2009年5月31日 星期日

争取民主、反对腐败是全中国人民心里的愿望Tiananmen Square, 20 Years Later


Op-Ed Contributors

Tiananmen Square, 20 Years Later

Published: May 30, 2009

Two decades ago, China's largest pro-democracy protests ended when military tanks rolled toward Tiananmen Square and troops opened fire on the crowds. For this anniversary, the Op-Ed editors asked four writers, who were students or working at the time, to reflect back on the event.

China’s Forgotten Revolution


June 4, 1989, means little to young people.

Dance With Democracy


After the crackdown, fear trumped friendship.

‘Here Come the Workers!’


Notes from the protests outside Beijing.

Exiled to English


Why I left my native language behind.


中国 | 2009.05.31

口述历史:莫丽花回忆八九民运

在外界看来,1989年六四事件似乎是发生在北京,尤其是发生在北京市中心的一场惨剧。但从1989年四月中旬开始,中国各地都已经感受到了来自北京的冲 击和刺激;到五月中旬,外地进京声援的学生人数基本已经超过北京当地学生。六四镇压之后,各地方当局的镇压烈度也远远超过北京。在这场波及全国的事件中, 来自湖南邵阳的莫丽花,初看去不过是庞大事件中的一个小小的配角。20年后的今天,她回忆说:

1989年4月15日,胡耀邦去世的时候我正在张家界,下了乡就听说胡耀邦逝世了。当北京开始闹的时候,邵阳的学生也开始行动起来,他们也 上街游行,但是我们学校一再规定,教师不能参加学生的活动,我当时很听话,每天去上课,看看没有学生我就走了。5月份学生绝食的时候,每天都从新闻中听到 学生绝食多少多少天,这个时候学生上街时我觉得我应该表示一下自己的态度。

争取民主、反对腐败是全中国人民心里的愿望,当北京学生提出这些口号的时候,它很容易得到广大人民的响应,所以我们学校的学生也去游行示威,在广场 静坐。但是有一天,因为绝食我很激动,我觉得我应该表示一点什么,尽管学校三令五申,我还是顶着压力跟着学生上街去。但是跑到半路的时候,一个是累了,再 一个就是我突然想起孩子还在上学要回家吃饭,我还得回家做饭去,所以我就半途而废了,这是我在五月初参加的半次游行。

后来5月19日李鹏宣布了戒严令,这就表明这个政府是以军队威胁人民,那时候邵阳的学生非常激动。有一天正好是我在办公室打电话找一个女朋友,说夏 天来了,我们一起去商店买点夏天穿的衣服,然后就碰到两个学生,这两个学生当时是湖南邵阳师范专科学校的学生领袖,他们两个人非常的疲倦,也非常的激愤, 他们告诉我说,因为李鹏下了戒严令要以军队镇压人民,所以他们决定要到北京去自焚,以生命来殉民主事业。

我是一个不懂什么政治,一下了课就回去做家务带孩子的普通女教师,我当时就结结巴巴地去劝他们:"爸爸妈妈把你们养大送进大学很不容易,你们一定要 珍惜自己宝贵的生命。"但是我这些话都没有用,两个学生非常激愤。劝告无用,我就赶快跑到家里跟我的先生说发生了这种事,我身为教师有保护他们的责任。于 是我就拿了钱包,拿了换洗的衣服和牙刷等物品,然后就匆匆忙忙跑到火车站去,在那里看到那两个学生,我就跟他们一起上北京。

一路上都有各地的学上上火车,上来作演讲,还拿着募捐箱募捐。他们跑到每一节车厢都受到热烈的欢迎,人们鼓掌、捐钱表示他们对学生运动的支持,那时候可以说情绪非常热烈。

跟着他们到了北京已经是5月28日了,一下火车就碰上了北京学生的28日全球华人大游行。游行完了以后我的两个学生就在天安门扎下根来,当时可以领 到帐篷,他们在天安门广场架起了红色的小帐篷,打出了我们湖南邵阳师专的旗子。我当时是在北京的朋友家住,每天到天安门广场看他们,有的时候给他们送盒 饭,因为他们老吃面包,有的时候带他们到朋友家去洗个澡。我还跑了各个帐篷,就像蘑菇一样突然在广场绽放了几百所学校,都是外地来的学生驻扎在那里,而北 京的学生那时候已经累了,从4月份到6月份他们大部分都已经回去了。5月30日的时候我亲眼看到民主女神像的竖立,每天都有政府的广播,人民大会堂政府广 播的声音非常大,请外地的学生在6月3日之前回去,一切免费。我想要是能免费就带着学生回去,已经一个星期了,整天在那里日晒雨淋的晚上睡在地上,学生也 很艰苦,暂时看不出有什么希望。我就把五个学生左一个右一个的拉回去了。

三号上午就回来了,谁知道我们在北京的消息传遍了大学,那些老师们学生们急切地想知道北京到底发生了什么?就说今天晚上我们在一个教室里面举办一个 座谈会,你来告诉我们,这个时候我就把我在北京看到的情况作了一个演讲。当时大概有八十个人参加,我知道当局一直在阻止学生去听我这个演讲。

我们从外电听到了发生大屠杀的消息,当时大家都是泪如雨下,因为我亲眼在一个个帐篷里看到那些年轻的朝气蓬勃的大学生,男男女女大姑娘小伙子在那里 读书在那里等待,他们那种青春的形象一直在我的脑子里,我只不过是早回来了一天,如果我和我的学生继续呆在天安门,可能他们的命运就是我的命运。当天晚上 6月4日我的学生就举办了一个悼念六四死难者的追悼会,在我们师专的大广场。我们青年教师有个教师队,我们排着队入场的时候学生们都表示欢迎,我作为教师 代表第一个上台发言,我哭得说不出话来,就说自己在广场上看到了什么,就说他们在和平地静坐等待,我说他们绝对不是暴徒,然后全场都哭了。

邵阳的大学生决定在邵阳市东风广场举办一次全市性的追悼活动,然后我就不顾一切走向广场,我说我刚从北京回来,我可以证明那些学生不是要暴乱,他们 是在和平地静坐。我就反复地讲,李鹏政府这样镇压学生是犯罪,请大家救救孩子。因为广场上人很多,五个大学加上市民,所以这是影响最大的一次演讲,这也是 我后来判刑坐牢的原因。

学校的领导当天晚上就跑到我家里,对我进行警告劝告,然后就是我父母,我在广场的时候我们家的人在下面堵住我,他们经过历次中共的政治运动都知道中共一定会秋后算账的,但对我来说,我已经顾不上了,因为如果我留在北京留在天安门可能就会打成暴徒,我可能就是坦克下的死者。

不断有消息传来,我有朋友还有学生的家长,都是会告诉我市委在讨论抓我的问题。对我来说逃离就证明我害怕,证明我有罪。但没有罪我怕什么?如果逃的 话离家就更远了,你不知道逃到什么时候。我不承认我有罪,是杀人的人有罪!我记得入狱之前几天,我弟弟跑到我家里,拿着一把麻醉手枪,拿一沓钱,他是做生 意的,"啪"的一声摆到桌子上说:"姐姐,你跟我逃!"我推开它坚决不要:"我不逃!"我就拿着课本去上课,那是我给学生上的最后一节课。

五点钟公安局的一辆小吉普开到我们学校,我正好在办公室,然后他们就走进来说:"现在要收容审查你!"让我签一个字。我说:"我可以到家里拿东西吗?"他们说:"不用,我们会给你送来。"然后,我就跟着他们上了吉普车。

进收容所的人还不能证明有罪就把他关押起来,这个关押的地方非常的阴森肮脏,就像猪圈一样,第一眼看过去就是低矮的小门,进去黑洞洞的就是一个通 铺,通铺上坐着几个女犯,厕所就是屋子中间的一个坑,用一块蓝色的布拦着。整个监狱的气味很臭,每天都是跟各种动物打交道,蚊子啊、苍蝇啊、臭虫啊、跳蚤 啊,晚上睡在通铺上的时候,明显地知道老鼠在你的脸上爬过去。我第一次进去的时候非常的愤怒,尽管我知道自己有可能被捕,但是真正被捕了还是非常气愤。我 说杀人的人没有受到惩罚,我这个要救救孩子的人反而被捕,所以我第一件事就是绝食抗议。那天正好是收容所一周一次吃肉的时候,我一说要绝食,其他女犯就扑 上来把我的肉菜瓜分了,她们很高兴。

当时来到收容所,我就和那些来自社会各阶层的女犯患难与共了,我一个个问她们的案情,结果发现她们中的大部分人是没有罪的。所以收审制度就成了一个 政府犯罪,胡乱地拘押人的一个制度。比如说一个叫"青嫂"的农村妇女,她正在地里种菜,突然来了几个警察就把她给抓走了,因为她的儿子在外面跟警察吵架, 吐了警察一口,她的儿子一溜烟跑得很快没有被警察抓到,没有抓到儿子,警察就跑到儿子家里把正在种地的"青嫂"抓到收审所,一收审就是三个月啊!"青嫂" 天天在铺上打滚哭叫,家里丈夫生病,田地干枯了,地里的菜都完了。三个月以后出去了,三个月没有人审你,莫名其妙地抓进去,莫名其妙地放出来。

八九年国庆节,大概是为了向国庆献礼,必须起诉一批"六四反革命犯"。这时候正式起诉了,我在国庆节到达看守所,二十四间牢房,女犯是最后一间。我 刚刚去的时候通铺上没有我的位置,十三个人挤在那里。我拿着东西不知道应该怎么办,这时候身上的皮带和绳子都要丢掉,因为怕你自杀。好不容易有个人让一块 地方给我住,睡觉的时候只能侧着身子,所以那里很挤,十三个女犯挤在一个通铺上面。这个时候很奇怪,每天听到"叮当叮当叮当"的声音,我就问其她的犯 人:"那边是谁呀,怎么整天叮叮当当的?"她们就告诉我,那是死刑犯。一审判了刑之后,就戴上手铐和脚镣了,这时候他的吃饭穿衣,哪怕睡觉翻一个身都会" 叮叮当当"。我这一辈子没有跟死刑犯打过交道,这个时候我就感觉到死刑犯就在鼻子底下,就在隔壁。

根据他们起诉的罪名我就必须准备,然后我们家开始请律师,当时很多不少年轻的律师都自告奋勇要义务做我的律师,但是当局说必须由他们司法局同意,必 须是党员。我们家请的这位是邵阳第一律师事务所的所长陈秋明,他来见我的第一句话是:"我是党员,我必须听从党的指示,我不能给你做无罪辩护。"我就 说:"那我就不需要你了!"

我们商量了一个妥协的方案,由我自己主辩,我自己来辩护我有罪还是没罪,家人做一些其他的收集资料等对我有利的工作。我生命中非常难忘的一 天:1989年12月24日上法庭的时候,下面一片黑压压的。天气很冷,听众一直在等待,到了下午由我自己辩护。当我为自己作无罪辩护的时候,用的就是共 产党自己的法律,我说我没有反党反社会主义的主观动机,而且我救了学生,所以我在法庭上说应该给我奖励,如果要为此承受历史的苦难,我也责无旁贷!我的母 亲一直泪流满面在那里哭,然后有一位老先生走到我母亲面前说:"你哭什么?如果我有这样的女儿,我要为她骄傲!"

采访人:一通

责编:叶宣

《金融時報》論中共政權 政治上"與時俱進": 朝鮮核危機



BBC
英國報摘

注:各位網友,從3月10日起,我們對《英國報摘》欄目做一些調整。報摘內容集中在英國報紙對中國事務的報道和評論。每周星期二和星期五更新。

英國報摘
近几天英國報章有關中港台的報道和評論:(2009年5月29日)

《金融時報》周四(5月28日)發表整版文章,分析自"六四"民運以來20年間中國的政治和社會變化,以及中共一黨專權得以維持迄今的因素。文章指出,過去20年來中共實施的一系列旨在自我完善、"與時俱進"並以此抵禦民主運動的改革措施,長期而言意味著它無法保持現狀。

文章說,"六四"天安門廣場武力鎮壓後,中共政權不斷受到各方的挑戰,但20年後它穩固依舊,而89年那種沸騰的民怨現在也不那麼明顯,甚至經濟復蘇也比其他大國快。民意測驗表明中國民眾仍有大量不滿,但總體信心在上升,中共領導人也以更自信的語調談論"中國模式"。

文章接著分析了中國之所以成為發展中國家陣營中唯一一個對二戰以來全球性民主化進程構成真正威脅的因素。文章說,中國用來解除全球民主化武裝的基本法寶是經濟強勁發展加政治上嚴控。

透過表像

但是,文章說,在其列寧式外表之下還有其他因素可以解釋中共一黨極權的持久性。

這些措施中包括提高幹部、官員素質,吸收私營企業家入黨、建立更平穩的最高權力交替機制,對黨內不同意見比以前寬容,用集 體決策取代一言堂等等。雖然中共允許的政治開放有明確的底線,那就是不許討論自己一黨執政的合法性,不准任何潛在的挑戰者存在,但這種靈活性改變了它在許 多中國普通百姓眼裡的形像。

"六四"往事如煙?
"六四"往事如煙?

文章說,除了政治上"與時俱進"之外,中共政權的持久力還在於中國家庭收入普遍提高,人們的日常生活也發生了重大變化,類 似髮型、衣著和婚嫁的"規範"等當局對老百姓生活的監控已不復存在,精英圈的學術辯論變得更開放,互聯網的普及也強化了人們的思想解放感。儘管當局對網絡 的嚴密監控仍是問題,但年輕一代相信他們獲取信息的渠道比以前寬敞得多。自由得多。

文章說,正是由於諸多行政改革加上富裕階層和中產階級的配合,分析人士大都認為今後十年中共的統治不會受到重大威脅﹔但是,它會受到要求進行更深層次的政治改革的壓力。

年輕人的訴求

今天中國的年輕人對多黨制或許存疑,但普遍認為需要更大的新聞自由,對公民組織更開放。

文章說,中國今天的年輕一代正在逐漸擺脫不問政治、只重實惠、自我中心的形像,尤其是去年四川大地震之後,年輕一代血脈中的理想主義得到彰顯﹔中國的大學生像西方同齡人一樣關心環保。

即使中共領導人也更頻繁地談論"民主",雖然他們的"民主"概念跟改革派追求的民主,或者其他國家的民主實踐不同。

但是,中國目前仍缺乏傳導民怨及制約濫權的機制,司法仍不獨立﹔中產階層雖然在擴大,但佔人口比例仍很小,還不足以形成要求民主政體的壓力。更重要的是,中共為了維持一黨專權就必須與時俱進,而這種靈活性意味著隨著社會的演進它也必將發生根本性的變化。

責無旁貸

周三(5月27日)的《泰晤士報》發表署名評論文章說,朝鮮核危機如果得到妥善解決,中國是最大的受益國。是否加入制裁平壤的行動,將可測出中國的眼光是否能超越它對自身利益的陳舊狹隘的理解。

該報的首席外交事務評論員麥道克斯在文中指出,解決朝鮮核問題中國是責無旁貸,因為其他任何一個國家對平壤的影響都無法跟中國的相提並論。同時,妥善解決這個問題也是中國在該地區利益不受損的保證。

作者認為中國再次迴避實質問題只能是出於最狹隘的利益考慮 - 更多制裁行動或其他足以摧毀平壤現政權的措施將導致大批難民湧入中國,但現實是還有比難民更重大的威脅,那就是擁有製造六枚核彈能力的平壤向區域內或更遠地區某國發動攻擊。

作者承認聯合國安理會的制裁決定雖然收效存疑,但目前沒有更好的方法,而中國在這點上可以發揮關鍵作用,中國不應該再為了一己小利而讓一個搖搖欲墜的政權得以苟延殘喘。

2009年5月30日 星期六

盧武鉉自殺: 聲援翁山蘇姬

Koreans turn out in force for Roh

Thousands of South Koreans throng Seoul for the funeral of former President Roh Moo-hyun, who killed himself last week.

Roh Moo-hyun

盧武鉉自殺拉緊韓國神經
2009年05月25日08:20



國前總統盧武鉉(Roh Moo-hyun)上週六跳崖自殺。這一事件給他的支持者帶來了震驚、悲傷與憤怒﹐也給現任總統李明博(Lee Myung-bak)的新政治改革前景帶來了衝擊。

Getty Images
盧武鉉在4月30日到首爾的韓國最高檢察院接受腐敗案的質詢
週日﹐成千上萬名韓國民眾來到盧武鉉家鄉的一個社區中心﹐向設在這裡的一個祭壇獻上鮮花﹐這是韓國傳統的祭奠習俗。韓國各地的火車站、廟宇以及居民樓也紛紛設置了類似的祭壇。

據警方和助手表示﹐現年62歲的盧武鉉上週六早上從韓國南海岸他家鄉金海市附近的一處30米高懸崖上跳崖自殺。在自殺前一個小時寫的一張紙條上﹐盧武鉉寫到了目前正在進行的賄賂調查給他帶來的影響﹐他對此感到絕望。警方表示﹐他們認定盧武鉉自殺一事不存在不當行為。

韓國民眾對盧武鉉自殺一事反應複雜﹐一些人認為這是可恥的行為﹐其他人則將其視為英雄舉動。並不是所有的韓國民眾都願意哀悼盧武鉉﹐因為盧武鉉在執政時期引發了韓國內部分裂不合﹐給韓國政界和商界的既得利益者帶來了衝擊。

韓國經濟學家、前議員Chae Su-chan說﹐盧武鉉從未想要做一個令所有人滿意的總統﹐因此韓國民眾對他的死存在不同反應。這是他的選擇﹐也是他的風格。Chae Su-chan曾就韓美關係擔任過盧武鉉的顧問。

獨特的環境造就了韓國的動蕩狀況。盧武鉉自殺一事最直接的影響可能是他的政治基礎──在野政黨、政治人士和支持者──會猛烈抨擊賄賂調查一事。

在過去的兩個月中﹐檢查部門核查了韓國一名商人向盧武鉉家人行賄600萬美元一事﹔這名商人的公司在盧武鉉執政時期業務興盛。檢查部門在4月30日對盧武鉉提出了傳喚﹐但在他自殺時尚未提出指控。

檢查部門說﹐對盧武鉉的調查現在將結束﹐但目前還不清楚此案其餘部分會發生什麼狀況。

如果李明博和目前執政的保守政黨不能妥善處理盧武鉉支持者的憤怒情緒﹐此事可能會引發更大規模的抗議和動蕩﹐從而使正在奮力擺脫全球經濟危機衝擊的韓國脫離復甦之路。

2002年大選期間曾擔任盧武鉉顧問的私募基金經理Eugene Yun說﹐從政治角度看﹐我認為我們正在步入非常敏感的時期。李明博面臨非常棘手的局面。這是對他政治能力的最大考驗。

領導人去世後在其它國家常見的政治禮節這個週末在韓國並未表現出來多少。盧武鉉的支持者發表新聞稿指責李明博和檢察部門。各個悼念地點都充斥著大量的政治標語﹐在金海的主吊唁地﹐支持者將他們認為不懷好意的悼念者拒之門外。

受到回絕的悼念者包括盧武鉉在2002年大選中擊敗的對手﹐國民議會議長以及韓國總理韓升洙(Han Seung-soo)。韓升洙是韓國的資深政治家﹐在來自韓國兩大政黨的總統手下都任過職。

Reuters
盧武鉉跳崖現場
週日晚間﹐李明博的助手曾希望定出李明博拜訪盧武鉉家人的時間﹐但並未得到安排。盧武鉉的家人同意由國家協助舉行國民葬﹐時間為本週五。

漢城延世大學(Yonsei University)政治學家Kim Ki-jung說﹐不幸的是﹐我想喪期結束後會爆發大規模的抗議。這將是讓公眾情緒走向極端的另一起重大事件。

盧武鉉一生致力於改造韓國的政黨、司法體系和新聞媒體這三大政治勢力﹐他在生命的最後階段又受到了這些勢力的打擊。盧武鉉的死有可能使韓國社會長期以來關於這三大勢力的爭論進一步升溫。

在2003年至2008年擔任總統期間﹐盧武鉉充當了執法機構和檢察機構之間的橋梁﹐賦予了法官更大的權限﹐不過他並未建立大陪審團以遏制檢察機關的權力。他也曾試圖打破新聞機構和記者中存在的那種聯營式的缺乏競爭力的行為﹐但未能成功。

隨著受賄調查的展開﹐檢察機關向媒體泄露了毀滅性的細節﹐相當於在媒體而非法庭上審問盧武鉉。這種做法在韓國重要的案件中日益普遍。

週日下午前往盧武鉉吊唁地的漢城居民Park Kyung-joo說﹐她基本不相信這樣的司法系統﹐她對盧武鉉近幾週受到的待遇表示憤怒。

她說﹐當盧武鉉在台上時﹐我有時對他感到失望。但現在我認為他這樣做事一定是有其理由的。

Evan Ramstad / SungHa Park

--

聲援翁山蘇姬,不然你還能怎樣


在中國興起的此時此刻,台灣人權倒退、主權傾頹,
so what!
仗總是要打下去的,
在台北街頭、在仰光、在德蘭沙拉、在拉薩、在北京;
五一七打、五二七打、六四也打。
不然你還能怎樣!

http://blog.roodo.com/michaelcarolina/archives/9049821.html

Enjoy Reading
Michael

*****

以死明志?盧武鉉自認清白 歷史會給公評 【15:35】

〔中央社〕「雖然在金錢這方面,出現了很多批評我的聲音,但我可以說是清清白白的。在遙遠的未來,歷史會給我一個公正的評價。」身陷貪腐風暴的南韓前總統 盧武鉉在遺書中留言,然後從住家附近後山山崖跳了下去,他頭部重傷,醫院急救後宣布他不治,消息震撼南韓國內外。

南韓網路報「Nocut News」報導說,盧武鉉捲入「朴淵次賄賂案」接受檢方調查,可能感到悲觀,所以選擇自殺;但目前仍然不能斷定是什麼具體原因。

根據南韓媒體有關盧武鉉遺書的報導,他在遺書中寫道:「那段時間實在是太累了……不要抱怨我。生與死沒有區別,將我火葬吧。」

慶尚南道警察廳證實,盧武鉉今天早晨6時40分左右與一名助理在峰下村後山登山時跌落山坡,雖然被緊急送往醫院急救,但仍不治身亡。

盧武鉉跌落山崖頭部嚴重受傷,早晨7時5分先被送到金海市一所醫院,後來又轉送到國立釜山大學醫院,院方於上午9時30分宣布急救無效,盧武鉉不治身亡。

前青瓦台秘書室長文在寅發表有關盧武鉉身亡的聲明指出:韓國前總統盧武鉉於今早6時45分左右在峰下山後山登山時從岩石上跳下。儘管立即送往附近醫院,但由於傷勢嚴重,再轉送到釜山大學醫院,但還是在9時30分去世。盧武鉉給家人留下了簡短的遺書。

雖然南韓過去不乏卸任總統觸法遭到調查的案例,但盧武鉉跳崖自殺,是南韓歷史上首位前任總統自殺身亡的重大衝擊事件。南韓政局都會受到嚴重影響,檢察機關目前正在進行的調查也不免要全面轉換方向。

南韓總理韓昇洙並為此召開緊急內閣會議。韓昇洙對此重大事件深感震驚且難過,並致哀悼之意。

南韓總統李明博今天照常出席南韓與歐洲聯盟(European Union)在首爾舉行的高峰會,但取消其他行程。李明博形容盧武鉉之死是國家悲劇。

南韓大檢察廳於今年4月30日以嫌疑人身分傳訊盧武鉉,大檢察廳中央搜查部認為,盧武鉉涉嫌於總統任職期間,從「泰光實業」會長朴淵次手中收受600萬美元賄賂,違反「特別犯罪加重處罰法」。

盧武鉉4月23日在他個人網站坦承,他「無法繼續成為各位(支援者)追求的價值象徵。我已經沒有資格再提論民主主義、進步、正義。」

盧武鉉接受偵訊前,曾對家人涉入收賄案表示歉意,「我覺得愧對國人,很抱歉讓你們失望了。」

檢方認為,2007年6月29日由前任青瓦台總務秘書鄭相文送至總統官邸的100萬美元,以及2008年2月匯給盧武鉉侄女婿延哲浩的500萬美元,都是盧武鉉開口索取的金錢。(譯者:郭無患)

South Korean Ex-President Kills Himself


Published: May 22, 2009

SEOUL, South Korea — Former President Roh Moo-hyun of South Korea, whose reputation as an upstanding political leader had been tarnished recently by a corruption scandal, committed suicide on Saturday by jumping off a cliff near his retirement home, according to his aides and the police.

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Pool photo by Ahn Young-joon

South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun and his wife Kwon Yang-sook voting at a polling station in Seoul in December 2007.

Related

Former S. Korean President Apologizes for Scandal (April 30, 2009)

Times Topics: Roh Moo-hyun

Ahn Young-joon/Associated Press

South Koreans watch a television screen for the news on the death of former President Roh Moo-hyun at the Seoul Railway Station in Seoul, South Korea, on Saturday.

Lee Jae-Won/Reuters

Roh Moo-hyun, pictured in 2008, served as South Korea's president from 2003 to 2008.

Mr. Roh, 62, died while he was hiking on a hill in Bongha, a village near the southeast corner of South Korea, Moon Jae-in, Mr. Roh’s former presidential chief of staff, said during a news conference. He left a brief will for his family, Mr. Moon said.

Mr. Roh suffered fatal head injuries and was declared dead in a hospital in Pusan, the largest regional city, said Park Chan-jo, a police officer. Mr. Roh was accompanied by a bodyguard during his morning hike.

President Lee Myung-bak, Mr. Roh’s successor, found the news “difficult to believe,” his office said.

Mr. Roh, who had prided himself on being a clean politician during his term from 2003 to 2008, was questioned for 10 hours on April 30 by state prosecutors over his alleged involvement in a corruption scandal that has already landed some of his relatives and aides in jail.

“I can’t look you in the face because of shame,” Mr. Roh told reporters before he presented himself for questioning by prosecutors in Seoul, who had accused him of taking $6 million in bribes from a businessman while in office. “I apologize for disappointing the people.”

In his last posting on his Web site, on April 22, he wrote, “You should now discard me.”

He added: “I no longer symbolize the values you pursue. I am no longer qualified to speak for such things as democracy, progressiveness and justice.”

His apology was typical for a South Korean politician, who is expected to take moral responsibility for a corruption scandal that implicated aides and relatives, even if Mr. Roh denied most of the bribery allegations against him. But prosecutors had been considering indicting him on bribery charges.

In recent weeks, several of his aides and relatives had been arrested or questioned on charges of taking bribes. His elder brother also was arrested in December on bribery charges.

Prosecutors suspected that Mr. Roh, while president, solicited a total of $6 million from a shoe manufacturer, payments that are alleged to have been made to his wife, his son and his brother’s son-in-law. Both his wife and son have been questioned by the prosecutors.

Mr. Roh’s case, which involves a relatively unknown businessman, appeared relatively minor in scandal-ridden South Korean politics. Former presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo were imprisoned in the 1990s for collecting hundreds of millions of dollars from the nation’s biggest conglomerate.

The scandal and the ensuing criticism from his political enemies dealt a devastating blow to Mr. Roh.

In his will, which was released to the news media on Saturday, Mr. Roh wrote, “I owe too much to many people. Many people suffered too much because of me.”

He added, “I have thought about this for a long time.”

A former human rights and labor lawyer considered a political maverick, Mr. Roh swept into power in the December 2002 election on the crest of nationalistic — and sometimes anti-American — sentiments among young voters. During his campaign he famously declared that he would be the first South Korean leader “not to kowtow to the Americans.”

But his efforts to free South Korea from its traditional dependence on Washington in its diplomacy alienated many South Koreans.


盧武鉉在卸任前就表示,他的願望是退出政壇,返回故里,到老家農村當農民。韓國媒體評論說,如果盧武鉉的願望得以實現,他將成為韓國歷史上第一個「歸鄉的總統」。

從盧武鉉去年2月卸任以後,大量的小汽車和巴士每天都會開進韓國慶尚南道峰下村,這個只有121人的小村落,平時每天前來遊玩的有數千人,周末甚至能達到上萬人。這些遊客來到當地有一個共同的目的,一睹新任村長盧武鉉的丰采。

每當盧武鉉和民眾見面時,他總是走上他屋後的小山丘或者附近的濕地,遊客們則緊隨其後。盧武鉉總是客氣地對著民眾說,「你們大家來看我,我很感激。非常抱 歉,我無法同你們每個人握手,也沒法邀請你們進屋用茶。」這樣的情形一天會出現七八次,最後盧實在受不了民眾的熱情,有時乾脆離開村落,自己放幾天假。

盧武鉉在峰下村時,每天騎著自行車逛來逛去,有時滑草,有時與村民一道種樹、清理溝渠,或蹲在路邊吃著紫菜包飯。他在網上開了部落格,記述鄉村生活,部落格每天都有上千訪問者。這個部落格在弊案爆發後,盧主動關閉了。


南韓前總統盧武鉉二○○七年曾前往平壤會晤北韓領導人金正日,圖為他和妻子權良淑象徵性跨過南北韓分界線。
路透
南韓前總統盧武鉉收賄疑案爆發後,太太權良淑的角色最受人注目。盧武鉉曾在競選時表現保護太太的強烈態度,如今事發後卻說全不知情,把責任都推給太太。

朝鮮日報今年四月報導,盧武鉉的自傳「妻子,請幫我一把」中寫道「我曾以為妻子是熱愛文學且品德高尚的女人,但沒過多久我就發現事實並非如此。婚後不久, 妻子就成了我的主人,而變成主人後的她不再是追求夢想的少女時代的權良淑。她就像高中時我最害怕的班主任」。該書於一九九四年出版,據書中介紹,盧武鉉先 追求權良淑,不斷求婚後最終步入了婚姻殿堂,之後,盧武鉉便和普通男人一樣成為「妻管嚴」。

盧武鉉非常愛權良淑,二○○二年總統大選時,對手陣營以盧武鉉的岳父是左派人士為由攻擊,盧武鉉當時說「難道讓我拋棄妻子嗎?拋棄妻子才有資格當總統,愛妻子就不能當總統?」正面突破危機。

權良淑也感激地說:「這一句讓我忘記了作為政治人的妻子所遭受的所有痛苦。」據了解,權良淑一開始並不贊成丈夫踏入政壇,丈夫踏入政壇後,她也很少過問政事。盧武鉉將自傳的書名定為「妻子,請幫我一把」,也是因為權良淑並不關心政治。

四月初權良淑卻被丈夫指為向企業家要錢並使用的當事人,輿論愕然。七年前高呼「如果讓我(因為妻子而)退出,我一定會放棄」的盧武鉉,把收賄責任全推給妻子。

南韓媒體對於港、台媒體將權良淑與台灣前總統陳水扁夫人吳淑珍類比,因為盧、陳共同點很多。兩人的經歷非常相似,卸任之後的情況也極其相似。盧、陳都憑清廉形象掌權,但執政期間並不清廉的事實卻在卸任後曝光。


****

本周日,数千名吊唁者在卢武铉的家乡金海市峰下村所设置的灵堂敬献鲜花、焚香祈福,数百名佛教僧侣诵读经文。一些吊唁者在灵柩前痛哭不已。在首都首尔,吊唁者挤满了设于一座宫殿门外的祭奠所附近的街道。

世界各国领导人包括美国总统奥巴马、日本首相麻生太郎和联合国秘书长潘基文纷纷向卢武铉的家人、以及韩国民众表示哀悼。

潘基文曾担任卢武铉政府下的外交部长。在周日发表在联合国网站上一份声明中,潘基文表示,卢武铉去世的消息令他感到震惊和深切的悲痛。声明中说,前总统卢武铉为推进民主付出了不懈的努力,采取了各项改革举措,并为将韩国建设成为一个进步的社会铺平了道路,他为此表示敬意。

但在韩国国内也有批评的声音,认为卢武铉应当直面司法裁决。一家韩国报纸评论认说,一位律师出身的总统选择了这样一种极端的方式面对司法质询,令人失望。卢武铉是韩国第三位受到贪污指控的卸任总统。前总统卢武铉之死震惊韩国Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 前总统卢武铉之死震惊韩国

62岁的卢武铉于2003年至2008年担任韩国总统。各种迹象显示,他在总统任期结束后15个月的本周六早晨从其乡下住宅后的悬崖上跳崖自杀。

卢武铉遗留下一张字条,其中写道:不要责怪任何人,请火化我的遗体,并在我家附近树立一个小的墓碑。当地警方称,临时调查也显示死因很可能是自杀。

卢武铉生前的一位新闻发言人发表声明中表示:希望能以一种荣誉的、合乎礼仪的方式为前总统送行,并允许尽可能多的人们表达敬意和赞颂。

当地媒体报道,韩国政府和卢武铉家人计划在即将到来的周五为其举行葬礼。卢武铉出身贫寒,自学成才成为一名律师。在曾于上世纪80年代走上街头为民主抗争的那一代学生的支持下,卢武铉赢得了后来的总统选举。

2007年,卢武铉曾前往平壤与朝鲜领导人金正日举行会晤,这是朝韩最高领导人的第二次会晤。同时,这次会晤可能也是卢武铉政治生涯中最值得纪念的时刻。

本周日,朝鲜报道了卢武铉的死亡,其中写道:韩国国内外的媒体将他的死因与紧锣密鼓的司法追究所造成的精神压力联系在一起。

上个月,由于卢武铉的家人涉嫌从一位鞋业公司总裁手中收取约600万美元的贿金,这位前总统受到质询。此事件使卢武铉希望塑造的创建廉洁政府的改革者形象受到玷污。

卢武铉在任期间,韩国公众将其视为一位低效率的领导人,认为其领导下的政府做出了许多错误的决定,因此在其五年任期结束后选举了一位保守派的经济界人士--李明博出任总统,李明博誓言将彻底改革卢武铉的经济政策。

卢武铉初步认定是自杀的事件可能会引发民众对现任总统李明博的反对者的同情。上任以来,李明博采取强硬政策,在与朝鲜以及韩国国内工会罢工打交道时,不像卢武铉那样做出妥协。

作者:AP, AFP/苗子

责编:乐然



2009年5月28日 星期四

中共对"六·四"的封锁是徒劳的

中国 | 2009.05.28

江棋生谈《1989年六四镇压受害者状况民间报告》

在六四事件20周年之际,当年学生运动的参与者之一江棋生发表了一份内容详尽的《1989年六四镇压受害者状况民间报告》,并因此遭到当局多次搜查和传讯。德国之声记者通过电话对江棋生进行了采访。

德国之声:江棋生先生您好,我们这次采访主要话题是您最近公布的一份关于1989年"六·四"镇压受害者状况的民间报告。我们感兴趣的第一个问题是,这份报告内容非常翔实,它的撰写时间大概有多久?

江棋生:准备工作从今年年初就开始了,一开始是搜集资料。

德国之声:搜集资料过程中遇到了什么困难呢?

江棋生:一个是工作量的问题。你要在各种网上搜集资料,同时自己还要分析鉴别筛选。第二个是要跟一些当事人面对面的接触,这也需要花一定的时间。

德国之声:您刚才提到了,在和一些当事人面对面接触。在里边也有很多章节是关于当事人的表述,包括"天安门母亲的群体现状"、"'六·四'受害者生存状况的改变"。和这些受难群体进行接触以后,您最大的感触是什么?在二十年之后,他们的状况究竟有怎样的改变?

江棋生:我列出了五类受害者。在"六·四"中最大的受害者应该是死难者,其次是受难者家属,二十年来一直处于痛 苦和煎熬中。当然,他们中间的一部分人逐步地站立起来进行抗争,精神面貌有了很大的改变。但我的文章中也很认真地提出,那些死难者远远不止190个左右。 而现在真正站出来大声说出自己心里话的,也不过就是一百多位死难者家属。那些还不敢说出来,或处于默默的惨痛当中的那些人,你可以想象二十年来他们的日子 是怎么过的。另外还有一部分当时被判了死刑缓期两年执行、判了无期徒刑的那些人、因为对"六·四"屠杀进行反抗的人,他们在监狱里关了十七、十八、十九年 多,目前还有几个人被关了二十年了还没有放出来。他们也受害得很深重。当然我本人也是受害者。但是跟他们相比,我的受害程度是比较轻的。由于"六·四"这 个案件二十年来并没有被翻过来,官方还是坚持原来的错误定性,那么这些受害者到今天为止还在继续受害着。

德国之声:您刚才提到由于官方坚持对"六·四"事件的定性,所以造成受害者继续处于这种受折磨或受迫害的状况中。就您的观察来说,他们是受哪方面的迫害呢?精神方面的,工作方面的,经济方面的,或者还是一种多重的困境呢?

江棋生:那当然了。比如死难者家属丁子霖和蒋培坤,他们就被迫提前退休四年,被取消带研究生的资格,那都是因为 出来说了真话。其他的比如我,二十年来没有基本医疗保险,现在不能合法享受我应该有的退休金。这些情况可以说是太多太多了。从监狱里放出来的人找不到工 作,凭着每个月400块钱的低保过日子,成不了家,还包括其它工作上的歧视,不仅仅不能去所谓的公务员队伍,大学的讲台上不了,垄断行业如石油、石化、金 融、保险、电力都不能让这些人沾光。经济、政治、精神上是多重的,政治迫害还在继续着。

德国之声:您刚才提到的丁子霖女士,包括您自己都在"六·四"这个问题上坚持为正义呼吁。你们也受到了官方的打压。从您的这个民间报告调查看来,是不是对"六·四"默不作声不做抗争,当局就会放松这种压制呢?

江棋生:正如我所说的,有很多人不去做抗争,但是当局也不会善待他们。他不做抗争只是不会受到额外的打压而已。 很多在"六·四"中被打死的无辜民众,几乎都得不到应有的抚恤和补偿,也没有名分。家里人都害怕说出这个事情来,也不敢公开祭奠。像这样的生活,因为没有 抗争而没有受到额外的打压。有些"六·四"后从监狱里出来的人现在也不吭声了,而是做生意。这种人也不少。但我想他们还是上了另册的,方方面面也会多少受 到相应的限制和控制。

德国之声:在您文章发表前后,您也受到了当局严密的监控,甚至被抄家传唤。当局对您进行这些措施时有什么表示呢?

江棋生:他们的意思是说,"六·四"已经定性了,现在也不准备改变。我说那是你们的官方定性,我们对"六·四" 也有我们的定性,那就是一场大屠杀,并不是平息所谓的反革命暴乱。所以官方的定性必须被推倒。在"六·四"二十周年之际,我受良心驱使,理所应当地必须发 出自己的声音。他们说你发出声音可以,但这片文章写得太大了。我说你"六·四"这个案子还大得多呢。"六·四"事件的罪孽太深重了,我写一篇文章又能到哪 儿去?而且我明确地告诉他们,这是我纪念"六·四"二十周年的底线行为,必须发出我的声音。他们就两次抄家,抄走了电脑、手稿、打印稿,还包括很多书、很 多杂志,还有银行卡等等,到现在什么都没还。第二次抄家还很不客气地把第一抄家中给我留下的抄家清单给抄走了。

德国之声:也就是说您没有证据来证明他们拿走哪些东西了。

江棋生:他们如果故意这样做,我就更有理由怀疑他们了。

德国之声:今年是"六·四"事件二十周年,您的调查报告也是为了纪念这个日子。我们知道二十年来,"六·四"在中国的官方舆论中、在公众舆论中就是 一个空白、一个禁区。您有没有这样的担心:因为是二十周年,所以大家的纪念活动和关注会比较多,但一旦像官方认为那样,挺过这一关键的年份,这个事件又会 慢慢淡下去?

江棋生:相对于整数年来说,公众的关注度是会淡一点。但随着互联网网民的增多,随着破网软件的逐渐推广,我想官 方对"六·四"的封锁是徒劳的。越来越多的人会通过翻越"电子柏林墙",了解到1989年的四月、五月到六月四号,中国的大地上究竟发生了什么。那根本就 不是空白,发生了两件事:一件是波澜壮阔的89民主运动,一件是惨绝人寰的"六·四"大屠杀。这是中国的老百姓早晚会了解到的事情,瞒是瞒不住的。

江棋生,现任独立中文笔会副会长的江棋生是20年前六四学生民主运动的参与者之一,当时他担任北京市高校学生对话代表团常委、中国人民大学学生自治 会常委。六四学运遭到当局镇压之后,江棋生遭逮捕,此后被免于起诉并获释。2000年,江棋生再遭逮捕,并被以煽动颠覆国家政权罪被判处四年监禁。出狱 后,江棋生继续致力于推动中国民主宪政的工作,并且成为宪政文件《零八宪章》的发起人之一。

采访记者:石涛

责编:叶宣

"打倒腐败"、"还我人权"、"民主万岁"

中国 | 2009.05.28

佩洛西访华 北京发生大规模抗议

5月27日下午,中国国家主席胡锦涛与中国国务院总理温家宝,分别会见了来华访问的美国国会众议院议长南希·佩洛西。在佩洛西访问北京的当天,来自全国各 地约千名上访者更聚集在最高法院信访接待室外抗议示威,警方迅速封锁了现场,没收了传单,并有大约20人被警方带走。媒体称,这是"六四事件"以来,发生 在北京的最大规模的抗议活动。

佩洛西曾在诸多问题上直言不讳批评中国,她还多次谴责中国的人权状况,关心中国少数民族尤其是藏族的处境,并且在去年3月会见了西藏流亡精神领袖达赖喇嘛。去年10月,她称赞了欧洲议会将萨哈罗夫人权奖授予胡佳的决定。访民们自发性地组织了欢迎佩洛西访华仪式。

而据网络媒体报道:示威者高喊"打倒腐败"、"还我人权"、"民主万岁"等口号,有的穿着"卖肾,为儿伸冤"的状衣,有的撒传单,有的手持着状纸, 更有的喊"大家一条心","欢迎佩洛西访华,关注中国人权SOS",这醒目的横幅横在马路中间,持续二个小时。目击者称,最多时,示威者约有1000人, 多达20人被警方逮捕,约100名身穿制服的警察或便衣警察把守了该信访接待室,并收走了传单。

由于事发地点位于最高法院信访接待室附近,这里也是北京南站,南二环路旁的交通要道,因此造成严重交通阻塞。事发后公安赶到现场欲上前抢走标语,随 即遇到大批访民起哄。有互联网消息指,有1名外国记者被带走问话,但很快获释,前两天也有访民示威闹事,昨日的规模最大,最多时约有近千人,但并无爆发严 重冲突。

佩洛西是在四名民主党、一名共和党议员组成的代表团陪同下到达中国的,随行人员都是美国众议院能源独立和全球变暖特别委员会的成员。他们此次到访主 要就是促进双方在清洁能源和应对气候变化方面展开合作。佩洛西在访华前表示,此次访华旨在跟进美国与中国政府代表在气候改变和能源方面的议题,并就经济有 关的议题继续展开磋商。

下周四,是"六四事件"20周年纪念日,当年的血腥镇压曾经造成了上千人死亡。佩洛西曾在1991年访问北京,并在天安门广场上与随行美国官员打出抗议横幅:"献给为中国民主事业而牺牲的烈士"。

美国参议院外交关系委员会主席、民主党参议员约翰·克里目前也在中国进行访问,而美国财长蒂莫西·盖特纳也将于下周到达中国。盖特纳可能再次向中国保证,美元以及中国持有的巨额美国国债价值不会缩水。

作者:子江(综合报道)

2009年5月25日 星期一

North Korea Announces 2nd Test of Nuclear Device

核実験規模最大20キロ・トン、長崎型原爆に匹敵か

 北朝鮮は25日、朝鮮中央通信を通じて「地下核実験を成功裏に実施した」と発表した。


 北朝鮮の核実験は2006年10月に続き2回目。韓国青瓦台(大統領府)によると、午前9時54分、北朝鮮北東部の咸鏡北道豊渓里(プンゲリ)を 震源とするマグニチュード(M)4・4の人工的な揺れが確認された。日本政府は「厳重に抗議し、断固として非難する」との麻生首相の声明を発表。国連安全 保障理事会は25日午後(日本時間26日未明)に緊急会合を開く予定だ。北朝鮮は25日、日本海に向け短距離地対空ミサイル3発も発射した。

 ◆06年の核実験を上回る規模示唆◆

 【ソウル=前田泰広、モスクワ=浜砂雅一】朝鮮中央通信は「爆発力と操作技術において、新たな高い段階で行われた。実験結果で核兵器の威力をより高め、核技術を発展させる」としており、06年の核実験を上回る規模であると示唆した。

 北朝鮮は、4月の長距離弾道ミサイル発射を非難する国連安保理の議長声明などに反発し、同月29日、外務省報道官声明で核実験の実施を予告。核問題を巡る6か国協議のボイコットも宣言しており、強硬姿勢を貫くことで米国を交渉に引きずり出す狙いがある。

 爆発の規模について韓国の李相喜(イサンヒ)国防相は25日、国会国防委員会で「(TNT火薬換算で)最大20キロ・トンだった可能性がある」との見方を示した。タス通信によると、ロシア国防省当局者も同日、「10~20キロ・トン」と指摘。事実なら、最大で長崎型の原爆に匹敵する。

 韓国政府高官によると、北朝鮮は前回同様、核実験実施を米国に事前通報。聯合ニュースは、中国にも事前通報していたと報じた。特に中国へ通報することで、国連安保理での制裁などの動きに加わらないよう誘導する狙いとみられる。

 一方、韓国政府関係者によると、北朝鮮は25日午後、北東部の咸鏡北道舞水端里(ムスダンリ)と南東部の江原道元山(ウォンサン)付近から日本海に向け、短距離ミサイル計3発を発射した。核実験にあわせた発射で、米韓を恫喝(どうかつ)する狙いとみられる。聯合ニュースは消息筋の話として、3発はいずれも地対空ミサイルで、射程は130キロと伝えた。ミサイルの名称などは不明。

(2009年5月25日22時24分 読売新聞)

North Korea Announces 2nd Test of Nuclear Device


Published: May 25, 2009

SEOUL, South Korea — North Korea announced on Monday that it had successfully conducted its second nuclear test, defying international warnings and dramatically raising the stakes in a global effort to persuade the recalcitrant Communist state to give up its weapons program.

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Protesters in Seoul, South Korea on Monday.

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The headlines on Monday in Seoul focused on the launch.

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The North’s official news agency, KCNA, said, “The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea successfully conducted one more underground nuclear test on May 25 as part of the measures to bolster up its nuclear deterrent for self-defense in every way as requested by its scientists and technicians.”

The test was safely conducted “on a new higher level in terms of its explosive power and technology of its control,” the agency said. “The results of the test helped satisfactorily settle the scientific and technological problems arising in further increasing the power of nuclear weapons and steadily developing nuclear technology.”

The test appeared to have caught South Korea and the United States off guard, and the news hit just as South Korea’s government and people were mourning the suicide of former President Roh Moo-hyun.

Hours after the test was reported, South Korea’s Yonhap news agency, quoting an unidentified intelligence source in Seoul, said the North had test-fired three short-range, surface-to-air missiles. The three missiles were launched toward the sea between North Korea and Japan and had a range of 80 miles, according to the news agency. They were fired from a base not far from the nuclear test site in northeast North Korea, Yonhap said.

President Obama reacted swiftly to the nuclear test, warning the North to retreat from its defiance of the international community.

“Today, North Korea said that it has conducted a nuclear test in violation of international law,” Mr. Obama said in a statement early Monday. “It appears to also have attempted a short-range missile launch. These actions, while not a surprise given its statements and actions to date, are a matter of grave concern to all nations. North Korea’s attempts to develop nuclear weapons, as well as its ballistic missile program, constitute a threat to international peace and security.

“By acting in blatant defiance of the United Nations Security Council, North Korea is directly and recklessly challenging the international community. North Korea’s behavior increases tensions and undermines stability in Northeast Asia. Such provocations will only serve to deepen North Korea’s isolation. It will not find international acceptance unless it abandons its pursuit of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery,” the statement said.

China said it was “resolutely opposed” to the test, the official Xinhua news agency reported.

Russia and Japan said the U.N. Security Council would hold an emergency meeting Monday.

Geological authorities in the United States, Japan and South Korea reported that the test triggered an earth tremor with a magnitude of between 4.5 and 5.3. The tremor emanated from Kilju, the same area where the North Korea carried out a test in October 2006.

Kim Sung-han, a security expert at Korea University in Seoul, estimated the test had a power of one kiloton of explosives, slightly more than the 0.8 kiloton detonation reported in 2006. If correct, that would be a fraction of the size of the blasts from American bombs that destroyed the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August, 1945 — themselves considered small by current standards.

But Alexander Drobyshevsky, a Russian Defense Ministry spokesman, told RIA-Novosti news agency offered a different estimate, saying that the force of the blast was 10 to 20 kilotons.

The test comes amid uncertainty about North Korea’s reclusive leader, Kim Jong-il, and increased speculation about who might succeed him. Mr. Kim suffered a stroke last August, which prompted him to step up preparations to transfer power to one of his three known sons. Analysts believe the favorite son is his youngest, Kim Jong-un, who is in his mid-20s.

North Korea conducted its first nuclear test on Oct. 9, 2006, which was considered something of a failure by South Korean and American officials. North Korea had given some advance notice before that test, which, like Monday’s test, also was conducted in the country’s northeast.

Pyongyang had recently threatened to conduct a second nuclear test, citing what it called Washington’s “hostilities.”

If the North’s latest test was more successful, it could mean that North Korea has bolstered its atomic weapons capabilities — and its leverage over the United States, which has sought to denuclearize the North.


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Earlier Monday, North Korea announced that Kim Jong-il had sent a message expressing “profound condolences” to the widow of Mr. Roh, who had pursued a more conciliatory policy toward the North. It remained unclear whether Mr. Kim would send a delegation to Mr. Roh’s funeral on Friday.

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South Korea’s nuclear envoy, Wi Sung-lac, center, and other officers at an emergency meeting at the Foreign Ministry in Seoul, South Korea, on Monday.

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This undated picture, released by the North Korean official news agency on May 23, shows North Korea's leader, Kim Jong-il, inspecting an air force unit.

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Relations between the Koreas have deteriorated since Mr. Roh’s successor, Mr. Lee, took office in February 2008, promising to reverse the “sunshine policy” of promoting political reconciliation with Pyongyang with economic aid.

Agreements resulting from a 2007 summit meeting called for the South to spend billions of dollars to help rebuild the impoverished North’s dilapidated infrastructure. Mr. Lee believed that such aid must be linked to improvements in the North’s human rights record and the dismantling of its nuclear facilities.

North Korea has viciously attacked Mr. Lee, calling him a “national traitor,” cutting off official dialogue and reducing traffic across the countries’ heavily armed border.

The new test comes against a backdrop of heightened tensions between North Korea and the United States, which keeps a heavy military presence in South Korea.

Two American journalists are scheduled to be tried June 4 in North Korea, charged with illegal entry into the North and “hostile acts,” and that case in particular has aggravated tensions between Pyongyang and Washington. The relationship was already strained by the North’s test-firing of a long-range rocket on April 5.

After that launch, Washington pressed the United Nations Security Council to tighten sanctions on the North. In retaliation, Pyongyang expelled United Nations nuclear monitors, while threatening to restart a plant that makes weapons-grade plutonium and to conduct a nuclear test.

This month, one day after an American diplomat offered new talks on North Korea’s nuclear program, the North said it had become useless to talk further with the United States.

“The study of the policy pursued by the Obama administration for the past 100 days since its emergence made it clear that the U.S. hostile policy toward the D.P.R.K. remains unchanged,” the North Korean Foreign Ministry said, using the initials for the country’s official name, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

In comments carried by KCNA, the ministry said: “There is nothing to be gained by sitting down together with a party that continues to view us with hostility.”

The rebuff came as Stephen W. Bosworth, the American special envoy on North Korea, began a trip to Asia with a fresh offer of dialogue. The North’s vow to “bolster its nuclear deterrent” came just hours before Mr. Bosworth was due to arrive in Seoul.

The North’s first nuclear test in 2006 was widely condemned, but it created a new urgency in the six-party talks that had failed to prevent the blast. The parties to the talks are the two Koreas, the United States, China, Japan and Russia.

In February 2007, Washington agreed to ease sanctions against banks dealing with Pyongyang, and North Korea concurrently agreed to a process that would lead to the dismantling of its nuclear weapons program. North Korea would receive deliveries of fuel oil in exchange for certain verifications that it was ending its program.

But last December the process collapsed when North Korea rejected the verification measures being sought by the Bush administration.

馬不見王

不再申請會馬 王丹:老被拒絕也不會好意思

中時電子報 - ‎2小時之前‎
六四民運人士王丹今天下午前往民進黨中央拜會黨主席蔡英文,對於三度申請與馬總統會面不成,王丹表示遺憾,他認為,台灣關心大陸民主與人權,不會影響兩岸關係,他也沒打算繼續申請會面,因為「老是被人拒絕」,「也不會很好意思」。 王丹指出,此行抵台是為六四民運二十 ...

Recriminations and Regrets Follow Suicide of South Korean


盧武鉉自殺: 聲援翁山蘇姬


Recriminations and Regrets Follow Suicide of South Korean

Korea Pool/Reuters

People mourn for deceased former South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun at a memorial altar in Roh's hometown of Bonghwa village in Gimhae on Sunday.


Published: May 24, 2009

SEOUL, South Korea — As South Koreans laid white chrysanthemums at makeshift memorials for their former president, Roh Moo-hyun, many said Sunday that the once-popular champion of clean government had been driven to suicide by more than humiliating bribery allegations.

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Lee Jin-man/Associated Press

A South Korean woman touches a portrait of former President Roh Moo-hyun at Jogye temple in Seoul, South Korea, on Sunday.

They directed much of their ire at the prosecutors and conservative media who relentlessly pursued the accusations of corruption against Mr. Roh and his family. Many accused the current president, Lee Myung-bak, of orchestrating the investigation, a move that could become a political liability for him.

Others expressed deeper misgivings that Mr. Roh was a victim of the legacies of South Korea’s authoritarian past — most notably the near ritual of incumbent presidents presiding over investigations of their predecessors.

“It has become a bad political habit for presidents in South Korea to try to gain support by punishing the former president,” said Kang Won-taek, a politics professor at Seoul’s Soongsil University. “What happened to Roh Moo-hyun shows that it is time to break this habit.”

The tendency to define a presidency by the failings of the one that came before took root as the country struggled to redefine itself in the early 1990s as a young democracy after years of dictatorships. Many Koreans were exhilarated as the first democratically elected governments punished the men who had resisted democracy for so long.

The sight of former President Chun Doo-hwan — a military ruler blamed for a crackdown of pre-democracy protesters that ended in 200 deaths — being paraded in a prison jumpsuit proved cathartic for the nation.

But political experts, and even many average Koreans, say that their nation’s struggle to shed its authoritarian past was never finished, and that investigation of Mr. Roh highlighted at least two other legacies: a powerful presidency and a justice system with few checks and balances, especially on its prosecutors.

At least so far, the subject of Mr. Roh’s culpability has been put aside, overwhelmed by the shock and sadness over his dramatic death on Saturday, when he threw himself off a cliff. In the weeks before that, he acknowledged that a businessman who supported him had given more than $6 million to his wife and son and his brother’s son-in-law while he was in office, but he denied that they were bribes. He said he did not know about the transactions until he left office.

The money for his wife had been used to pay for his son’s tuition at Stanford University, among other things, according to a top aide. In a country where education is key to social status, Mr. Roh, a self-educated lawyer, never won full respect from many people, despite having become a lawyer and the leader of a powerful economy.

Much of the outpouring of public anger since Mr. Roh’s death has focused on the murky ties between the Blue House, as the president’s office is called, and the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office, which led the investigation into Mr. Roh and other former presidents. These suspicions are also a hangover from the pre-democracy days, when prosecutors were seen as military henchmen, using the legal system to attack their political opponents.

“The prosecutors have become the most omnipotent force in Korean society today,” said Moon Chung-in, a political scientist at Yonsei University in Seoul and former adviser to Mr. Roh. “Their strength is a legacy of dictatorship that still affects us.”

Mr. Moon said that Mr. Roh actually ended up strengthening the power of prosecutors by weakening one check on their power: the National Intelligence Service, the South Korean spy service used by military rulers against South Korea’s citizens. Mr. Roh appointed a former human rights lawyer as its director and curtailed many of its internal surveillance activities.

Mr. Roh also tried to rein in the prosecutors, but with less success. Though he weakened links between prosecutors and the Blue House, he failed to pass some of their powers to the police or create grand juries to oversee investigations.

In 2003, his first year in office, Mr. Roh also held a widely watched public debate with 10 prosecutors in which he called the prosecutors office a “powerful organization” that the Justice Ministry had “failed to rein in.”

Mr. Roh also came to office with promises to break the cycle of corruption that has plagued South Korean presidents, and made them vulnerable to investigation. He also vowed to curtail the powers of South Korea’s presidency and sever its links with the country’s “chaebol,” or big-business conglomerates.

Mr. Roh’s death unleashed a renewed wave of sympathy for a former president who had alienated many supporters by signing a free-trade agreement with the United States and seeming to bungle economic policy.

Many of the thousands who turned out at makeshift altars in front of an ancient palace in central Seoul seemed to feel that Mr. Roh had paid too high a price for a relatively petty infraction.

Many noted that Mr. Chun and his successor as president, Roh Tae-woo, were found guilty of accepting hundreds of millions of dollars of bribes while in office. Sons of the first two civilian presidents of the era, Kim Young-san and Kim Dae-jung, were also imprisoned for pocketing millions of dollars from large companies.

The mourners lashed out at the prosecutors and the conservative media who had relentlessly pursued accusations of corruption for the past year, after Mr. Roh had left office. Most also accused the sitting president, Mr. Lee, of guiding or at least encouraging the investigations. In Mr. Roh’s native village, Bongha, his supporters trampled a funeral wreath sent by the president.

“President Roh was not just another corrupt president. He was different,” said Lee Dong-joon, 31, an insurance planner. “But Lee Myung-bak is acting the same as the dictators. Our democracy has been set back 30 years.”

The former president, who had prided himself on being above South Korea’s corruption, could no longer eat or focus on his favorite pastime of late-night reading, said aides. In his suicide note, Mr. Roh apologized for disappointing supporters.

Political scientists said the suicide could cause a backlash against President Lee or even the prosecutors. Mr. Moon, the former Roh adviser, said the National Assembly might formally investigate the prosecutors, and the apparent press leaks of questionable allegations, which increased the pressure on Mr. Roh.

“Let’s see if this breaks the cycle of political vendettas” against former presidents, Mr. Moon said. “But we won’t know for sure if the vendettas are over until 2012, when Lee Myung-bak steps down.” Some supporters who gathered in Seoul said they thought the opposite would happen: that Mr. Roh’s suicide almost guaranteed that the current president would also face similar attacks once he leaves office.

2009年5月23日 星期六

Good news from Idia, 蒙古大选形势微妙, North Korea to begin transitioning power


The Wall Street Journal tops its world-wide news box with a scoop on ailing North Korean leader Kim Jong-il's apparent plan to begin transitioning power, according to anonymous U.S. officials. Unlike the last power change in North Korea 15 years ago, there is no clear successor to Kim, though his brother-in-law and third son are considered top candidates.


After India's election

Good news: don't waste it

May 21st 2009
From The Economist print edition

The voters of the world’s biggest democracy have given their government a precious second chance


AFP

INDIA is a land of bright promise. It is also extremely poor. About 27m Indians will be born this year. Unless things improve, almost 2m of them will die before the next general election. Of the children who survive, more than 40% will be physically stunted by malnutrition. Most will enroll in a school, but they cannot count on their teachers showing up. After five years of classes, less than 60% will be able to read a short story and more than 60% will still be stumped by simple arithmetic.

Some 300 parties and numerous independent candidates contested the election that has just ended (see article). They chose a bewildering variety of symbols: a lotus flower, a bow-and-arrow, a ceiling fan, a cricketer pulling the ball to the boundary. Of the 417m people who voted (a turnout of 58%), about 119m pushed the button next to an open hand, the symbol of the Congress party. That was enough to give it 206 of the 545 parliamentary seats. In a country more than twice the size of the European Union, speaking more languages, that is about as clear a mandate as any party can hope to win and—if Congress uses that mandate wisely—a wonderful chance to boost the welfare of the next generation of Indians.

Free at last…

The good news is that Congress has found it easy to form a coalition with what looks like a stable parliamentary majority. It will thus spare the country a repeat of the past five years, in which the party squandered its energies appeasing its allies in an unwieldy coalition. The election was also heartening because it revealed the limits of divisive politics. India’s second party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), remains rooted in the Hindutva (Hindu-ness) movement, which seems to believe that India’s 160m Muslims live there on sufferance. The BJP lost ground this time, showing yet again that Hindu nationalism is enough to underpin a party, but not a government.

Still, Congress must not now fall prey to complacency. The party is a big, shapeless tent, tethered to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, which has provided three of the country’s prime ministers. The courtiers have now turned their attention to the next in line, Rahul Gandhi, the son of Sonia Gandhi, the party’s leader. But, following the example of his mother, he is in no hurry to become prime minister. That is commendable. Manmohan Singh, the Oxford-educated economist who has been prime minister since 2004, has business to finish.

Liberals hope that Mr Singh’s reformist instincts will enjoy freer rein now that Congress is no longer beholden to the communist parties which abandoned the government last summer and suffered horribly at the polls this spring. But liberalising measures, such as lifting the cap on foreign direct investment in insurance, win few votes in India. Only 0.7% of households own any of the shares that jumped by 17% on the first day of trading after Mr Singh’s victory was declared.

Mr Singh says his aim is “inclusive” growth. He and Mrs Gandhi have shown a taste for redistributing the proceeds of growth to favoured constituencies, some of whom happen to be desperately needy. The government raised the pay of public employees, forgave the loans of small farmers and expanded its public-works scheme for the rural poor.

Congress will find it harder to repeat this trick in its second term. Although the electoral maths is now in its favour, the fiscal arithmetic is less forgiving. The government’s budget deficit (including the states’) could exceed 11% of GDP this year. If the economy recovers—India, alongside China, seems to be decoupled from the sluggish West (see article)—the government’s borrowing will put pressure on interest rates.

To narrow the deficit, it will be tempted to short-change infrastructure spending, an investment that pays off slowly. But this would be a false economy. If India is to grow at 9% a year, it needs to add at least 25,000MW of power a year. It is also bad politics: in the states of Bihar and Orissa, voters in this election proved they will reward state administrations that show an interest in improving their lot. A government with a secure five-year term has a chance to earn votes, not just buy them.

A better way to save money would be to curb government subsidies on fuel and fertiliser. These outlays are wasteful and mostly benefit better-off people who own vehicles, or farm large plots of land. Fuel subsidies, in particular, hold the public finances hostage to the world oil price, which threatened fiscal mayhem when it passed $140 a barrel last summer. Another crisis beckons if the world economy recovers.

Reforming subsidies would be administratively easy, but politically tricky. The same, alas, applies to India’s onerous labour laws. It would take only a penstroke to repeal these rules, which make a tiny fraction of the workforce practically unsackable, at the expense of everybody else. But with exports plummeting and industry shrinking, it would be a brave new government that made Indians easier to fire.

Sadly, Congress has neither the courage nor the mandate to grasp this nettle. Yet some urgent reforms would be politically popular. To reform education or combat malnutrition, for example, the government needs to recruit, motivate and monitor millions of teachers and crèche-workers. Unfortunately, that asks a lot of India’s creaking bureaucratic machinery, which is notoriously prone to “leakage”, a euphemism for corruption. Mr Singh’s failure to repair that machinery explains a lot of his government’s failure to achieve much else. It has, for example, dawdled over a bill that would supposedly enforce the right to education, because it fears the practicalities. In India, it can take up to four years to fill a teacher vacancy.

…but no more excuses

In the past five years Congress could blame such shortcomings on the vagaries of coalition politics. But it lost that alibi this week. Unencumbered by its useless former allies, it now has a clear mandate to provide the country with educated minds, well-fed bellies, irrigated fields and uninterrupted electricity, without busting the budget. Promises to do just that featured prominently in Congress’s manifesto, just as they did in the election of 2004. If the hand comes up empty again, India’s voters will push someone else’s button next time.



時事风云 | 2009.05.23

蒙古大选形势微妙

在经济危机笼罩全球的背景下,蒙古将于周日举行总统大选。目前的总统恩赫巴亚尔•那木巴尔和竞选对手额勒贝格道尔吉•查希亚在民意测试中支持率几乎旗鼓相当。

4月底的一份民意调查显示,额勒贝格道尔吉将获得37%的选票,而另外36%的选民支持恩赫巴亚尔。目前尽管经济状况不好,但两人都向选民许诺让广大人民从矿产资源贸易中得到更多的实惠。

由于去年议会选举时引发混乱并造成5死300多伤的惨剧,因此此次选举将在严密的警戒措施下进行。周日首都将严禁出售酒精类饮品并取消一切公开活动。蒙古近一半的选民生活在乌兰巴托。

前总理额勒贝格道尔吉呼吁变革和反腐败,因此他 在城市居民中有着较高的支持率。来自蒙古人民革命党的现任总统恩赫巴亚尔则受农牧民欢迎。他许诺国家将给人民更多财政支持,同时在选战中强调了国家团结和 建设一个强大的法治国家的重要性。如果周日时广大农牧民都去参加选举,那么恩赫巴亚尔将以微弱优势胜出。

恩赫巴亚尔向260万左右的蒙古人民许诺,将给 大家献上"祖国母亲给所有公民的礼物"。他将仿效美国阿拉斯加设立一个基金,让所有人都参与到矿产财富的分配中来。而城市市民们也希望能分享矿产收入,他 们更信任来自民主党的竞选挑战者额勒贝格道尔吉。乌兰巴托的丝绸进口商沙·盖巴特蒙克哈说:"额勒贝格道尔吉主张变革。他代表新的、进步的理念,这是我们 蒙古人最迫切需要的。"

2004到2008年,蒙古经济年平均增长9% 左右。这主要因为其出口的铜、钼和金的价格上升。矿产资源在该国国民经济中占据了非常重要的地位。正是依靠出口铜、金、铀、铅、锌和煤,该国已经有近 300万人摆脱了贫困。由于当前国际上原材料价格下跌,使得其经济增幅也大大下降,今年经济甚至会出现2%的倒退。税收收入目前已经锐减,而政府不得不出 台了削减社会支出的措施。近几年旅游业已经发展成为一个重要的经济部门。按照官方统计数据,辽阔的草原、放牧的牧民以及南方的戈壁沙漠每年都吸引了近40 万游客到来。

但蒙古仍是一个贫穷的国家,目前的人均收入为 1200美元,农民的生活水平极低。在联合国发展指数所统计的179个国家中,蒙古排在第112位。至少1/3的蒙古人生活在贫困中。同它的两个专制邻国 --俄罗斯与中国相比,该国在1990年和平革命以后便实行着民主体制。周日所举行的总统大选,将是该国进行的第五次民主选举。

(美联社法新社综合报道)

编译:赵翀

责编:石涛

潘基文籲捐款協助巴基斯坦170萬難民

潘基文籲捐款協助巴基斯坦170萬難民 【14:54】

〔本報訊〕巴基斯坦軍隊4月下旬開始對塔利班武裝份子發起清剿行動,導致當地超過170萬名平民流離失所。聯合國秘書長潘基文今天發出聲明,呼籲國際社會聯合捐款,以協助安置這些難民。

潘基文在聲明中指出,這批難民潮恐怕會導致當地局勢陷入更大的動蕩,國際社會應注意到此事的急迫性,並聯合募款協助安置這些難民。

根據聯合國的統計,目前已知有超過170萬個難民,且不斷增加中,目前他們急缺食物、飲用水及醫療衛生用品還有棲息之地;另外,難民中有約7萬名孕婦,未來一個月內將有6000人面臨生產問題,急需外界協助。

2009年5月22日 星期五

专访:六四亲历者万润南见证历史

中国 | 2009.05.22

专访:六四亲历者万润南见证历史

20年前,中国成功的民营企业家还屈指可数,而专营高科技业务的四通公司总裁万润南就是其中知名度最高的一位。八九年五月20日北京实施戒严状态后,政府 同大学生形成严重对立,军队在近郊待命,大学生则誓言保卫天安门广场。万润南曾试图缓解局势,他一方面发动倡议,呼吁人大召开紧急会议以宪政手段解决危 机,另一方面,他极力规劝学生,撤离天安门广场,以避免流血事件的发生。那么,20年后,万润南又是怎样看待当年那段历史的呢?

德国之声:万润南先生,八九年的民主运动现在已经过去二十周年了,您作为当时的亲历者,也是一个积极的参与者,您现在心情怎么样呢?


万润南:我觉得还是一种平常心态,所谓平常心就是说二十年我们所坚持的当时的那些诉求依然没有变。当时希望推进 政治改革,希望反对腐败,希望政治更加清明,社会更加公平,这些基本问题在今天的中国依然存在,而且有些问题甚至更严重了。这个贪污腐败,今天中国的腐败 跟89年的时候比,那又是上了好几个数量级。当时的社会的不公平,现在更加厉害了。经济是发展了,但是政治改革严重地迟后了。所以我想我们当时坚持的那些 理想,要求都没有变。


德国之声:您刚才已经讲到了,一个是理想和诉求没有变,一个是中国的腐败问题,社会公正上存在的这个差异要比二十年前更严重了,那么您觉得为什么二十年前会发生这样的学生运动呢?


万润南:我想这个是在改革,在一个转型的关头,就是说经济改革了,引起社会上出现了许多新的问题。包括腐败问 题,包括分配不公正的问题。而这些问题呢,不是经济改革本身能解决的。它必须要有政治改革来解决,其中包括当时像《阳光法案》:颁布的财产应该公布,许多 所谓的经济案件要追究。在这些方面当时引起社会的不满意,而且当时有很好的应对办法,其实是一个很好的转型机会。可惜最后是用一场暴力,把这样的要求镇压 下去了。而这些正当的要求,社会公正的要求并没有得到解决,所以才形成了今天中国这样畸形的局面。一方面经济畸形的繁荣,另一方面政治改革严重的迟后。社 会问题,社会矛盾一直压制着。我想这样的话对今天的领导人来讲,对中国的大多数老百姓来讲,这个都不是个办法。 政治的问题还必须要通过政治改革来解决。


德国之声:您刚才谈到了二十年前的那场暴力镇压,您在89年的学生民主运动中主要做了两件工作,一个是您希望能召开全国人大的紧急 会议讨论时局,另一个就是您在二十年前的今天召集学生代表,劝他们尽快撤离广场,以避免政府采取暴力手段。历史当然是不能假设的,但是如果当时您这两件事 做成的话,结局会很不一样吗?


万润南:我当然会认为很不一样。因为解决问题必须是在法制的宪政规范的范围里头解决,这才是改革,而不是革命。 因为人大是国家体制当中的宪法规定的最高权力机构,国家有问题,当然应该人大来讨论解决,而且当时具备了这样一种环境和气氛,同时当时人大委员长万里而且 也是给予了积极呼应,最后甚至不允许他到北京,在上海就被软禁了。所以完全是用一种暴力终止了宪政程序的实行。如果那个时候能够做到学生理性地,及时地退 出广场,人大按照议程来开会,那么中国的政治民主化会产生非常不同的一种局面。我们当时提出这些想法也不是说偶然的,当时我在四通不光是从事经济方面的努 力,我们办的企业应该说在经济上非常成功,因为我们用五年的时间就成为中国最大的电子企业,在私营企业里是最大的,而且在电子行业里是最大的。当年我们这 方面的成就今天就不说了。而且我们还关心社会问题,专门成立了四通社会研究所来讨论政治改革的相关问题。当时我们就提出了中国的政治改革的安全通道,就是 最有序的,有效的渐进的一个办法。因为你知道在中国今天有宪法规定的人大,但是它只是党的一个工具,只是一个橡皮图章,宪法上规定了人大的权力,所以当时 我们的一个想法就是要让人大这个橡皮图章逐渐得硬起来,真正成为一个宪法里头赋予它的这么多的责任和权力的机构,在这样的一种宪政体制里头,按照宪法规定 的权力来逐步的落实这些问题,这是政治改革的最好的办法。如果当时六四这件事情用这样的办法来解决了,实际上就使得人大在国家政治生活当中真正的起到了作 用。所以当时这件事情没有做成功,我认为是非常可惜的。而且当时是赵紫阳主持,我认为他的头脑是清醒的。

从他发表的许多谈话来讲,第一他反对镇压,第二他主张搞《阳光法案》,而且说公布财产从他开始,查经济案件从查他的儿子开始,这都是一个很好的开 端。而且万里先生当时在海外也接着要赶回去,发表了一些很开明的讲话,做一个很好地解释。但是这个解释也需要当时的学生运动来配合。你不能让镇压派找到理 由,你不能让改革派逼到墙角,没有办法。而当时应该说学生没有能够及时地配合党内的改革派,使得这场镇压发生了。所以一个反对运动不能够只有踩油门的,没 有踩刹车的。


德国之声:我对您的理解就是您觉得这场89年民主运动的失败,主要还是应该归咎于学生的激进,可以这样理解吗?


万润南:不是。我们这个主要是从检讨我们自己来讲。当然,从根本上讲失败,那是共产党内的保守派,镇压派,他的顽固,最后用了镇压的手段来对付和平的,理性的这场运动。这个是根本原因。


德国之声:89年6月您开始在国外流亡以后曾经说过,共产党气数已尽,已经维持不了很久了。但是两三年以前您又写过一篇文章叫做:《共产党"气数未尽"》,是您对共产党的态度发生变化了吗?


万润南:这方面我写过一系列的文章,我想在分析共产党为什么气数未尽这篇文章里,我详细讲了为什么是这种情况。 讲到共产党在89年以后的几种应对的办法,软得更软,硬得更硬,在软后面的硬。实际上共产党本身也在不断地变化。今天的共产党已经不是原来的共产党了,可 以说原来的那个共产党已经气数已尽,就是说那个共产党实际上已经寿终正寝了。今天的共产党已经成为精英的权贵阶级,社会精英的利益代表者。它对资本家的服 务,对有钱人的服务,权钱的结合已经到了一个完全不同的阶段。所以我讲所谓"三个代表"它的意义非常强大。共产党原来是讲代表劳苦大众,代表无产阶级。现 在这个共产党还是当时那个共产党吗?现在它代表的是有钱人,什么叫代表先进生产力,其实就是代表了有钱人。什么叫代表先进文化者,其实就是代表文化精英, 知识精英。实际上共产党从一个所谓无产阶级的革命党变成了一个权钱结合的以执政保证自己这份权力为目标的这么一个集团。


德国之声:您和中国共产党的总书记胡锦涛不仅是同学,而且当年还曾经有过很深厚的个人友谊,您个人是怎么看胡锦涛担任总书记以后中国的政治走向的呢?


万润南:按照共产党未来的人,就是每个共产党里头的成员都是这台党的机器的齿轮和螺丝钉。不是说某个人能够改变 什么,就是说胡锦涛改变不了共产党,而共产党可以改变胡锦涛。必须是成为党的机器的一个忠诚的,工作得非常好的齿轮和螺丝钉,他才能保持自己的地位。任何 想有自己想法的,最后都被这个机器所排斥在外。胡耀邦有自己的想法,最后被清除出去。赵紫阳也有自己的想法,最后被清除出去。所以今天的胡锦涛只好没有自 己的想法,他只有党的想法,所以他才能保住自己的地位。

采访记者:达扬

责编:叶宣

陳菊訪中提及中央政府Tiananmen Now Seems Distant to China’s Students

陳菊訪中提及馬總統 蔡英文肯定 【17:45】

〔中央社〕高雄市長陳菊昨天於中國大陸提及「中央政府我們的馬英九總統」。民進黨主席蔡英文今天表示,民進黨黨對陳菊在中國的談話抱持肯定態度,她講出總統馬英九與國民黨不敢講的話。

蔡英文下午出席台灣新社會智庫於台北市市長官邸藝文沙龍舉辦的「兩岸民主改革20年」座談會前,接受媒體訪問時表示,民進黨對中國的態度與關係沒有「故步自封」,一切依照黨的步驟發展對中國的做法。

她說,517集會遊行後,民進黨員與支持者信心恢復很多,相信會對思考中國政策有較多的貢獻。

至於部分獨派人士仍對陳菊出訪中國有不同意見,蔡英文表示,相信「菊姊」一定會找他們溝通,讓他們理解她這次到中國的意義。

前民進黨立法委員段宜康接受媒體訪問時表示,這對陳菊來說是自然的表現,可對照別人特意迴避的不自然,這次事件若被肯定,有些人的態度就會改變。

他表示,民進黨必須承認,台灣與中國的交往已是無可迴避,且陳菊這次訪中,是提出一個不同的可能。至於民進黨公職人員可否赴中國大陸、如何達成共識,段宜康說,還是要跟中央黨部商量,依時間點、環境因素考量。

陳菊昨天在北京與北京市長郭金龍見面時,提到金融風暴對台灣的影響,並說「中央政府我們的馬英九總統」對此也感受到非常大的壓力,務求改善這個情況。



Tiananmen Now Seems Distant to China’s Students


Published: May 21, 2009

BEIJING — On April 30, the cellphones of the 32,630 students at Peking University, a genteel institution widely regarded as one of China’s top universities, buzzed with a text message from the school administration. It warned students to “pay attention to your speech and behavior” on Youth Day(中國青年節五月四日 ) because of a “particularly complex” situation.

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Shiho Fukada for The New York Times

Campaign posters for student elections at Peking University in Beijing. The university was a hotbed of political activity in 1989.

Shiho Fukada for The New York Times

Today’s Chinese students seem uninterested in protest or ideology. “You know where the line is drawn,” one student said.

Few students had to puzzle over the meaning. Youth Day, on May 4, commemorates a 1919 student protest against foreign imperialism and China’s weakness in resisting it. Seventy years later, in 1989, students from Peking University were again massing in the center of Beijing, demanding democracy. The student movement shook the ruling Communist Party to its core and ended with a military crackdown and hundreds of deaths.

And if a student today proposed a pro-democracy protest?

“People would think he was insane,” said one Peking University history major in a recent interview. “You know where the line is drawn. You can think, maybe talk, think about the events of 1989. You just cannot do something that will have any public influence. Everybody knows that.”

Most students also appear to accept it. For 20 years, China’s government has made it abundantly clear that students and professors should stick to the books and stay out of the streets. Students today describe 1989 as almost a historical blip, a moment too extreme and traumatic ever to repeat.

But whether democracy still inspires them is a more complex question.

Interviews with students and teachers at Peking University, as with experts on China here and abroad, draw a layered portrait of today’s students: disinclined to protest, but also lacking the economic grievances that helped ignite protests in 1989; proud of China’s achievements and flocking to the Communist Party, but seldom driven by ideology.

They are disturbed by government corruption and censorship and are eager to study in the West, especially the United States. And despite the government’s attempts to wipe the 1989 protests from Chinese history, some have learned what happened. All but one of eight Peking University students interviewed for this article, for instance, said they had managed to download an acclaimed — and banned — documentary on the Tiananmen protests and view it in their dorm rooms.

“There is a stereotypical view that students are not interested in democracy. I don’t buy it,” Cheng Li, research director of the China Center at the Brookings Institution, said in an interview. “At the very least, they have a mixed opinion of the Communist Party.”

Xia Yeliang, a Peking University professor, said many students supported democracy in theory but did not want to risk their futures to fight for it. Students joke that they will get involved once pro-democracy forces gather steam, he said. “A rather high percentage of students are not interested in politics,” he said. “They say, ‘We know this is a good thing, but what relation does it have to us?’ They think about their personal affairs, how to get a job, how to go abroad.”

Even the mouthpiece of the Communist Party, People’s Daily, laments a general lack of idealism on campus. “Many university students are clearly very utilitarian in their thinking,” People’s Forum, a magazine published by People’s Daily, complained this month after a conducting a student survey. “Everything is based on ‘whether or not it is useful to me,’ ” the magazine said.

In fact, today’s students have more to lose than did protesters 20 years ago. Then, university students believed that their futures were endangered by a soaring inflation rate of 28 percent, rampant government corruption and shrinking job prospects, according to a 2001 book on the Tiananmen movement by Dingxin Zhao, a University of Chicago sociology professor. Many had lost hope in the government’s economic reforms.

Today, even students who criticize Communist rule are gratified by China’s great strides. “Sometimes we don’t like the policies of our government,” said Wang Yongli, a fourth-year physics major. “But on the other hand, nowadays we are proud of the country and the government because they have moved so many people to a better life.”

The Communist Party is careful to cultivate this image, while seeking to defuse longings for democracy by vowing to govern “democratically.”

Officials say they oppose Western-style multiparty democracy as wrong for China, but embrace the idea of consultation, public review and balloting under party rule. China will open up the political system, step by step, as the country becomes wealthier and more stable, officials promise.

Some China analysts suggest that student discontent could rise if the current economic crisis clouds their futures. China sends nine times as many students to institutions of higher education now as it did in 1989, and competition for good jobs is fierce. Nearly one in four graduates last year could not find work, Xinhua, the state-run news agency, reported.

But since 1989, Communist Party leaders have realized that they ignore youth at their peril. The government is now trying to ease job anxieties with training programs and incentives for graduates to work in rural areas. “If you are worried, then I am more worried than you,” Prime Minister Wen Jiabao told one student group in December.

The party has also ratcheted up recruitment and political education, making college students the party’s fastest-growing segment, said Susan L. Shirk, a political science professor at the University of California, San Diego. More than 8 percent of all students were party members in 2007, compared with fewer than 1 percent in 1989. At elite institutions like Peking University, percentages are much higher.

Some of those students echo the party’s line that Western-style democracy does not suit China. “China has a large population, and education has a long way to go,” said Song Chao, a Peking University ecology major. “Considering that, we need to put some regulations on people. The major task for China now is development.”

Others hope to nudge the party toward reform. “Of course, if we could become a democratic society, we would like that,” said another history major and party aspirant. “But this is not something you can achieve by radical means. What if there is chaos?”

But a majority of students seek party membership not as an ideological statement but rather as a means to a better job, the survey published by People’s Forum concluded. At Peking University, many students say they nap through the university’s much mocked, though mandatory, political thought classes. “Even the teachers know they are teaching rubbish,” one senior said.

Most students will make such statements only anonymously because government control of campus speech remains tight. Professors say some students are assigned to report to administrators if they hear teachers adopting antigovernment lines. Most students interviewed for this article did not want to be identified, saying their comments might be negatively noted in their files.

Five years ago, the university shut down a computer bulletin board — a vibrant hub of information for 300,000 users — after the central government’s education minister complained that it did not always reflect “the right view.” Students say they are careful about what they write on the new, restricted and monitored board because their identities can be traced.

Surveys show that four of five university students still rely on China’s heavily censored media for their news. But in a digital age when nearly 70,000 Chinese students are studying in the United States and roughly 163,000 foreign students study at Chinese universities, walls against information are porous.

One senior recalled an excruciating roundtable discussion with foreign journalists who visited Peking University in 2007 and asked about the government crackdown on student demonstrators in 1989. “They always ask about this June 4 incident, and we just keep silent,” she said. “It is not because we don’t want to talk. It is because we have no idea what exactly happened!

“I felt a little bit humiliated because we don’t know our own history,” she said. “So I went to the library and I read about June 4. Basically, everything was written by foreign journalists.”

The curbs on public debate can reduce even political controversies on campus to the status of rumors. Two Peking University professors were among the first to sign Charter 08, an online pro-democracy manifesto released in December and backed by many intellectuals.

After signing, Professor Xia, the economist, said he was forced to resign from positions at two research institutes. His fellow signer, He Weifang, a celebrated law professor, was transferred to an obscure college in China’s far west. Professor He’s exile was news overseas. But much like the coming anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown, it drew little notice from students.

One student defended the professor with an anonymous post on the campus’s computer bulletin board. “The day will come,” he wrote, “when Professor He can go where he wants.”

Jonathan Ansfield contributed reporting. Huang Yuanxi and Zhang Jing contributed research.

2009年5月21日 星期四

“快乐岛”涉嫌强制劳工/64 广场总指挥张健回顾往事


口述历史:89年广场总指挥张健回顾往事

六四事件后,中国政府一再重申,广场上未开一枪。然而,当时在广场上的张建不仅亲眼目睹了同学倒在血泊中,而且自己也身中三枪。1989年的学生运动中, 刚满十八岁的张健被选为天安门广场学生纠察队总指挥。六四当天,解放军开始清场时,张健出面同军人代表对话,被一名军官近距离连开三枪,幸获及时抢救脱离 生命危险。目前生活在法国的张健回顾起当年的往事,仍难以掩饰心中的激动...

投身学运其实很偶然

第一次应该是四月份的时候,体师的朋友给我打电话叫我去参加。我根本不知道是一场什么样的活动。结果等到了天安门广场之后,一看这么多人,很快我就 找到我们同学那个学校,然后我就加入他们的行列。但是我一看到那些横幅和标语,"不踢足球,踢官倒"、"民主、自由",还有那种气氛,好像天生地一下子就 融入那种环境里了。13号开始绝食。绝食的时候,广场上很多学生坚持呆在广场上,有很多人晕倒。我的身体还是比较好的,所以我就常常去把那些晕倒的同学背 出来,背到生死线上,有很多救护车在那里等候。有时候一天最多背一百多人。晚上不是很热,晕倒的人少的时候,那我就抬水(绝食的人不绝水),我就把水给抬 过来。


5月19日戒严以后,有一个任务就是保证天安门广场秩序,因为当时来天安门广场的市民很多。也有捐款,设立了财务部。财务部就需要有纠察队员保护。 有绝食团指挥部,绝食团指挥部也需要保护。广播站也需要有纠察队员维持秩序。就是说需要有一个统一的指挥。那么高自联就成立了一个纠察队指挥部。我刚开始 只是一个普普通通的在广场上帮忙的同学,是纠察队员。我们那个小队长,我一直听他的,他叫我去干什么就干什么,他要盯不住了不在了,这边没人管,就由我在 这儿负责。再有,我们这边的大队长没有了,那么这一块儿我也知道,我就来负责。特别是5月19号军队已经包围了北京城,当时北高联撤出广场,基本上所有的 学生领袖都撤离了。就在那天只剩下我一个人。

临危受命 出任纠察总指挥

补建了天安门广场指挥部后,主要的负责人是柴玲,柴玲就让我做纠察队总指挥,因为我一直在广场指挥,所有的纠察队都很熟悉我,他们进出的路条都要用 我的签字。在广场上有时候有传言,什么武警部队就要来清场了,什么戒严部队就要来了。每当这种时刻,前前后后52个日日夜夜,风风雨雨,有时候狂风暴雨, 大家一夜之间都成了落汤鸡,有时候士气很低落。有时候烈日骄阳,地表温度都六七十度,有些绝食同学精神都要崩溃了。在这种时候大家唱的最多的就是国际歌。 广场上有绝食团指挥部和各个路口的(指挥),有时候彼此联系都很困难。特别是纠察队,比如说有谁来了,东线纠察队你让谁进来。这时候需要有对话机。在各个 路口堵军车的也需要有对话机。后来四通给了我们六对,大家都调到一个相同的频率,但是为了避免窃听有时候还得转换一下。主要的纠察队长进行编号,比如说我 是001,还有007、008。很多人愿意要007。(笑)然后大家就互相联络:"007你在哪里?"


我是北京人。当时在广场上说是首都高校,但实际上很多人根本就不是北京的,对北京的地形地势胡同等一定没我了解的多。5月19号是我独立指挥的时 候。我那么小,根本就不知道怎么办,就拿一个北京地图和一帮小伙伴凑到一块儿,然后就说哪些路口我们就得派人去,而且当时我想,只要有几个、几十个、四五 十个学生能到那儿去,老百姓就一定会跟着。


一个老太太,站在数百辆大卡车面前,一下子堵住上百辆军车。她就往那乡间道上一坐。而且军队很快被学生和市民的思想工作给瓦解了。很多军人看到学生原来是这样,很多人在车上一边听着大家讲一边哭。


北京的老百姓在历史上从没有这么齐心过,从没有这么勇敢过,甚至在很多路口都写着"戒严部队到此一站"--知道根本堵不住,但迟滞它。我就教他们怎 么办,把路障打开,把隔离墩拆下来,把它分成那种有横着的和纵着的。前边都是横着的,后边是几道作"W"状的。这样它过来就减缓它攻击的速度。我当时想想 他们要是徒手冲进来的话,迈这些路障就很困难。这时候老百姓一围就给围那儿了。公车我们没有钥匙,他们把车闸给合上了,我们推不过去。但是公车当天有管理 的人,他们同情和支持我们,一去他们直接就告诉我们,"钥匙我们是不能给你们的,但是告诉你们把哪儿几根线一拔,那车就能动了,刹车系统就失灵了,然后你 们就直接把它拉过去"。设想他们把我们包围,一阵子"棒子炖肉"拿棍子打我们,然后我们就撤走了。

我不相信这帮家伙会开枪杀人
6月3号的早晨五六点的时候,就有人告诉我们,今天他们有可能一定要进来。 我当时一半信一半不信。但是信不信我都得回家换衣服。结果回到82条54号,一到门口就看见我妈。我妈一下把我拽进屋里:"你为什么还参加这种活动!这跟 你有什么关系啊!那都是那些知识分子的事,你这练体育的,四肢发达大脑简单。跟咱们家有什么关系啊?咱们家历史上(经历)的政治运动有多少啊?还没头吗? 他们一定会开枪的!"不可能,我说关系好着呢。结果我妈就非得跟我急,最后自己哭了,说"他们一定会开枪的,你相信你妈说的话吧"。


6月3号晚上九十点钟时,各个路口他们已经在行动了。广场的秩序很乱,这时候我就去指挥了,首先要联络各路口的情况。有的路口太远都联系不上了。再 往后我就站在纪念碑三层(我们的指挥部),看远处的天上,信号弹刷刷地(往上飞),有时候是子弹打出去,都打亮了。有两个超出了我们的预料:第一个,那一 天各个路口声援的老百姓和学生比平时多出了几十倍。戒严部队第一波没冲过来。他们准备第二次的时候聚的人更多。有的防暴队欺老百姓,老百姓就火了。第二波 过来的时候,到木樨地,两边的高楼住的还高干子弟呢,锅碗瓢盆全下来了,把他们打退了。他们再过来时面对这么多人,他们就开枪了。


第一个冲进来的是从前门广场那儿冲进来的五千个军人,全部戴着钢盔,这手拿着冲锋枪,另一手拿着棍子,棍子前边都钉着一排钉子,臂上是白手巾。冲过 来的时候都是"杀--!"杀声震天。我拿一竹竿一个人上去了,离他们大概20多米的时候,我就跪在道中间,我说你要么就打死我。我说我们是大学生,人民军 队爱人民。我想他们拿枪不装子弹也能打出一条路来,结果我根本没想到这帮家伙会开枪杀人。


天安门广场冲进一辆装甲车,横冲直撞,撞过两个横着的(路障)时候还可以,一到我们这个曲行的"当当"两下就灭火了。一熄火老百姓就过去了,大家就 拿着被子、燃烧瓶上去一顿猛弄把它弄着火了,然后从里边钻出三个兵来。老百姓上去一顿猛打。这三人就跑到东观礼台的小阁子里头,一出来,还打。后来我看不 了了,我说你不能打,然后我就过去把市民拦开。


在西长安街大道上跑,跑的时候就觉得子弹"叭叭"的,地上溅起什么东西抽腿。我开始以为这子弹怎么这样啊,打腿上没事啊,以为橡皮子弹呢。后来才知 道子弹飞行了上千米超过实效距离以后就落地溅起来的跳弹。一个同学"嘣叽"就趴那儿了,这同学我也不认识他,一群人就都上去了,我一揪他的肩,"哗"的就 沉那儿了,我一摸他脑袋后边,粘乎乎的。那血很强的压着往外喷。人的生命非常脆弱。我以前有时候总觉得人的生命很刚强,但真的是很脆弱,一瞬间就倒在那儿 了,然后那血就流,静静的。


这时候这支戒严部队,前边是八个人,拿着冲锋枪,都不用瞄准,前边堵着一群人嘛。"哒哒哒",有时候八个人同时"哒哒哒"出去。这是打在地上,不打 地上没响,那边扑扑地趴下了,简单地要命,连蹬腿都不蹬。我说"人民军队爱人民",那小兵拿冲锋枪对着我,军官看着我。"人民军队爱人民。我没有武器,我 是纠察队总指挥,我叫张健。"那边老百姓还有人从里边扔个石头,我叫道:"不要打了!"


这时候他拿手枪对着我,我知道,因为我是纠察队总指挥,他把我撂倒,这帮人就撤了。"当当当",先放了三枪,打我两腿之间,溅起火花来,这一下把我 的火气打出来了。他的意思这几下能把我吓跑了。我笑话你前边"叭叭叭"那么几下我都没跑。当时我有一种很强烈的感觉,他这么蔑视生命!"梆梆梆"又给我三 枪,我说我怎么了你就向我射击三枪?在我心中,人民子弟兵是保卫人民的。结果我就撩开体恤衫,我说你来,到这儿来,我真就豁出去了。这种豁出去就是说,你 都不拿我们当人,没错,我们就是一帮学生,就是一帮草民,那你杀你开枪,别以为我们就吓得像落水狗似的满地爬。然后他拿出子弹蹭一蹭,又"咔"地压进去, 就指着我脑门。我说:"来吧!""梆"的一枪,就打在我腿上。我觉得腿一麻,就像那这么粗一坨撞你似的,那腿就不是你自己的了,像被电击一样,几个踉跄, 没倒,就定那儿了。我抬起头来:"你再来!再来!"我能看见那帮小兵害怕。你以为中国老百姓真的就这么垃圾这么奴隶吗,都是狗吗?狗杀的时候还能叫两声 呢。

他们开始杀人了!
然后我就站不住了,摇摇晃晃就倒那儿。倒那会儿我觉得倍儿舒服。我一仰头,斜着就是毛 泽东像。当时就有一些同学想过来抢我,刚要过来,那边"别过来别过来",然后"叭叭叭",那帮小兵就往这边打枪,黑不隆冬的他不知道冲上来干什么。后来几 个女生哭哭啼啼的跑上来了,把我拽下来。把我抬到纪念碑周围。纪念碑那儿同学们已经围成一圈了。后来我说:"你们把我抬到指挥部那儿。"在指挥部我说:" 我是总指挥张健,我已经不行了,大家同学,你们要坚持住。他们开始杀人了。"


到了同仁医院,在抢救大厅里,我被推进去一看,这一片几百人趴在地上,"哎哟妈呀的"的这还算好的,剩下的都很惨。我一看,血流成河。医院搞卫生的 拿的根本不是墩布,用衣服被单什么的不断擦地上的血。我一看这么多人啊。我说我怎么这么傻啊?他们杀人了。我这么傻啊,我站那儿让他打啊?包括那儿的医生 都跟我同样感觉。最开始先是进来的军人,老百姓跟他们相对的时候拿石子儿扔,有人受轻伤了,然后过去给包扎。再往后进来的都是老百姓,都是惨的要命。同仁 医院的医生,连牙科医生都过来帮忙了。人不够,有的医生打电话给叫来,他也是在路上,也是枪林弹雨啊。有的医生来了,就隔一条街过不来了,跪着求戒严部 队,说"我们去救人"。不让过去!医生最后才过来,哇哇的哭,说他们法西斯,真是法西斯!


记者:一通

责编:叶宣

时事风云 | 2009.05.20

阿联酋建造“快乐岛”涉嫌强制劳工

本周二,人权组织"人权观察"公布报告,指责阿联酋在建造豪华人工岛"快乐岛"工程中剥削南亚外籍工人。快乐岛堪称人间天堂,将为游客提供一流奢华设施。人权观察在其报告中指出,某些个案甚至涉嫌强制劳工。

它是阿比扎比旅游计划的核心:萨迪雅特岛译成德语的意思是快乐岛,那里将成为艺术和文化中心。两三年以后,纽约的古根海姆博物馆和巴黎的卢 浮宫等都将在那里落户。大规模的建筑施工总共耗资2百多亿美元。届时,博物馆、剧院、酒店和住宅区等将在岛上拔地而起,然而,参与施工的却主要是来自国外 的,缺乏一技之长的工人,他们的工作条件无异于强制劳工。

"人权观察"组织的威廉·范·埃斯维尔德几经周折来到了快乐岛,对那里的近一百名建筑工人进行调查。他说,一位年轻的孟加拉工人讲述的一切就很有代 表性。埃斯维尔德讲道:"为了获得阿联酋的工作签证,他向一家经纪公司支付了4千美元。人们告诉他,他在阿布扎比的月工资是270美元,加上加班费每月可 挣到400美元。于是这位年轻人出售了自己的田产,将自己的住房作为抵押,从亲戚朋友那里借了些钱,又从贷款方那里争取到了一笔贷款,贷款利息是每月 10%,也就是说每年的利息高达120%。"


当这位孟加拉人来到阿布扎比时,他已负债累累。然而,来到阿布扎比后,他才知道,他每月只能挣到163美元,比别人的事先许诺要少100美元。另 外,他还不能辞职,因为居留签证是与工作岗位连在一起的:失去工作饭碗的人必须离开这个国家。这位孟加拉人的顾主,一家建筑公司在他报到时就收走了他的护 照。


值得注意的是,阿联酋法律禁止向外来工人收取相关费用,也禁止当地的顾主没收外来工人的护照。但在现实生活中,上述两点都是家常便饭。也就是说阿联 酋政府没有将现行法律条文付诸实施,也包括最低工资限制规定:近30年前,阿联酋就立法引入最低工资制,但却从未予以执行。工会也始终被禁止。"人权观 察"的萨拉·利斯·威特森表示:"多年来,政府就告诉我们,他们想办法解决上述问题。就我们所知,他们已任命了许多委员会和工作组,但到位目前为止,毫无 进展。国家制定的法律根本就无法付诸实施。"


不过,人权组织"人权观察"也表示,萨迪雅特岛上的工人住宿条件至少比迪拜许多工地的住宿条件要好得多。值得表扬的是,阿布扎比的确为保障工人享受合理的住宿条件付出了努力。


但因为除此以外少有进展,人权观察找到了负责在快乐岛上大兴土木的文化机构,其中最著名的建筑是卢浮宫和古根海姆博物馆。这些文化机构自称不是无耻 的盈利企业,并对威特森表示:"它们是旨在促进文化发展和教育,使世界变得更加美好的机构,因此有另外的衡量标准。它们必须使大家都能从自己的项目中获 益,不仅是那些买门票来此参观的旅游者,也包括参加施工的所有工人。"

作者:Carsten Kühntopp/祝红

责编:叶宣