2008年9月15日 星期一

The Strait of Malacca for China and India

中印之爭
《每日電訊報》刊登一篇文章說隨著中國和印度之間的競爭加劇,印度瞄準了中國的石油供應。 報道說,印度軍方的決策者瞄上了連接太平洋和印度洋的馬六甲海峽,這裡是中國百分之80進口石油船隻必經的通道。 因此,馬六甲也被形容是中國的"薄弱環節",文章說這裡有可能成為中印雙方未來矛盾對峙的舞台。 同時,文章還分析了雙方具有爭議的邊境線,以及雙方都試圖成為在亞洲最具影響力的國家。 文章接著說,中印雙方都在增加自己的國防開支,並且說如果中印真的交戰的話,印度有可能佔據馬六甲海峽的戰略優勢,因為印度可以掐斷中國的石油運輸通道,使中國處於癱瘓。

China and India have been on opposite sides since the Cold War

The Cold War made for strange alliances - and these have quickly changed since its demise.

China still has unresolved border disputes with India
China still has unresolved border disputes with India Photo: AP

The United States has increasingly found it has more in common with democratic India, previously a friend of the Soviet Union, than with its Cold War ally against Moscow, Communist China.

This crucial shift has left the two Asian giants on opposite geopolitical sides and brought their many differences into sharper focus.

Growth in trade, repeated visits by state leaders and declarations of a "win-win partnership", have failed to bridge the differences. China has settled its border disputes with every neighbour along its vast landmass, from Vietnam to Russia, with the sole exception of India.

This territorial dispute reached its nadir with a short but bloody frontier war, which China won in 1962.

The issues underlying that conflict have not gone away, and new grievances have been added. China still claims the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, which stands on its Himalayan border and contains important Tibetan Buddhist monasteries. Meanwhile, India says that China presently occupies 16,500 square miles of its territory in the high Himalayas.

These territorial wrangles came to the surface last year when China refused a visa for a member of an Indian trade delegation on the grounds that he came from Arunachal Pradesh and was theoretically a Chinese citizen. India then invited the Taiwanese opposition leader, now the island's president, Ma Ying-jeou, to visit.

India also fears China's close military co-operation with its traditional enemy, Pakistan. The two have joint weapons development projects, while China also provided Pakistan with nuclear and missile technology.

China objects to the shelter that India gives to the Dalai Lama. Beijing fears that despite India's official recognition of Chinese rule in Tibet, it secretly backs Tibetan independence.

Indian military analysts suspect that China's military deployments in Tibet are aimed not only at controlling the region, but also at supplying a future war front.

For its part, Beijing thinks that the US is trying to "encircle" it with stronger alliances with democratic powers, particularly India, Japan and Australia.

Washington's agreement to support India's civil nuclear programme, which had been off-limits since New Delhi's first test of a nuclear weapon in 1974, was seen as the latest sign that the US could find powerful friends in new places.


India targeting China's oil supplies

Military planners in India are eyeing a crucial junction of the world which serves as the conduit for 80 per cent of China's imported oil.

Chinese army officers at Nathula Pass, a section of the border between India and China
Chinese army officers at Nathula Pass, a section of the border between India and China

The Strait of Malacca, where the Indian Ocean joins the Pacific, is seen as China's Achilles' heel. These shipping lanes, vital for Beijing's energy supplies, could be the setting for any future confrontation between India and China.

The two giant powers are long-standing rivals who share a disputed 2,100-mile border and are waging a diplomatic struggle for influence in Asia. They fought a border war in 1962, which ended in victory for China and left Beijing in control of 16,500 square miles of territory claimed by India.

Both countries are increasing their defence budgets, with India's military spending rising by an average of 18 per cent in each of the past three years and now exceeding £15 billion.

If these tensions were ever to boil over into war, India would probably exploit a crucial advantage. Its navy, which eventually plans to deploy three aircraft carriers and two nuclear-powered attack submarines, would probably seek to close the Strait of Malacca to Chinese shipping through an increased presence. By cutting off the supply of oil, this could cripple China and prove the decisive move in any conflict.

"The most likely flashpoint would be along the border, but ultimately the decision in any war would be on the ocean," said Sheru Thapliyal, a retired Indian general in New Delhi who once commanded a division on the frontier with China.

"The Indian Ocean is where we could use our advantage to the maximum. If you want to choke China, the only way you can choke China is by using naval power."

With China's key vulnerability in mind, India has constructed a naval base within striking distance of the Strait of Malacca at Port Blair on the Andaman Islands. China has countered by installing military facilities of its own, complete with electronic monitoring and eavesdropping devices, on the nearby Coco Islands. These specks of land belong to Burma, a long-standing ally of China.

Beijing is now taking other steps to address what President Hu Jintao has called the country's "Malacca dilemma". With hugely ambitious infrastructure projects, China hopes to bypass the Strait of Malacca and eventually end its dependence on this vulnerable waterway for energy supplies.

On India's western flank, China is helping to build a new port in the Pakistani town of Gwadar. Thrust together by their shared rivalry with India, Pakistan and China are old allies.

Gwadar could eventually provide a base for Chinese warships. Or it may be used as the starting point for a pipeline travelling through Pakistan and carrying oil and gas into China itself. If so, Beijing could import energy from the Middle East using this route, bypassing the Strait of Malacca.

The same rationale may explain China's actions on India's eastern flank. A new port and pipeline terminal are being constructed at Kyauk Phyu on Burma's island of Ramree. This will be the starting point for a 900-mile pipeline, able to carry oil directly to Kunming, the capital of Yunnan province in southern China.

"They know that we could attempt to choke them completely and that's why they want these ports," said Vijay Kapoor, a retired general in New Delhi and former commandant of the Indian Army War College. "Their aim in all of this is to prevent us from being able to choke them."

China's moves are being closely watched in India, where the military establishment fears that Beijing's plans in Pakistan and Burma amount to a deliberate strategy of "encirclement". If China's navy acquires permanent bases in the Indian Ocean, tension will grow.

But Indian diplomats tend to believe these fears are exaggerated. They believe that China is motivated by nothing more than securing its economic boom and taking normal precautions against unforeseeable events.




2008年9月14日 星期日

news

"機械故障導致俄國客機墜毀"俄國聯邦調查人員認為,引擎故障可能導致一架民航班機周日在彼爾姆市附近墜毀。


中國政府透過秘密機構利用雄厚的外匯儲備拉攏哥斯達黎加與北京建交。 據《金融時報》得到的文件顯示,去年中國國家外匯管理局購買哥斯達黎加政府以美元發行的債券時,雙方簽署的協議定明哥斯達黎加與台灣斷交,改為承認北京。
《金融時報》說,中國和台灣多年來也有對類似哥斯達黎加的小國實行"金錢外交",但這是至今為止最明確的證據證明北京當局利用其外匯儲備達到政治目的。

《國際先驅論壇報》--俄羅斯總理普京周四的發言。普京為俄國在格魯吉亞的軍事行動辯護說,俄國是為了穩定在俄羅斯境內的北高加索地區。 《獨立報》說,普京周四接受包括西方媒體在內的三個半小時採訪中,語氣自信強硬,普京說俄國被打中鼻子流血後不會垂頭喪氣,必定會反擊。


2008年9月11日 星期四

Failed solutions in Thailand and the Philippines. Military “surges” only achieve short-term victories

Asia.view

Surges that won’t work

Sep 10th 2008
From Economist.com

Failed solutions in Thailand and the Philippines


WHILE Thailand’s attention, and the world’s, has been focused on the clashes in Bangkok between the government and a royalist-backed opposition movement, the deadly insurgency in Thailand’s mainly Muslim southernmost provinces continues to rage. Routine violence there exceeds anything seen in Bangkok, but it elicits barely a peep from the news media in the Thai capital.

On September 9th—a fairly typical day in the four-year-old conflict—separatist militants shot a government official outside a school in Pattani province, then dragged his body out of his pickup truck and beheaded him in front of pupils and teachers. The same day, in the nearby province of Yala, rebels attacked an army post, killing a paramilitary ranger and seizing guns and ammunition.

Reuters Violent surge

The insurgency’s roots lie in predominantly Buddhist Thailand’s annexation a century ago of three provinces on the border with what is now Malaysia, inhabited mainly by ethnic-Malay Muslims. Separatist movements have waxed and waned since then but the insurgency returned with a vengeance, for reasons that remain unclear, in 2004, since when over 3,000 people have died. It is just as unclear who if anyone is organising the uprising: no credible rebel group has come forward to admit to any of the attacks.

In 2004, the then-prime-minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, made things far worse by abandoning attempts at building relations with southern Muslims and unleashing the security forces to launch harsh crackdowns. Ironically, one of the key backers of the anti-government protests in Bangkok—supposedly a protest against the abuses of Mr Thaksin and the government of Thaksin allies now in power—is General Panlop Pinmanee. General Panlop is a hardline general who commanded troops responsible for one of the worst atrocities in the southern conflict: the slaughter of 30 Muslims at the Krue Se mosque in late 2004.

The current prime minister, Samak Sundaravej, has also unleashed the army to quell the southern insurgency. Struggling to keep his job, Mr Samak has curried favour with the army chief, General Anupong Paochinda, by letting him chair Internal Security Operations Command, the agency in charge of the battle in the south—a position that is supposed to belong to the prime minister himself.

General Anupong has been conducting a “surge” of sorts. A new report from the International Crisis Group (ICG), a think-tank, notes that he has brought in fresh troops and commanders from other parts of Thailand and is boosting the numbers of locally recruited paramilitary rangers. The troops and rangers are sweeping through villages suspected of supporting the rebel movement and interning large numbers of young Muslim men. The independent Asian Human Rights Commission is alarmed at “disappearances” of suspected rebel sympathisers.

The army believes it is making progress: the rate of deaths and injuries has declined markedly in the past few months. But this may be false optimism. The ICG report notes that the rebels, while launching fewer small attacks, are resorting to more “spectaculars”. The latest example of this was a car bomb near a police station in the tourist town of Sungai Kolok on August 21st. The insurgents had set off a smaller bomb to draw the security forces into the area before detonating the explosives-rigged car, killing a newspaper reporter.

The increased use of rangers is especially worrying. They are poorly trained and undisciplined. The ICG report says many are using their weapons to settle personal scores. It says rebels may also be infiltrating ranger units. Insurgencies the world over have demonstrated the folly of setting ill-trained paramilitaries on a rebellious population, and of detaining large numbers of young men without trial. Such acts are recruiting-sergeants for the rebellion, ensuring its perseverance for another generation.

In July a former army general appeared on Thai television with supposed leaders of the rebel movement, saying a ceasefire had been agreed. The claim was scorned by the press and punditry in Bangkok, probably justifiably, as a hoax. But it was scorned perhaps a little too quickly, demonstrating the Bangkok elite’s lack of concern and compassion for the deadly conflict their southern compatriots are suffering.

A similar situation exists in the predominantly Catholic Philippines, where an insurgency has been raging for decades in mainly Muslim areas of Mindanao and other southern islands. On September 3rd the Philippine government scrapped an 11-year-old peace process with the main rebel movement. Extra troops and police are pouring into the region as renewed fighting has forced around 500,000 people from their homes.

Only a few weeks earlier the government and rebel leaders had been on the brink of signing a comprehensive peace deal, which would have given the Muslim regions much greater autonomy. The fighting resumed after the Philippines’ supreme court halted the signing. But the underlying cause of the deal’s collapse is that the incompetent and floundering government in Manila was neither able nor willing to persuade the majority of Filipinos to accept the sacrifices needed to make peace in the south.

Likewise in Thailand: the outline of a settlement to bring peace to its troubled south had been laid out by a reconciliation commission, comprised of a group of worthies, in 2006. But the Thaksin government was unable and unwilling to sell it to the majority Thai population, so it got nowhere.

As the successful peace process in Indonesia’s Aceh province has showed, it takes courage and determination from the national government to push through a peace deal to end a long-running separatist insurgency. Without a stable and serious government in the capital, there is little chance of peace in the rebellious provinces. Military “surges” only achieve short-term victories and, in the absence of a political solution, will end up perpetuating the conflict.

欧盟企业难以进入中国市场

其他消息

可口可樂收購匯源案引發激烈爭論

欧盟企业难以进入中国市场

“中国市场增长强劲,但中国的保护主义仍然阻碍欧洲企业利用这一市场的潜力,中国的消费者往往无法接触到最现代化的产品和服务。”新苏黎世报接着举例说明了欧中关系的这一话题:

"例如,中国的汽车责任险在人寿保险以外的险种中占有70%,但中国不许外国保险公司进入这项业务领域。按照正式规定,汽车只能与中国企业合资生产,购买机票只能通过中国唯一的订票系统,外国并购中国较大的企业至今实际从来没有出现过。

中国无处不在的国家进行项目招标时,外国人虽然 最近可以参加竞争,但根据欧盟企业的经验,往往只有纯中国的企业可以中标,哪怕其报价既昂贵又不好。虽然中国是从京都议定书清洁发展机制中受益最多的国 家,但北京仍然只承认由中国企业构成多数的项目。清洁发展机制项目对投资减少排放废气给予补偿,使建立风力发电园区的工程变得有利可图。中国在这个问题上 的做法实际上等于把外国风力发电设备厂家排除在这一市场之外。

除了限制进入市场以外,尤其对知识产权缺乏保护和不透明的官僚过程使欧盟企业对在中国加大投入望而却步。例如,在中国销售的成套货物必须先进行费时费事的逐一鉴定,中国并要求提交很多详尽的信息,这一过程时间很长,最后总有中国厂家向市场推出极其类似的产品。"

谈到德国对中国的出口,人们往往会想到西门子的设备、宝马和奔驰的高级轿车。但从明年开始,德国猪肉将进军中国市场。双方已签署了有关协议。对德国养殖农户来说,开辟这一新市场是一个令人振奋的好消息。每日镜报从柏林报道说:

"中国人每年消费4800万吨猪肉,是世界上最大的猪肉消费国。据德国农业市场营销组织估计,中国的肉类消费今后几年将增加7%,猪肉消费的增长甚至更大。

在德国人看来,最有吸引力的事是亚洲人喜欢啃骨 头,在德国几乎没有人愿意看到自己的盘子里有这样的东西,如猪头、猪肚子上的五花肉、猪蹄和猪咀。猪蹄在中国的价格约为德国价格的五倍,这里每公斤最多卖 69欧分,在中国能卖到2.99欧元。许多德国人不喜欢吃的五花肉,中国人能花12欧元购买一公斤,等于德国人买一公斤里脊肉的价格。

中国的养猪存栏数占世界养猪总量的一半,但老天爷好象不那么恩惠中国。2007年,恰恰是中国的猪年,一场蓝耳病夺去了数百万条猪命。在中国的养猪中心湖北省襄樊,过去几周发生洪水灾难,造成了猪的存栏数大幅减少。"

本文摘自或节译自其它媒体

不代表德国之声观点

2008年9月8日 星期一

香港立法會選舉 Hong Kong democrats keep veto

Hong Kong democrats keep veto

Pro-democracy candidate Emily Lau of The Frontier Party celebrates

Hong Kong's pro-democracy camp has won more than a third of the seats in legislative elections, and so retains a key veto over future bills.

The pro-democracy opposition won 23 out of the 30 elected seats in the Legislative Council.

The other 30 seats in the council are not directly elected, but allocated to special interest groups.

The Pro-Beijing camp had expected to make gains at the polls due to a surge of patriotism after the Olympics.

Even some of the candidates on the pro-democracy side had been predicting the worst.

Some were even in tears before the results came in, expecting to lose.

Tougher battle

Hong Kong's political landscape is roughly divided along pro-Beijing and pro-democracy lines.

Since the territory returned from British to Chinese rule in 1997, the pro-democracy parties have fared consistently well in the polls.

But there were fears that, this time, the situation would be different.

Independent candidate Regina Ip with her supporters
Independent candidate Regina Ip was successful in her bid for a seat
Analysts had believed that pro-government parties would make significant gains after the surge in Chinese patriotism sparked by the Beijing Olympics and the Sichuan earthquake.

China had also promised the region some form of universal suffrage by 2017, blunting the democratic camp's campaign.

There were also concerns that issues such as wages, inflation and education may eclipse the desire for democratic reform.

But in the event, the result was not as bad as the democratic camp had expected.

It won 23 seats, compared to the 26 it had previously, but held on to its crucial power of veto - giving it the ability to throw out controversial government plans.

"Hong Kong people still have aspiration for full democracy," said Alan Leong, a member of the opposition Civic Party, who was re-elected. "Those in power can't afford to ignore it".

Other leading pro-democracy figures such as Emily Lau, Audrey Eu and Leung Kwok-hung, also known as Longhair, also fought off stiff competition to keep their seat.

But the pro-China Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB), also did well, scoring huge majorities in some districts.

So too did the independent candidate Regina Ip, who won her seat.

The pro-business Liberal Party saw its leader and deputy leader deposed in voting that leaves the party in disarray.

Hong Kong is ultimately controlled by Beijing, but China mostly leaves the territory to govern itself, designating it a Special Administrative Region.

Under this "one country, two systems" model, Hong Kong citizens enjoy far more rights and freedoms than their mainland neighbours.



2008年09月08日 格林尼治標準時間11:22北京時間 19:22發表


香港立法會選舉民主派表現勝預期
香港公民黨黨魁余若薇(中)與競選伙伴歡呼(8/9/2008)
余若薇(中)等多位泛民主派主要人物順利連任

香港第四屆立法會選舉塵埃落定,親北京的民建聯維持第一大黨地位,但泛民主派的表現優於選前預期和票站調查結果。

點票工作在星期一(9月8日)早上全部完成,泛民主派各政黨在地區直選和功能組別共取得23席,雖然比上屆少了3席,但仍優於目標力保的21席。

前線召集人劉慧卿、民主黨主席何俊仁、公民黨黨魁余若薇,還有人稱“長毛”的社會民主連線成員梁國雄都順利連任。

建制派中,親北京的民建聯取得10席,成為立法會第一大黨﹔工聯會也取得4席。

除了民建聯主席譚耀宗獲得連任外,曾在去年年底舉行補選時敗於前政務司司長陳方安生的前保安局局長葉劉淑儀這次也在地方直選中獲勝。

論壇討論

同屬建制派,主要代表商界和專業人士利益的自由黨則遭遇慘敗,在地方直選中全軍覆沒,功能組別方面雖然能取得7席,但也丟失了旅遊界的議席。

連任失敗的自由黨主席田北俊隨即宣佈辭任黨主席,同樣落敗的副主席周梁淑怡也決定辭去黨職,同時向行政長官曾蔭權辭任行政會議成員。

投票率偏低

據港府公布,星期天(7日)的選舉共有約152萬人投票,投票率為45%,比上屆選舉下挫10個百分點。

香港立法會選舉開始點票(7/9/2008)

此前觀察家們就已經預測,在社會民怨相對改善的氛圍下,選民的投票意欲降低,投票率不會達到2004年的56%。

香港中文大學亞太研究所副所墿王家英教授接受BBC中文網採訪時說,民怨減少是意料中事,但是投票率減少也同時是因為泛民主派沒能提出處於道德高地的政治議題作為賣點。

他說,本屆選舉各陣營出現內鬥情況,既不能動員選民投票,甚或讓一些人感到疲倦,繼而失去了投票意欲。

王家英認為,泛民主派必須對投票率偏低作出反思,否則以後的選情不容樂觀。

民調差距

香港民建聯成員劉江華(左三)團隊得知當選後舉手致謝(8/9/2008)
親北京的民建聯取得了香港立法會第一大黨地位

當前的選舉結果與選前預測以至於投票結束後公布的票站民意調查都有一定的差距。

此前政治學者普遍預測是,泛民主派在失去普選等政治議題作為宣傳重點下將較為不利,親政府、親北京的建制派則會得益於奧運效應等造成的愛國民族情緒,還有中國國內近年在經濟上對香港的優惠政策等。

王家英分析說,民族情緒效應並非這次親北京政黨得票率高的最大原因,而是因為他們注重地方工作。這是自由黨和泛民主派的公民黨所欠缺的。

另一方面,選前由於傳出一些票站調查遭建制派操控作為臨場調整拉票策略的消息,調查回應率整體偏低,使得調查結果與最終選舉結果出現較大差異。

獲得多家電視台採用的票站調查負責人,香港大學民意研究計劃主任鍾庭耀說,這次選舉的票站調查響應率只有約50%,遠低於此前兩屆選舉,可能造成數據出現“系統性偏差”。他還指出,近年的票站調查一直受到不專業干預,使得響應率下降。

第四屆立法會60名議員的任期為期4年,將在2012年屆滿。


Dozens of lawmakers from the ruling coalition left Monday for Taiwan on an educational tour

A new Taiwanese White Paper on foreign aid is expected to signal a dramatic shift in the way it deals with the Pacific.

Taiwan News Online reports the Taiwanese foreign ministry is expected to release a new White Paper on foreign aid that will see a more mainstream approach to its aid and development program.

Citing unnamed sources in the foreign ministry, the website says the White Paper's aim is to do away with the image of "dollar diplomacy" often associated with Taiwan's aid programs - where generous aid packages are used to entice diplomatic support from small nations.

Taiwan has only 23 diplomatic allies around the world and six of those are in the Pacific Islands.


Malaysian MPs sent overseas amid opposition takeover bid

KUALA LUMPUR (AFP) — Dozens of lawmakers from the ruling coalition left Monday for Taiwan on an educational tour, in an apparent bid to prevent them from joining an opposition push to topple the government.

The opposition led by Anwar Ibrahim, who has vowed to unseat the coalition by September 16, said the trip was an attempt to "corral and seclude" parliamentarians amid the high-stakes negotiations.

Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, whose ruling party leads the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition, has vowed to thwart Anwar's plan to secure the 30 lawmakers he needs to form a new administration.

"Some National Front leaders are getting cold feet and more than a touch of panic," said Lim Kit Siang from the Democratic Action Party, which is part of the three-member opposition alliance.

"All in all, it is a national shame that the MPs should be treated like delinquent children who have to be packed off overseas and secluded from mischief, treating the National Front MPs as no better than chattel," he added.

But Tiong King Sing, chairman of the government backbenchers' club that organised the hastily arranged tour, defended it as an educational programme.

"It is not a forced trip. We are going to Taiwan to obtain some ideas on how to bolster our agriculture output. It has nothing to do with September 16. They can do what they want to do on that date," he told AFP.

Tiong said 50 MPs were participating in the eight-day tour, and that dozens had left on Monday. The Star newspaper said in an SMS alert that 41 had departed.

There are a total of 140 coalition lawmakers in parliament, and most of the would-be defectors were believed to be from the East Malaysia states of Sabah and Sarawak on Borneo island.

Anwar said he was on track to meet the deadline, though political observers have expressed scepticism he can recruit enough defectors by that date.

The 61-year-old opposition leader said government attempts to compel lawmakers to leave the country would not work.

"We have seen some very positive signs, but we have also seen the desperate acts by the government, threats and using institutions to discourage them," he said in Jakarta.

The opposition alliance gained unprecedented ground in March general elections, securing a third of parliamentary seats and five states from the coalition, which has ruled since independence from Britain half a century ago.

2008年9月6日 星期六

李登輝斥馬英九叛國

馬稱兩岸非國與國 李斥叛國
群策會昨日舉行「珍愛台灣.同心作伙行」募款餐會,前總統李登輝應邀與會,他致詞時說,台灣人民選擇馬英九執政,絕對不是代表授權給馬將台灣「去主權化」。(記者方賓照攝)

〔記 者林毅璋/台北報導〕李登輝前總統昨晚應邀出席群策會所舉辦的「珍愛台灣.同心作伙行」二○○八年募款餐會致詞時強調,台灣是個「主權獨立」的國家,也是 個「主權在民」的國家。馬英九毫不在乎選舉期間「台灣前途必須由二千三百萬台灣人來決定」的承諾,枉費他還是哈佛博士,連台灣的地位都搞不清楚。

李:台灣前途 應交由人民決定

李登輝說,台灣人民選擇馬英九執政,絕對不是代表授權給馬將台灣「去主權化」,這個權力是掌握在二千三百萬的台灣人民手中,如要改變,就應舉辦公民投票,讓人民決定自己的前途。

李 登輝批判馬英九的台灣與中國不是國與國關係說辭,強調台灣與中國至少是「特殊的國與國關係」,馬政府竟然自我去主權化,宣稱兩岸只是一種特別的關係,不是 國與國的關係,這不但是背叛國家,也超過人民對他的信託,毫不在乎選舉期間「台灣前途必須由二千三百萬台灣人來決定」的承諾。

李登輝也批 評,台灣主權問題是國際問題,台海現狀不可以片面改變,絕對不要以為國共兩黨關起門來,把台灣前途做個決議,就可以瞞天過海,馬政府向中國傾斜,美日等國 已紛紛提出警告。李說,馬政府為了包機直航、觀光客來台而承認不存在的「九二共識」。他強調,他曾當面告知馬英九並無「九二共識」,請馬不要再說「九二共 識」一事。

李前總統認為,馬政府與中國國民黨的作為是台灣民主陣營的外部威脅;但像陳前總統海外匯款案所暴露出的民主集體腐化,卻是心腹之患。

台獨聯盟要求馬集團停止賣台

〔記者黃維助/台北報導〕面對馬政府向中國傾斜的兩岸政策,台灣獨立建國聯盟昨天召開二○○八年世界中央委員會,並發表聲明,要求馬集團即時停止掏空經濟及出賣台灣主權的行為,馬政權若再執意蠻幹出賣台灣,群眾就應進行強烈抗爭。

台獨聯盟指出,馬政府在國家主權上不斷自我矮化,向中國靠攏,已構成國共兩黨意圖共同改變台海現狀的危險,但台灣自古即不屬於中國,凡是處心積慮計謀戕害台灣獨立自主發展的政黨和政客,台灣人民應群起而攻之,因為台灣是處於一種只許獨立進步而不容逆轉投降的現狀。

對於如何維護台灣主權一事,台獨聯盟表示,由於選舉影響台灣前途的走向,必須結合國內外台灣人的力量,在未來的選舉重新贏回本土政權,始有可能推動台灣正名、制憲及以台灣名義加入聯合國等目標。