2008年6月6日 星期五

“六四”19年,为了忘却的纪念

中国 | 2008.06.04

“六四”19年,为了忘却的纪念

六四事件已经过去了19年,但直到今天这一话题仍在中国属于禁忌。很多年轻人已经对1989年发生的民主运动以及天安门流血事件知之甚少,但老一辈人对当 年的情景仍然记忆犹新。据人权组织估计目前中国仍有60到100人因参加89年的民主运动而被关在监狱。人权组织呼吁北京政府将这些人释放。

北京天安门广场周围车水马龙。天安门广场上有儿童在放风筝、有游人在闲逛、也有士兵在站岗。在这里已经找不到任何中国民主运动在1989年6月4日遭到血腥镇压的痕迹。

天安门母亲丁子霖Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 天安门母亲丁子霖

如 今中国很多青少年对19年前发生的“六四”事件一无所知。天安门广场上数百人被士兵开枪打死、被坦克碾过的真相迄今仍属禁忌。当年丧生的具体人数迄今仍不 清楚。也正因如此,中国年轻人对“六四”感到陌生。72岁的丁子霖表示:“我觉得这是一个罪过,这个罪过不在他们身上。这个罪过在共产党身上。这是刻意掩 盖历史。”

丁 子霖永远无法忘记,她的儿子在1989年6月4日凌晨被开枪打死。当时她的儿子刚过完17岁生日没有多久。丁子霖觉得,在19年后的今天,谈论“六四”事 件仍然非常困难。她在自己的住宅里给儿子设立了一个小型的纪念台。骨灰坛上方悬挂着儿子参加示威的照片。骨灰坛前摆放着鲜花。曾经担任教授的丁子霖现在是 “天安门母亲”的发言人。该组织成员都是一些失去孩子的母亲,他们的孩子有的在“六四”期间丧生,有的在当时失踪。今年,天安门母亲在自己的网页上公布了 一张地图,上面标注着示威者被开枪打死的地点。该网页很快被中国安全机构屏蔽。

19年后的天安门Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 19年后的天安门

天 安门母亲今年除了在网站上纪念“六四”的死难者,也同时对汶川地震的遇难者表示了哀悼。丁子霖说:“我们觉得中国政府实施的是双重标准。他们对地震中的受 害者表示关心,但是对我们不理不睬,甚至加以控制。但是我们只有一个标准。我们看到灾区那么多孩子被压在豆腐渣工程下,看到那么多妈妈在痛哭,我们也非常 痛苦。”

一 些人权组织表示,中国政府确实显示出可以对自然灾害做出及时有效地反应,他们呼吁中国也以同样的方式对待人权问题。迄今为止,天安门母亲仍然没有受到公正 对待。不过,尽管今年天安门广场仍然没有举行任何纪念“六四”的活动,但一位路过的老者认为,总有一天历史的真相会被揭开:“我相信,迟早有一天这个事情 会被澄清,会还老百姓一个公道。”

被 海内外许多人称作“民主斗士”的魏京生日前在接受德国之声记者采访时曾表示,“六四”学生运动的意义在于启发了中国民智,“打破了中国人过去一直对共产党 怀有的幻想”并引起了整个世界的变化。魏京生评价19年来中国民主运动发展时说:“90年代以来,中国从一种街头化的知识分子化的民主运动走向了群众化的 维权运动。这样的民主运动是比较有基础的,因为它和老百姓的切身利益紧密结合在一起。”

德国之声

2008年6月5日 星期四

China placates foes abroad, nationalists at home

綜述一些近月新聞

Soothe, seethe

Jun 4th 2008
From Economist.com

China placates foes abroad, nationalists at home


WHEN nationalism rears its head in China, the country's neighbours tremble. They have been trembling especially hard this year. In the wake of unrest in Tibet in March, a virulently xenophobic mood swept the country. Westerners were the main target, but East Asian governments still fear that China may start throwing its weight around and settling old scores.

The earthquake in Sichuan last month, and the West's sympathetic response to it, has helped to defuse the tension, but anxieties remain. At a recent conference in Singapore on regional security, organised by the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, Singapore's prime minister, Lee Hsien Loong, said that how China and the West handled problems caused by “narrow interest groups” (apparently referring to the pro-Tibet lobby and its ilk), would “strongly influence whether China's emergence will unsettle the international order, or whether China succeeds in its path of peaceful integration with the rest of the world.”

AP Getting warmer

Mr Lee warned of “unexpected incidents” arising before or during the Beijing Olympics in August. One recent episode which shocked many Chinese, involved Sharon Stone, an American actress, suggested that the Sichuan earthquake could have been a result of bad “karma” in China caused by its crackdown in Tibet.

Chinese cinemas have responded by refusing to show her films and Christian Dior, a French fashion company, has stopped using her in its advertising campaign in China. The French have been especially nervous of public sentiment in China since April, when protests in Paris against the Olympic torch relay triggered demands in China for a boycott of French goods.

The Communist Party, fearful of being accused of selling out Chinese interests, has been reluctant to come down hard on nationalist protesters. But it too is clearly nervous. Police have been keeping a close watch on public displays of patriotism, even those involving nothing more than small groups of young Chinese shouting “Come on, China!” to show their sympathy with the earthquake victims.

China does not want the West or its neighbours to get alarmed. It fears that anti-China sentiment abroad could fuel nationalism at home, which in turn could pressure on policymakers to engage in a vicious cycle of tit-for-tat responses.

So even as Chinese nationalists have been seething over perceived insults by foreigners, their leaders have been reaching out to traditional rivals. President Hu Jintao flew to Tokyo in May for the first visit by a Chinese head of state in a decade and a far friendlier one than his predecessor's trip in 1998.


China has been offering olive branches to Taiwan's new president, Ma Ying-jeou. In late May Mr Hu held talks in Beijing with Wu Poh-hsiung, who leads Mr Ma's party, the Kuomintang. They agreed to resume dialogue between the two sides, which has been suspended for a decade. When Vietnam's Communist Party chief, Nong Duc Manh, visited, the two sides agreed to set up a hotline between their leaders.

In the earthquake zone, at least some foreign journalists have found the Chinese military—which normally shuns contact with the media—unusually chatty and willing to help. American military planes have been allowed to fly in with relief supplies. China even agreed to allow Japanese military planes to do the same, but quickly decided against the idea after Chinese nationalists (who resent the Japanese more than the Americans) began protesting on the internet. It would have been the first action in China by Japanese military aircraft since the second world war.

Singapore's Mr Lee said the international community needed to understand “the strength of these gut emotions in Chinese society and in the collective psyche”. Chinese leaders know it all too well and are struggling to contain it.



新加坡,俄羅斯

新加坡內閣資政李光耀昨天透露,一名俄羅斯企業家對新加坡樟宜機場的效率印象深刻,因此邀請新加坡協助俄羅斯發展機場。他又說,新加坡將在俄羅斯參與五個機場的開發工程。

新加坡媒體今天報導,李光耀昨天在莫斯科答覆媒體時,指已經與莫斯科謝瑞米提耶佛機場簽有管理合約的樟宜機場國際公司,將要在參與另外四個俄羅斯的機場發展工程。

據悉,這些機場包括了正在談判中的聖彼得堡機場,和俄羅斯南部黑海渡假勝地、二零一四年冬季奧運主辦城市素溪的機場擴建工程。

李光耀說,俄羅斯可以在新加坡協助下,興建一座設施完善的機場,但機場能否有效運作,以推動經濟發展,就有賴良好的行政體制和人力資源。

李光耀又指,一名俄羅斯企業家到新加坡後,對樟宜機場效率印象特別深刻。這名企業家認為樟宜機場指示標示清楚、海關人員效率高,通過後就能馬上拿到行李,搭計程車二十分鐘就到市中心。

李光耀認為,只要人們心態改變,海關人員停留在過往工作節奏的謝瑞米提耶佛機場,也有能力達到這樣的標準。

另外,李光耀也認為,俄羅斯擁有六千五百億美元的國家儲備金,擁有足夠的資源對鐵路、機場和通訊等基礎設施進行投資。這樣一來,就能創造更多就業機會,協助更多人擺脫貧困。

Experts Warned of Quake Risk in China

Experts Warned of Quake Risk in China

David Guttenfelder/Associated Press

Railway workers outside Hongbai in Sichuan Province, China, near a quake-damaged chemical plant. China pushed development in the region despite quake risks.


Published: June 5, 2008

SHANGHAI — Chinese scientists say that even before a final accounting can be made in last month’s earthquake in Sichuan Province, one thing is painfully evident: The huge death toll stems partly from a failure to heed clear warnings of a devastating earthquake in the area.


Oded Balilty/Associated Press

Workers shoring up dikes outside Hanwang in Sichuan to withstand the flow of water from draining quake-formed lakes.

For decades, Chinese scientists say, they have known of the risk of a potentially catastrophic earthquake along the Longmenshan belt, the area where the Wenchuan earthquake struck, and repeatedly raised their concerns with government authorities. But they say preparations for a quake there were cursory at best, and building codes remained well short of the codes that have become standard in other well-known earthquake zones, including Beijing itself.

The ruling Communist Party has hailed its own vigorous response to the quake as evidence of its concern for human life, and has generally received positive reviews at home and abroad for its rescue efforts after the quake. To date, however, China’s state-run news media have paid little attention to the fact that government officials apparently did little to shore up structures, limit urban growth or even conduct basic safety drills that might have reduced the death toll.

“Chinese people have a saying, that you learn a fence needs mending after the sheep have run away,” said Gao Jianguo, a researcher with the China Earthquake Administration, in Beijing. “In this case, people wouldn’t recognize the danger until the sheep actually died. We tried to lay out the reasons beforehand, but people wouldn’t listen.”

One after another, Chinese experts have emphasized that they are unable to predict the timing of an event like the one May 12, which left about 87,000 people dead or missing. But they say the general danger to this region has been known since at least 1933, when a major quake struck Wenchuan, and has been studied fairly intensively since the 1970s.

“The line of the middle fault is as clear as a string,” said Li Yong, a geological expert at Chengdu University of Technology. “It suggests continuous and strong movement. Such a long and clear lineament should trigger a big quake. Other scientists have had similar ideas.”

In July, a paper by Mr. Li and another scientist raised the likelihood of a 7.0 magnitude earthquake along the Longmenshan belt, and spoke again of the dangers there at a conference in China a month before the disaster.

While many say scientists advocated stronger precautionary measures for years, some also expressed a deep sense of failure for not having warned the government in stronger terms that seismic danger there was being underestimated. The Longmenshan belt did not appear, for example, on a recent priority watch list of likely trouble spots.

“Beyond the pain felt by ordinary Chinese, we in earthquake science are guilty beyond description,” said Ma Shengli, deputy director of the Institute of Geology of the Chinese Earthquake Administration. “Our ability fell far short of what was needed, and we can’t help but cry.”

Some seismologists also say that the earthquake agency, based in Beijing, did not press the government to impose tougher building codes in the region. So even if most buildings there had been built to code — many appeared to fall far short — they might well have failed to withstand the May quake, which the Chinese government says had a magnitude of 8.0, the most powerful in China in modern times.

“The earthquake administration didn’t warn the government enough,” said Mr. Gao, the researcher with the earthquake agency. “We told them things should be built to withstand seventh-degree crack resistance, but we should have insisted on ninth degree, just as experts from the Soviet Union advised us back in the 1950s.”

Mr. Gao referred to an earthquake building code standard used in China. A building would have required construction to an 11th-degree standard to have escaped damage in last month’s earthquake. Many Chinese experts invoked the high cost of building structures to withstand major earthquakes as a rationale for the failure to do so.

Earthquake-related building codes exist throughout China, but experts say they have been applied spottily. In Beijing, where the earthquake risk is high, more strenuous efforts have been made to enforce strict building codes. In many other high-risk areas, this has not been the case.

“Standards are one thing, and the implementation is another,” said Liu Hang, a professor and senior engineer at the Beijing Construction Engineering Research Institute. “The quake-proof level for Wenchuan’s local buildings is rated Degree 7, but based on what I’ve seen on-site, the buildings there are far from reaching this standard. Let’s not talk about whether the degree of quake-proofing is high enough; the buildings in the affected areas just have no quake-proof protection at all.”

Speaking of the capital, Mr. Liu said, “Unless the epicenter of an earthquake like this occurred right in Tiananmen Square, central Beijing would not be seriously damaged.”

Officials at China’s Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development did not respond to a request for an interview. An official at Sichuan Province’s construction department who identified himself only as Lu denied there were widespread problems of enforcing building standards, but declined to say more.

In light of the huge loss of life, many said that whatever the rationale, the failure to enforce adequate building standards in Sichuan was unacceptable.

Hu Xingdou, a professor at the Beijing Institute of Technology, called the failure to enforce adequate building standards a case of “serious malfeasance” on the part of local governments.

“One of their basic responsibilities is to ensure people’s safety, which means supervising the quality of people’s homes, and making sure that new houses comply with standards,” Professor Hu said. “Even if they haven’t made the effort to cover all rural housing, initially they should make sure public buildings, such as schools and hospitals, are safe and compliant.”

China has long pushed major infrastructure and even military developments in the area despite the quake risk. The mountainous region outside Chengdu became a major military production base in the 1960s, when China feared the possibility of an attack from the Soviet Union or the United States. Nuclear design, plutonium and fighter jet production facilities were located not far from the Longmenshan belt, largely because the region, deep in central China, was far from the country’s borders and considered relatively safe from aerial assault.

Under Mao’s Third Front policy, major industrial and military facilities were located in the Chinese heartland rather than in coastal areas viewed as more vulnerable. “The awareness of earthquake risk has been a gradual process, while the construction of the Third Front was primarily a political decision,” said Ma Dingsheng, a military expert and commentator on Phoenix TV, based in Hong Kong. He said that even after the quake risk was better understood, military facilities there continued to expand.

There is no evidence of serious damage to military facilities, though information about them is highly classified in China.

On Wednesday, China’s State Council passed a draft regulation on post-quake restoration and reconstruction at an executive meeting, the official Xinhua news agency reported Thursday. It introduced special requirements on earthquake-resistance levels of infrastructure construction in the quake-hit regions, including schools and hospitals.

Local governments must organize personnel to conduct safety appraisals of all school buildings as soon as possible to ensure the safety of students as they return to school, according to the statement.

A disproportionately large number of the earthquake’s victims were children crushed when thousands of classrooms crumbled or collapsed. Facing pressure from parents over the loss of their children, this week the Sichuan Education Bureau published a list of five reasons school-related deaths were so high. The reasons included the timing of the quake, while classes were in session, and the age of school buildings. No mention was made of government failure to enforce standards, or of corruption, which are taboo subjects.

Treading carefully around a politically delicate subject, Mr. Li, the co-author of last year’s paper warning of the danger to this region, said, “Many experts have provided their knowledge and suggestions, but how much of it became a reality in these towns and villages isn’t something that’s convenient for me to say.”

Some scientists said that given the known risk, the areas with the worst damage should never have been settled. “How could a populous city be built in such a risky area, particularly right at the foot of mountains?” said Liu Jingbo, a professor at the Construction Institute of Disaster Preparation and Relief at Tsinghua University, in Beijing. “When an earthquake occurs, it’s not just the collapse of buildings that buries people, but boulders and huge rocks and mud flows follow on immediately.”

More than 15,000 people died in Beichuan, or about one-tenth of the city’s population. “The ignorance of the local government or the lack of attention to implementation of the departments with real power contributed to this tragedy,” Professor Liu said.

Beichuan, a county capital, was moved in 1952 to its present site at the foot of three mountains, from a nearby site that was prone to flooding. But concerns about the risk of a major earthquake have been voiced almost continuously since the relocation.

“Ever since I was small,” said Sun Xiaotao, director of the general office of Beichuan County’s fiscal bureau, “I’ve heard talk about how if an earthquake happened, we’d be wrapped in, just like a dumpling.”

Reporting was contributed by Fan Wenxin, Li Zhen and Shi Jing from Shanghai, and John Schwartz from New York.

2008年6月1日 星期日

Help with a bow (Tzu Chi)

Taiwan's charities

Help with a bow

May 29th 2008 | TAIPEI
From The Economist print edition

An unexpected bringer of relief in Myanmar and China


EPA Taiwan to the rescue

THE natural disasters that recently befell Myanmar and China have tested the willingness of both stricken countries to let in foreign helpers. Western relief organisations are still waiting to see whether Myanmar's armed forces meant what they said when they promised to let in all aid workers, regardless of nationality. China, though quick to accept money and material from the West, was slower to let in its people. But whereas Western do-gooders have queued for entry, volunteers from Taiwan's non-governmental organisations (NGOs) received a warmer welcome. A chartered relief mission from Taipei, led by a Burmese-born Buddhist monk, was among the first to land in Yangon, Myanmar's main city. In China, emergency workers from a Taiwanese foundation were among the first to reach Sichuan. This first-responder feat is all the more remarkable given the political impasse between China and Taiwan.

Disaster relief plays to the strengths of Taiwan's NGOs. They have plenty of experience coping with earthquakes and typhoons at home, and can mobilise legions of volunteers at short notice. Operating in a vibrant democracy that encourages civil society is also handy, as is the charitable impulse of many Taiwanese. This is often channelled into Buddhist philanthropy, which troubles receiving countries less than the proselytising zeal that comes attached to some brands of Christian charity. Paradoxically, Taiwan's diplomatic isolation helps: its aid agencies can plead neutrality in countries such as Myanmar.


The largest NGO in Taiwan—and by all accounts in the Chinese-speaking world—is the Tzu Chi Foundation, which has dozens of international chapters, around 10m supporters and annual donations of $300m. In Taiwan it runs hospitals, schools, a university, recycling centres and one of the world's largest bone-marrow banks. 忘記提媒體 It began overseas relief work in 1991, responding to flooding along China's Yangzi river. Initially, its offer of help got a cool response from both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Critics at home asked why they wanted to aid “the enemy”. Eventually both sides relented, and China is now the biggest overseas recipient of Tzu Chi's low-key largesse. Earlier this year, it finally got a licence to operate freely as a 100%-foreign NGO, a first for China, it claims.

With projects in dozens of countries, Tzu Chi is starting to resemble its Western counterparts, except that its aid workers are trained volunteers who pay their own way to disaster zones. Master Cheng Yen, a Buddhist nun who founded the organisation in 1966, teaches that charitable givers must thank those they help in person, preferably with a bow. That is not just a wonderful bit of courtesy. It is also a way to make sure that aid reaches its recipients, rather than ending up in the hands of an unworthy government.



新興市場新世紀──台灣

新興市場新世紀──台灣
新興市場新世紀──台灣
大塊文化/提供

我 第一次到台灣是在1977年,那時候我們住在曼谷,到台灣是為了拜訪友人。記憶中,我開著車經過鄉間,沿途看見的是一排排剛種好的蘋果樹,還有,我在台北 享用熱騰騰的火鍋,更以非常便宜的價格買了一套非常有名的百科全書。現在,以前的果樹林上蓋滿了建築物,摩天大樓裡開著許多別出心裁的餐廳,只要利用台灣 製的智慧手機,就能在手掌上找尋任何想要的資訊。還有,當年有誰曾料想到現在會有那麼多台灣商人,住在台灣企業巨型工廠林立的中國?

小型新興國家 也能是競爭力外銷者

台灣是全球經濟(與全球勢力)自工業革命以來,最深刻的變遷環境下的早期領導者和範例。200年前,「西方國家」從當時世界上最大經濟體──中國和印度 ──手中奪走了對全球經濟的掌控權。現在,潮流又在轉向了,全球經濟的重心正快速從已開發世界轉向新興市場。這股潮流正是起始於「亞洲四小龍」如台灣等 地,他們向整個世界證明,小型新興國家也可以成為有競爭力的外銷者。

過去一度處在全球經濟末稍部位的新興市場,現在卻扮演著核心的角色。台灣和韓國是最早期的範例,他們從窮國蛻變成中產階級經濟體,目前無論在消費、基礎建設、財富、科技甚至流行等層面都急起直追。

未來十年內,將有接近十億個新消費者是來自新興市場。改造全球局面的並不是「新經濟」,而是在無聲無息中奪走光彩的「新經濟體」(更確切的說,應該是「再」新興市場)。這只是個開始。

新興市場從附屬地轉變為未來主導者,並不僅止於貿易面。目前全世界有75%以上的外匯存底,是掌握在新興經濟體的央行手中。不過,世人比較不清楚的是,目 前這些新興市場的基礎建設支出已經超越美國或歐洲,而且他們的支出年度成長率高達20%,已開發世界的成長率卻低得可憐。

將有愈來愈多的下一個奇異公司和微軟公司是來自新興市場。目前《財星》雜誌全球500大企業中,有近70家公司是以新興市場為基地。我的書裡討論了25個突破萬難並順利躍上世界級地位的企業,其中有四個是台灣企業。

台積電是獨立晶圓廠的世界領導者,該公司製造精密半導體晶圓。宏達電是精密(且美觀)智慧手機和PDA的創新設計者。鴻海是眾多在中國從事主要生產活動的 台灣企業之一。目前該公司仍舊隱匿在大品牌的面紗之下,它不僅製造i-Phone,也生產HP電腦、Nokia手機和Sony的Playstation。

另外還有裕元,它是台灣的寶成企業所創辦,全世界賣出的五雙慢跑鞋裡,就有一雙是該公司製造的。

新興跨國企業 擁有本土優勢

在這些新興跨國企業當中,只有少數是仰賴廉價勞工或天然資源,來作為它們的主要競爭優勢,這和一般人的迷思正好相反。全球經濟的轉變也意味,傳統的跨國企 業不僅要在它們自己的領土裡迎戰這些新秀,在這些企業賴以成長的市場中,它們也被迫面臨愈來愈嚴重的競爭壓力,因為新興跨國企業在這些成長市場中擁有它們 特有的本土優勢。

新興市場的自信心已經愈來愈強,同時也發展出屬於他們特有的品味。隨著「西方國家」逐漸失去「模範」的地位,某些傳統品牌的吸引力可能會逐漸消失。現在已 經有成千上萬種新的本土產品(從泡麵到多人同時上線的電腦遊戲和行動電話),是為了迎合亞洲消費者需求而推出。這個世界不是平的,而是逐漸朝新興市場傾 斜!

(本文摘自大塊文化出版《新興市場的新世紀 》台灣版作者序)

China to seal $9bn DR Congo deal

China to seal $9bn DR Congo deal

Tim Whewell
By Tim Whewell
BBC Newsnight, Democratic Republic of Congo

How China plans to build DR Congo's infrastructure

It's a scene that - with just a few changes - you might have found in the central African bush in the late 19th Century.

Ploughing through the long grass is a foreigner in a wide-brimmed sun-hat, scribbling away in a notebook.

Alongside, a deferential African bearing a long pole. The two are barely able to communicate with one another.

You're reminded, irresistibly, of images of Victorian era explorers such as David Livingstone and Henry Morton Stanley, hacking their way across the continent.

But this foreigner comes from a country that suffered from colonial exploitation itself.

Biggest deal

He's Chinese, an engineer, and his assistant's pole is not for beating down the vegetation. It's a global positioning tool, taking satellite readings to plot the exact course of a road that's about to be built.

The pair belong to an advance team of surveyors deployed to the Democratic Republic of Congo by a massive state-owned firm based in Beijing, the China Railway Engineering Corporation, or CREC.

DR CONGO
DR Congo map
DR Congo is larger than Western Europe
Has few railways or surfaced roads
Striving to recover from five-year war; millions died, mostly through starvation, disease
Hosts the UN's largest peacekeeping mission

And the new road they're planning will be the first fruit of the biggest single deal China's ever done in Africa, worth $9bn.

Due to be signed in Beijing in the next few days, it gives DR Congo $6bn of desperately needed infrastructure - about 2,400 miles of road, 2,000 miles of railway, 32 hospitals, 145 health centres and two universities.

In return, China gets a slice of DR Congo's precious natural resources to feed its booming industries - 10m tonnes of copper and 400,000 tonnes of cobalt.

Infrastructure

It's a barter deal - what the Chinese side loves to call "win-win". Not aid with strings attached, like Western powers have given DR Congo over the years, but pure business.

Decades of kleptocratic dictatorship and brutal civil war have brought DR Congo to its knees. Most of its infrastructure barely functions.

"We've been mining for two centuries but people only see minerals going out," says deputy Mining Minister Victor Kasongo.

"People talk about roads, schools, water - they hardly see anything from the huge assets."

The Chinese ambassador to DR Congo, Wu Zexian, is equally frank about his country's agenda:

"China needs many things. In this world China cannot live closed off which is why we have adopted a politics of openness towards the outside world. We must come to a co-operation that benefits everyone."

Paul Fortin on China's DR Congo deal

The fine print of the deal was negotiated over two months in Beijing by Paul Fortin, a corporate lawyer based in Monaco who now runs DR Congo's state-owned copper and cobalt mining company, Gecamines.

He clinched it by finding a mine - in Kolwezi, in the southern copper belt province of Katanga - that had enough proven reserves to persuade the Chinese that it was financially safe for them to begin disbursing a first tranche of money for infrastructure projects - about $3bn - right away.

China's state-owned Exim Bank, which is financing this deal and many others in Africa, is still taking on a level of risk that few Western banks would consider.

Joint venture

It'll take about three years, and another $3bn or so of investment, before the disused mine - formerly owned by the Belgian Forrest Group - is up and running.

When production begins, the Chinese companies signing the deal - CREC and Sinohydro - will disburse a final $3bn on roads, railways and hospitals.

The idea is that China will recoup its total investment within 10 years.

Thereafter the joint venture - one third DR Congolese, two-thirds Chinese - continues to exploit the mine.

Congo cobalt mine
The deal will provide China with access to DR Congo's vast cobalt mines

Paul Fortin believes the deal - and the rapidly rising price of minerals - will jump-start the economy of a region depressed after years of war.

"This was thriving and jumping in the 1920s and 30s," he says. "Now it has a chance to restart. It's like you go back to Klondike and say: 'Hey guys, we're reopening again.'"

And yet, despite China's pledge of openness, the deal has still not been published - to the fury of human rights groups.

"Our worry is that it is almost totally opaque," says Katanga-based lawyer Georges Kapiamba, who eventually obtained a copy.

"It permits a group of Chinese to get more than the Congolese - it's not a win-win contract."

Kapiamba says the deal amounts to a licensed plundering of DR Congo's resources similar to that carried out under the country's colonial ruler, King Leopold II of Belgium.

A copy of the original DR Congolese-Chinese memorandum of understanding obtained by Newsnight appears to exonerate the Chinese side from all taxes and customs duties until the promised building work is completed.

Victor Kasongo, the deputy mining minister, says DR Congo "will do whatever's necessary to keep the Chinese on board".

Scrutiny

But critics say the problem is not just fiscal privileges.

Tim Whewell's car stuck in mud on Congo's roads
BBC Newsnight fell foul of DR Congo's crumbling infrastructure
Tim Whewell's film can be seen on the Newsnight website

The whole arithmetic of the deal unfairly favours the Chinese. At current world prices for copper and cobalt, they claim, the Chinese side of the joint venture will make a colossal overall profit of about $42bn after all the investment's been paid.

Paul Fortin of Gecamines dismisses that argument as "rubbish", because it ignores continuing production costs and interest repayments.

"Without the Chinese," he adds - pointing to the disused Kolwezi mine - "all this will be just be scenery."

There's no doubt about Beijing's bravado. But until the deal can be properly scrutinised, the doubts will continue.

"We can't understand why they're signing under these circumstances," says the human rights lawyer Georges Kapiamba.

"We need a commission of jurists to consider whether it's in the interests of the Congolese."