4月6日那天早上，我看著窗外漫天飛舞的雪花，不禁想：今天的北京奧運火炬倫敦段的傳遞將會怎樣？
大約八個小時以後，當第80位火炬手，英國著名中長跑運動員霍爾姆斯手舉祥雲火炬，跑上千年穹舞台，點燃了聖火盆時，場內4000多名觀眾一片歡騰。
這一天將以北京和倫敦之間的一次碰撞留在人們的記憶中，這個碰撞火花四濺，充滿躁動，中國是首次舉辦奧運會的發展中國家，而英國則是迎接火炬的第一個西方國家。
在返回機場的大巴上，北京奧組委年輕的女士們，包括前奧運冠軍喬，都堅定地認為是全英國的人在跟她們作對。一個女孩說，“這哪裡是養育了莎士比 亞和狄更斯的國家啊！”另一個說，“英國人的紳士風度到哪兒去了？”我花了很長時間試圖說服他們，但從她們潮濕的眼睛中我明白，我沒有做到。
我完全理解她們的看法。她們一整天都在車輛間來回穿梭，照應火炬手，鼻子凍紅了，雙手冰涼，前一天晚上只睡了三個小時的覺，有些人剛剛吃上午餐留下來的三明治。更糟糕的是，她們一路上還要反覆經受暴力衝搶火炬的行徑。
而我很幸運地坐在後面的車上，有機會看到數萬倫敦人頂風冒雪前來歡迎火炬，有揮手致意的老人，也有在風雪中表演節目的演員們。
夜幕降臨，看著奧運包機慢慢滑動到跑道上，我不禁想，飛機是否變得更加沉重了？北京奧運火炬全球傳遞這個艱難的旅程將讓13億中國人民可以更好地認識這個世界，也讓世界更好地了解中國。
一個年輕朋友看了BBC對火炬倫敦傳遞的轉播，他在給我的信中寫到，此刻百感交集，有悲哀、憤怒，也有不解。像他一樣，很多人可能從中領悟到，中國融入世界不是憑著一顆誠心就可以的，擋在中國與世界之間的這堵牆太厚重了。
最近，在中國兩億網民中最流行的不僅是有人企圖抓搶火炬的場景，更是一些感人至深的場面，例如火炬在巴黎段的傳遞中，坐在輪椅上年輕纖弱的中國 殘疾人運動員金晶，用自己的雙手和身軀緊緊護住火炬，使衝搶火炬的暴徒無法得逞。中國網民們對一段時間以來，西方一些媒體不惜使用移花接木的手段和來自別 國的假照片攻擊中國進行所謂“鎮壓”，也感到尤為憤怒。
Chinese ambassador attacks Western media
By Melissa Kite, Deputy Political Editor, and David Eimer in Beijing
The Chinese ambassador to London has denounced "violent" British demonstrators who attacked the Olympic torch relay - and hit out at the western media for "demonising" China.
Writing in The Sunday Telegraph, Fu Ying claims that Chinese Olympic athletes were so shocked by the protests at the relay in London that they questioned whether Britain could really have been the land that produced Shakespeare and Dickens.
In her article, Madam Fu says: "Many who had romantic views about the West are very disappointed at the media’s attempt to demonise China. We all know demonisation feeds a counter reaction. Protests during the Olympic torch relay by activists critical of China’s actions have taken place all over the world ahead of the Beijing Games in August. Voicing her own disappointment that the relay in London last weekend was marred by demonstrations, Madam Fu said: "On the bus to the airport, I was with some young girls from the Beijing team, including an Olympic Gold Medalist Miss Qiao. They were convinced that the people here were against them. One girl remarked she couldn’t believe this land nourished Shakespeare and Dickens. Another asked: where is the 'gentlemenship’?" |
Dismissing criticism of China’s actions in Tibet, she said: "Of those who protested loudly, many probably have not seen Tibet. People are well-fed, well-clothed and well-housed. That has been the main objective of China for centuries."
Gordon Brown has confirmed that he will not attend the Beijing opening ceremony, although he denied it was a protest or change of plan and said he will go to the closing ceremony instead. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has also informed China that he will not attend the opening ceremony.
China’s President Hu Jintao defended the suppression of the protests in Tibet yesterday and appeared to rule out any possibility of holding talks with the Dalai Lama.
 | |
In his first comments on the protests, President Hu denied that they had anything to do with human rights, or with Beijing’s restrictions on religious freedom in Tibet.
Instead, he blamed the Dalai Lama for orchestrating the largest uprising against Chinese rule in Tibet for 20 years.
He said that China was ready to meet with the Dalai Lama, but only if the Tibetan spiritual leader stopped trying to "split the motherland", "incite violence" and "ruin the Beijing Olympics".
Interviewed on US television late on Friday, the Dalai Lama reiterated his opposition to a boycott of the Beijing Games and told China, "We are not against you. And I’m not seeking separation".
Chinese ambassador Fu Ying: Western media has 'demonised' China
By Fu Ying, China's ambassador to London
In the morning of April 6, looking at the snowflakes falling outside the window, I could not but wonder what the torch relay would be like.
About 8 hours later, when the torch finally struggled through the route, Olympic gold medalist Dame Kelly Holmes ran up to light the Olympic cauldron at the O2 dome, and 4,000 spectators cheered, obviously with a sense of relief.
This day will be remembered, as Beijing met London with splashes and sparkles. It was an encounter between China, the first developing country to host the Olympics, and Britain, the first western country to greet the 2008 torch. On the bus to the airport, I was with some young girls from the Beijing team, including an Olympic gold medalist, Miss Qiao. They were convinced that the people here were against them. One girl remarked she couldn't believe this land nourished Shakespeare and Dickens. Another asked: where is the "gentlemenship"? I used all my knowledge to argue for London, and looking into their watery eyes, I knew I was not succeeding. I can't blame them. They were running between vehicles for the whole day, noses red and hands cold, trying to service the torch bearers. They had only about three hours of sleep the previous night and some were having lunch sandwiches just now. Worse still, they had to endure repeated violent attacks on the torch throughout the relay. I was fortunate to sit at the rear of the bus and saw smiling faces of Londoners who came out in the tens of thousands, old people waving and young performers dancing, braving the cold weather. In the darkness of a London night, waving the chartered plane goodbye, I had a feeling the plane was heavier than when it landed. The torch will carry on, and the journey will educate the more than a billion Chinese people about the world, and the world about China. A young friend in China wrote to me after watching the event on the BBC: "I felt so many things all at once – sadness, anger and confusion." It must have dawned on many like him that simply a sincere heart was not enough to ensure China's smooth integration with the world. The wall that stands in China's way to the world is thick. In China, what's hot at this moment on the internet, which has 200 million users there, is not only the attempts to snatch the torch but also some moving images of Jin Jing, a slim young girl, a Paralympic athlete in a wheelchair, helped by a blind athlete. She held the torch with both arms to her chest as violent "protesters" tried repeatedly to grab it from her during the Paris relay. There is especially infuriated criticism of some of the misreporting of China in recent weeks, such as crafting photos or even using photos from other countries to prove a crackdown. On the other side of the wall, the story is different. Standing in the middle, I am concerned that mutual perceptions between the people of China and the West are quickly drifting in opposite directions. I cannot help asking why, when it comes to China, the generalised accusations can easily be accepted without people questioning what exactly and specifically they mean; why any story or figures can stay on the news for days without factual support. Even my own participation in the torch relay had been the subject of continuous speculation. I remember a local friend said, "We all like to read media stories. Only when it comes to ourselves do we know they can't all be true." Of those who protested loudly, many probably have not seen Tibet. For the Chinese people, Tibet is a loved land and information about it is ample. Four million tourists visit Tibet every year. The past five years saw the income of farmers and herdsmen increasing by 83.3 per cent. In 2006 there were more than 1,000 schools, with 500,000 students. In this Autonomous Region, where 92 per cent of the population is Tibetan, there are 1,780 temples, or one for every 1,600 people – which is more than in England, where there is one church for every 3,125 people. There may be complicated problems of religion mixing with politics, but people are well-fed, well-clothed and well-housed. That has been the main objective of China for centuries. Tibet may not grow into an industrial place like the eastern cities in China, but it will move on like other parts of China. I personally experienced China's transition to opening up, from small steps to bigger strides. I remain a consistent and firm supporter of opening up. The latest events have led the younger generation of Chinese, those born since the 1980s, who grew up in a more prosperous, better-educated and freer China, to begin a collective rethinking about the West. My daughter, who loves Western culture, must have used the word "why" dozens of times in our long online chat. Her frustration could be felt between the lines. Many who had romantic views about the West are very disappointed at the media's attempt to demonise China. We all know demonisation feeds a counter-reaction. I do pray from the bottom of my heart that the younger generation of Chinese will not be totally disillusioned about the West, which remains an important partner in our ongoing reform. Many complain about China not allowing enough access to the media. In China, the view is that the Western media needs to make an effort to earn respect. Coming to China to report bad stories may not be welcomed but would not be stopped, as China is committed to opening up. China is far from perfect and it is trying to address the many problems that do exist. It would be helpful to the credibility of the Western media if the issues they care and write about are of today's China, not of the long-gone past. In my one year in the UK, I have realized that there is a lot more media coverage about China than when I was a student here in the mid-1980s, and most of it is quite close to the real life of China, good or bad. China is also in an era of information explosion. I am sure that more and more people in the West will be able to cross the language and cultural barriers and find out more about the real China. The world has waited for China to join it. Now China has to have the patience to wait for the world to understand China. Fu Ying is the Chinese Ambassador to London |
Tibet Backers Show China Value of P.R.
Tibet supporters marched along the Embarcadero in San Francisco ahead of the Olympic torch.
Soon after China was awarded the Olympic Games seven years ago, a series of public relations strategy sessions were held. But it wasn’t the Chinese government holding the sessions: it was grass-roots Tibet support groups in the United States and abroad.
Two protesters were arrested during the rally in San Francisco. China has had a tough time deflecting the protesters’ message.
The protesters quickly established a communications plan, focused their message and ran camps where they taught members interview skills and even rappelling — as they showed off last week in hanging banners on the Golden Gate Bridge.
As a result, the protesters have pulled off a publicity coup. Instead of basking in the glow of the coming games, China has quickly found itself on the defensive, and protesters have turned the subject from athletics in Beijing to the crackdown in Tibet, along with human-rights violations inside China and China’s investments in Sudan.
“At first there was a profound sense of despair after the Chinese government was awarded the honor,” said Kalaya’an Mendoza, a coordinator for Students for a Free Tibet, an activist group. “But after five minutes passed, we realized this would be a monumental opportunity for the Tibetan people to be put in the international spotlight.”
For all its business success and military power, China is still something of a naïf when it comes to Western-style public relations. In many ways, China is facing the same challenge that companies like Philip Morris and Wal-Mart have in recent years as protesters and union activists have grown increasingly sophisticated in delivering their message.
“Our voice cannot be heard,” said Wenqi Gao, spokesman for China’s consulate in New York. “We have to improve our image.”
The Tibet groups, though, have courted the media. “The approach these groups have is spectacular in terms of public relations,” said Richard Funess, president of Ruder Finn Americas, a public relations firm.
While China has not mastered the art of the grass-roots publicity campaign, its government — with the Olympics in mind — has been exploring American-style public relations approaches.
According to a recent report in The Financial Times, the Chinese government is now seeking its own public relations representation. Executives from five P.R. firms with a large presence in Beijing said they had not been contacted about the project.
Mr. Gao of the Chinese consulate said that he did not know if the report was true, but that he thought some help was needed. “My personal view is, it is a good idea to talk about this public relations industry, and seek help from the public relations industry to see if we can do better with the media,” he said.
After China lost its Olympics bid in 1993, said David Liu, managing director for Weber Shandwick China, Olympic insiders advised it to hire a public relations firm before its next attempt. Weber Shandwick, owned by the Interpublic Group, won the contract, and, Mr. Liu said, his advice was that China separate its human-rights record from its Olympics bid.
What the firm suggested to the Olympic committee, Mr. Liu said, was that if Beijing were allowed to hold the Games, it might lead to some movement on a number of fronts. “If you give China the Olympic hosting rights, then it is like you are engaging China, and naturally they will improve on a lot of things.”
Currently, the Beijing Organizing Committee of the Olympic Games is using the public relations firm Hill & Knowlton, owned by the WPP Group, to work on the Games. James B. Heimowitz, Hill & Knowlton North Asia’s chief executive, says that its sphere is limited, as the Beijing Organizing Committee is not empowered to comment on Chinese government policy.
Still, he said, his firm’s advice has been welcome. “I think increasingly we are seeing Chinese — both private companies and the government sector — increasingly trying to understand how to be more effective in an international environment, and that includes things like understanding and working with international-level communications and P.R. agencies,” Mr. Heimowitz said. “They’re trying.”
On the other side, the protesters use an approach that is one part strategy, one part necessity. The groups, largely financed by individual donations, have little money for advertisements. “Our organizations are relatively small, and the only way to get the word out is through the media,” said Wangchuk Shakabpa, a board member of the U.S. Tibet Committee.
To get that word out, the International Tibet Support Network, a London-based group that coordinates pro-Tibet organizations, has been sending press-focused bulletins to its 153 member organizations.
“We’ve been sending out regular daily summaries,” said Alison Reynolds, the group’s executive director, “of what’s news, what’s happening, what are the key political developments, who said what about the situation in Tibet.”
Students for a Free Tibet, a member of the international organization, sends out its own talking points, press release templates and protest plans to its 650 chapters. That is supplemented by two Students for a Free Tibet Facebook cause pages, which now have about 37,900 members and a YouTube page where organizers post reports and footage from protests.
Every other month, Students for a Free Tibet holds conferences for members of pro-Tibet groups, where media training is a focus. The sessions cover everything from giving a good sound bite to answering reporters’ questions artfully.
“S.F.T. realizes that the media is a very effective tool getting our message across,” Mr. Mendoza said. “One way that we ensure that our message stays on point and is disseminated to audiences it’s targeted to, is by training our S.F.T.-ers to be the best media spokespeople themselves.”
With an eye toward demonstrations that will get coverage, S.F.T. also holds weeklong “action camps” four times a year. Attendees learn to organize protests and deal with the police, and receive training in attention-getting activities like rappelling and guerrilla street theater.
The Tibet groups’ approach has, at least in recent weeks, shifted the focus from the Darfur cause. But “more pressure on China to do something is better,” said Jill Savitt, executive director of Dream for Darfur. “I have been really impressed with the turnout and the moral fierceness of how they have mobilized.”
The focus on the Olympics has brought an unprecedented level of coordination and media focus among the Tibet support groups. From 1951 until the late 1980s, the Tibet issue was largely a political one, said Robert J. Barnett, director of the Modern Tibetan Studies Program at Columbia’s Weatherhead East Asian Institute. In 1987, an influential article by onetime Carter adviser Roberta Cohen about China’s human-rights record created interest in Tibet among non-Tibetans.
Demonstrations in Lhasa in 1987 and 1989 heightened that interest, leading to the creation of many Tibet support groups. While the different groups occasionally coordinated their work, it was on an ad hoc basis.
The groups decided to coordinate their efforts at a conference in 2000, creating the London group to do that. But the group did not have a staff until after receiving financing in 2005 — by which time the Olympics were already a focus of the Tibet groups. The London group hired a full-time Olympics campaign coordinator last year.
Across the street from the Chinese consulate in New York on Wednesday, about 35 protesters from five Tibet organizations had gathered, summoned by text messages and e-mail messages. They were shouting the same slogans that were being shouted across the country in San Francisco, which had been disseminated through e-mail messages and bulletins. Mr. Shakabpa, his sign leaning against his legs, surveyed his fellow protesters. “You’re talking about a handful of people,” he said, “but we can really get our message out.”
Gene Grabowski, a crisis P.R. specialist at Levick Strategic Communications who worked on the Chinese toy recalls, said he was not surprised that the protesters were winning so far.
“The Chinese government is still new to the challenges and the game of playing on a world stage, and playing on the world stage today doesn’t just mean understanding how to control the messages that come out of formal government ministries or the messages that are prepared and disseminated to the global news media,” he said. “There are the blogs, there are Web sites; there’s a whole world of Internet-based communication that the Chinese government still doesn’t seem to understand or appreciate.”
沒有留言:
張貼留言