其對美中貿易影響的報告。柯克本週表示,要根據世貿規則來評判中國封鎖美國公司網頁的做法是否違規。
許多問題有待解答
美國駐世貿大使彭克在致中國駐世貿大使的信中還提出了多個具體問題,包括:北京方面如何定義所謂了"非法內容"?怎麼具體進行網頁屏蔽?被屏蔽的對像是否能獲得賠償?決定屏蔽境外公司網頁是否有什麼具體依照的原則?這些原則是否會有改變,如果改變,多久進行一次改變?在屏蔽一個網頁之前是否會作公開宣布?
位於華盛頓的計算機和通信工業協會主席布萊克(Ed Black)評價彭克致中國駐世貿大使的信是促使中國解除國際貿易阻礙的重要一步:"中國的互聯網管制很不透明,相對中國本國企業來說,國外公司遭到屏蔽更為頻繁,這是違反世貿規定的。"
美國貿易代表彭克同時強調,美國政府不是"挑戰"中國限制互聯網言論自由,只是想表達,尊重個人權利的政策有益於全球互聯網業和社會發展。
綜合報導:謝菲
責編:樂然
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China Reins in Liberalization of Culture
By SHARON LAFRANIERE, MICHAEL WINES and EDWARD WONG
Published: October 26, 2011
BEIJING — Political censorship in this authoritarian state has long been heavy-handed. But for years, the Communist Party has tolerated a creeping liberalization in popular culture, tacitly allowing everything from popular knockoffs of “American Idol”-style talent shows to freewheeling microblogs that let media groups prosper and let people blow off steam.
Related
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Magazine Preview: Where an Internet Joke Is Not Just a Joke (October 30, 2011)
Times Topic: Internet Censorship in China
CHINATOPIX, via Associated Press
Now, the party appears to be saying “enough.”
Whether spooked by popular uprisings worldwide, a coming leadership transition at home or their own citizens’ increasingly provocative tastes, Communist leaders are proposing new limits on media and Internet freedoms that include some of the most restrictive measures in years.
The most striking instance occurred Tuesday, when the State Administration of Radio, Film and Television ordered 34 major regional television stations to limit themselves to no more than two 90-minute entertainment shows each per week, and collectively 10 nationwide. They are also being ordered to broadcast two hours of state-approved news every evening and to disregard audience ratings in their programming decisions. The ministry said the measures, to go into effect on Jan. 1, were aimed at rooting out “excessive entertainment and vulgar tendencies.”
The restrictions arrived as party leaders signaled new curbs on China’s short-message, Twitter-like microblogs, an Internet sensation that has mushroomed in less than two years into a major — and difficult to control — source of whistle-blowing. Microbloggers, some of whom have attracted millions of followers, have been exposing scandals and official malfeasance, including an attempted cover-up of a recent high-speed rail accident, with astonishing speed and popularity.
On Wednesday, the Communist Party’s Central Committee called in a report on its annual meeting for an “Internet management system” that would strictly regulate social network and instant-message systems, and punish those who spread “harmful information.” The focus of the meeting, held this month, was on culture and ideology.
Analysts and employees inside the private companies that manage the microblogs say party officials are pressing for increasingly strict and swift censorship of unapproved opinions. Perhaps most telling, the authorities are discussing requiring microbloggers to register accounts with their real names and identification numbers instead of the anonymous handles now in wide use.
Although China’s most famous bloggers tend to use their own names, requiring everyone to do so would make online whistle-blowing and criticism of officialdom — two public services not easily duplicated elsewhere — considerably riskier.
It would “definitely be harmful to free speech,” said one microblog editor who refused to be named for fear of reprisal.
This newly buttoned-down approach coincides with a planned shift in the top leadership of the ruling party and government, an intricate process that will last for the next year. During such a period, tolerance for outspokenness outside official channels tends to shrink, and bureaucrats eager for promotion show their conservative stripes.
The crackdown also follows popular uprisings across the Middle East that appear to have given China’s leaders pause regarding their own hold on absolute power. In the view of some, it also tracks the influence in China’s ruling hierarchy of hard-liners like Zhou Yongkang, the public security chief who helped preside over the suppression of riots by ethnic Uighurs in western China’s Xinjiang region.
On Tuesday, Xinhua, the state news agency, reported that Mr. Zhou was urging authorities “to solve problems regarding social integrity, morality and Internet management” and that he had called for “the early introduction of laws and regulations on the management of the Internet,” among other things.
Nobody outside China’s closeted leadership knows the true reason for the maneuvers, beyond a general and intangible sense of uneasiness over the degree to which freer speech is taking root here.
The microblogs, or weibos, are perhaps the prime example. In the last year, weibos have become the forum of choice for Chinese to pass on news and gossip about scandals involving government and the elite. The two largest, run by the privately held Sina Corporation and Tencent Holdings, each count more than 200 million registered users.
In the face of official censorship, their weibos are filled with salacious tales of official malfeasance, such as a July frenzy — photographs included — over a Yunnan Province city official’s sex orgy. Industry insiders say the principal weibo (pronounced way-bwah) regulators, based in Beijing and the Shenzhen Communist Party Internet offices, have been assailed by government leaders elsewhere for allowing the scandals to spread online unchecked.
In fact, the government could easily shut down microblogs. Officials disconnected the entire Internet in Xinjiang for 10 months after the ethnic riots there in 2009. But their growing popularity makes that highly unlikely. The number of users has quadrupled in a single year.
Song Jianwu, dean of the school of journalism and communication at China University of Political Science and Law, said Chinese leaders accepted the need for such outlets for expression. But in the case of weibos, he added, “they are also concerned that this safety valve could turn into an explosive device.”
He said the government might gradually require more and more users to register under their real names, while demanding that operators monitor posts more closely. “I think they will do it in a step-by-step fashion,” he said. “We hope and we have suggested that they will do it in manner that is not antagonistic.”
Some changes are already evident. Besides the in-house monitors who already scan posts for forbidden topics, operators in recent months have bolstered “rumor refutal” departments, staffed by editors, to investigate and knock down information deemed false.
Top officials, including Liu Qi, the party secretary of Beijing, have held publicized visits to microblog companies, sometimes accompanied by popular microbloggers, in which he urged people to uphold social order and the proper ideology — and implying that their own status in official eyes would depend on their cooperation.
State restrictions on television are murkier. The rules ostensibly apply to CCTV-1, the general programming channel of Central China Television, but not to CCTV-3, which specializes in arts and entertainment, according to a report in the English-language edition of Global Times, an official newspaper.
Many people in the industry have interpreted the decree and earlier measures by central officials as attempts to bolster the ratings of CCTV against the onslaught of entertainment shows produced by satellite stations, which have been wildly successful. Last year, officials told producers of “If You Are the One,” a popular dating show on Jiangsu Satellite Television, to tone down the program. Last month, the authorities suspended a talent show on Hunan Satellite Television, “Super Girl,” for exceeding a broadcast time limit.
Many industry observers said the show may have been offensive for other reasons, including prompting home viewers to show support for their favorite contestants through cellphone texting, an action akin to voting. The shutdown of “Super Girl” was taken as a warning throughout the television industry and presaged the new rules.
Bill Bishop, a business consultant and media industry analyst in Beijing, wrote on his blog, DigiCha, that the new limits could drive television viewers to look for entertainment on the Internet. On the other hand, he added, officials might be preparing restrictions for online video content. “The trend in China appears to be towards more, not less, regulation,” he wrote. “Investors may want to consider factoring in greater regulatory risk.”
新闻报道 | 2011.10.20
中国“防火长城” 美国要个说法
美国政府就中国实行互联网封锁一事再度向北京施压,要求做出解释。美国驻世贸大使彭克(Michael Punke)本周一至信给中国驻世贸大使,其中写道,许多美国公司都将在网上提供公司的信息和服务概况等作为重要的经营途径,而一些公司的网站在中国被屏 蔽是对其开展业务的严重阻碍。彭克说,"一些美国公司已经对此表达了强烈不满。"
一些美国的网络巨头,比如社交网络"脸谱"Facebook,和即时新闻平台推特twitter,以及视频网站Youtube均在中国大陆遭防火墙封锁。美国谷歌去年也因抗议北京的网络过滤,而关闭中文版搜索服务,将服务器转至香港。
美国贸易代表荣·柯克(Ron Kirk)也警告北京方面的互联网限制会影响美国企业打开中国市场。美国贸易代表处此前已经多次向国会递交关于中国互联网政策及其对美中贸易影响的报告。柯克本周表示,要根据世贸规则来评判中国封锁美国公司网页的做法是否违规。
许多问题有待解答
美国驻世贸大使彭克在致中国驻世贸大使的信中还提出了多个具体问题,包括:北京方面如何定义所谓了"非法内容"?怎么具体进行网页屏蔽?被屏蔽的对象是否 能获得赔偿?决定屏蔽境外公司网页是否有什么具体依照的原则?这些原则是否会有改变,如果改变,多久进行一次改变?在屏蔽一个网页之前是否会作公开宣布?
位于华盛顿的计算机和通信工业协会主席布莱克(Ed Black)评价彭克致中国驻世贸大使的信是促使中国解除国际贸易阻碍的重要一步:"中国的互联网管制很不透明,相对中国本国企业来说,国外公司遭到屏蔽更为频繁,这是违反世贸规定的。"
美国贸易代表彭克同时强调,美国政府不是"挑战"中国限制互联网言论自由,只是想表达,尊重个人权利的政策有益于全球互联网业和社会发展。
综合报道:谢菲
责编:乐然