中國《財經時報》因為報道中國農業銀行違規被指違反法律，被禁3個月。
中国劳工通讯在近年来发布的报告，主要涉及中国煤矿工人状况、矿难事故发生原因调查、中国劳工职业病状况、中国劳动法律执行状况、中国工会 所扮演的角色等等，这些报告的一个基本结论就是，中国的劳工阶层在为中国飞速的经济发展付出代价。中国劳动通讯驻巴黎代表蔡崇国说："首先就是大量的工人 失业，从各种统计数据来源看，从1993年到现在大概有4000万到6000万的工人被解雇或是买断工龄提前退休，这些人不但收入减少了，很多人生活在贫 困中，而且社会地位也有很大变化，社会联系也被割断了。同时，还有很多退休金的问题，医疗保障或者很少、或者根本没有。从心理上讲，他们也没有过去的那种 归宿感了，对政府和家人都产生了很大程度的依赖。这种经济上、社会地位上、心理上、健康上的代价，都是非常大的。"
除了下岗问题之外，在职工人的安全和权益也常常不能得到保障。各种工伤安全事故屡见不鲜，中国政府每年公布的因工死亡人数大概在3000到6000 人之间，但是蔡崇国认为，实际的数字应该要大的多。除此之外，还有很多因为职业病、工伤事故而变成残废、失去生活自理能力的人，这些人往往不能得到合理的 赔偿，而他们所受到的伤害也是无法用金钱来弥补的。
中国政府和社会各界已经意识到了这些问题，并且已经做出了一些努力来改善现状。中国的劳动法律，包括工伤法、矿山企业安全生产法、劳动合同法等等， 在各类法律中属于出台数量最多的。目前，对矿山企业安全生产的监督检查已经有所加强，而对于出现事故的企业负责人及相关责任领导的处理也比过去严厉，社会 保障体系也已经有所改进。但是，蔡崇国认为，问题在于很多法规在地方和企业生产中并不能得到有效的实施。他说："有些情况还在恶化，主要表现在职业病、工 伤。此外，很多城市工人的职业临时化，定的合同期限很短，很多根本就没有合同，等于是黑工，也不交保险费，这种现象也在发展。所以中国的劳工状况总的来 说，社会舆论更加重视了，法律也更健全，但是法律的执行情况比过去是退步了。"
蔡崇国认为，中国如果继续按照十几年来的老办法去做的话，是没有出路的，必须要有一些思路上的根本改变。工会的创建过程及其角色要有根本的改变，蔡 崇国说："在中国，工会的职能要有根本的改变，它必须要由工人去选举，工人必须要有集体的力量，能和老板去集体谈判，要和政府有关部门和舆论有直接的联 系，以此来抗衡资本家和地方政府权力如此之大的现状。如果不从社会力量对比的方面去改变，那是没有出路的。"
德国之声：盖夫肯教授，您一直在关注中国政府今年实施的《劳动合同法》。从您的观点看来，这部法律有何特点？您是否认为中国政府在制定这部法律时借鉴了德国的相关经验？
盖 夫肯：是的，我最近刚刚用德语、英语和中文三种语言撰写了一部关于这部法律的分析评论。这部法律的一个特点就是它的问世过程。《劳动合同法》在制定之初就 在相当广泛的范围内听取了各个方面的意见，我认为这不是中国借鉴了什么德国经验的问题，相反，单从大范围内征求意见这一点来看，这恰恰是我们需要向中国学 习的地方，这一点毋需掩饰。除了互联网上的民间讨论之外，在制定这部法律的草案时（中国）举行了不计其数的研讨会，也出现了各种各样的想法和建议。这一点 是我们乐于见到的。该法的另一个特点是，在正式生效之前，某些条文得到了修改。从现在公开的消息来看，这部法律除了受到来自中国国内的压力之外，确实也与 来自外国投资者的压力有关。他们中的一部分认为这部法的某些条文过于激进和强调雇员的利益。
德国之声：从现在看来，这部法律对中国经济、尤其是对中国的劳动市场有何影响？
盖 夫肯：关于这一点，总的来看有两方面的意见。有些新自由主义者认为给予雇员太多的权力会阻碍经济的发展，而另外一些人则认为确保雇员的权力有利于提高经济 发展的质量。我认为后者的观点是正确的。如果我们看一看德国国内的情况的话会发现一个有趣的现象。尽管德国没有统一的、关于劳动权利的法规，但我们有不同 种类的劳资协定。那些雇员权利较为完善的领域恰恰是德国质量最高的生产部门，比如汽车和飞机制造、钢铁工业、IT业等等。我认为，高质量的行业和良好的雇 员权利之间存在着直接的联系。将提高雇员权利作为淘汰过时的或者缺少创新能力的产业的手段是完全正确的。从长期看，中国也不需要这样的产业。比如中国没有 必要继续发展廉价的鞋帽和纺织业，这些产品可以在世界其他地方生产。将来中国需要的是高质量的产业，只有这样才能在世界市场上真正站住脚跟。我想，提高雇 员权利可以在这方面做出贡献。二者并非矛盾关系，而是相辅相成，高质量的产业和良好的雇员权利是统一的。
德国之声：实际上刚刚您已经谈到了这一点，即在制定《劳动合同法》的过程中，恰恰是很多外资机构提出这部法律可能会对雇员“过于友好”。您怎么看待这个问题？
盖 夫肯：美国商会、还有欧洲商会确实有这方面的顾虑，认为给予雇员过多的权利可能会危及中国作为投资接受国的地位。我想中国需要尽快适应这一点，即使是在这 些国家国内，提及雇员权利的增加，许多企业都会组织各种活动来表达类似的疑虑。对于这样的观点，我认为人们没有必要过于认真。不过在某些条款上，西方企业 的批评得到了考虑，比如一些涉及到兼职工作者的条款。与全职员工相比，兼职者受到的法律保护明显较弱。而在某些其他条款上，所谓的“西方企业”的意见则没 有被考虑。但是不管怎样，从总体上看，我认为这还是一部强调雇员利益的法律。这是个有趣的现象，因为它与现在西欧盛行的做法不一样，在这里，雇员的权利实 际上在减少。人们减少雇员权利、减少全职员工，强调雇员需要有更大的流动性等等。恰恰是在中国的发展势头却与此恰好相反。我认为这十分有意思。
德国之声：昨天中国政府公布了《劳动合同法实施条例》。许多人认为这个条例更多地顾及了雇主的利益。比如该条例明确规定了在何种情况下雇主可以中断与雇员的劳动合同。您认为为什么会出现这种变化？
盖 夫肯：在中国，法律和条例还没有完全区分开来。理论上，法律确定基本的前提，实施条例必须遵守这个前提而不能包含有新的规定。这是正确的理论框架，在德国 我们也是这么做的。但是，这个理论框架在中国没有得到贯彻。在中国，对雇员的权利保护和执行一直有限。实际上，之前的法律也提到了如何保障雇员的利益，但 是在很多时候都没有被真正执行。在这个背景下，《实施条例》将重点放在了如何使《劳动法》本身得到精确的执行上。至于这一点在现实中是否真能实现，则是另 外一个问题。但是这种努力是明显的。我们需要的不单单是一部法律，而是这部法律在现实中能够运作起来。中国在这方面还需要走一段我们曾经花了很长时间才走 过的路。但是，中国在这方面做出的努力仍然值得我们肯定。
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Supporters of a Tata Motors plant in Singur, India, blocked a national highway in West Bengal State on Monday. Opponents have also taken to the streets.
SINGUR, India — Barely a month before Tata, one of India’s most powerful conglomerates, was due to roll out the world’s cheapest car from a new factory on these former potato and rice fields, a peasant uprising has forced the company to suspend work on the plant and consider pulling out altogether.
Tata’s Nano, a subcompact intended to sell for $2,500, was unveiled at a car show in New Delhi in January.
In Singur, plans for an auto factory have led to protests.
The standoff is just the most prominent example of a dark cloud looming over India’s economic transition: How to divert scarce fertile farmland to industry in a country where more than half the people still live off the land.
At the heart of the challenge, one of the most important facing the Indian government, is not only how to compensate peasants who make way for India’s industrial future, but also how to prepare them — in great numbers — for the new economy India wants to enter.
In recent years, clashes over land have dogged several major industrial projects in virtually every corner of this crowded democracy of 1.1 billion people, most of them rural and poor.
In eastern Orissa State, betel leaf farmers have held up a $12 billion project by Posco, the South Korean steel maker, occasionally kidnapping company officials. In western Goa, several proposed Chinese-style special economic zones were scrapped after sustained public protests. And outside Mumbai, India’s commercial capital, village councils insist on a referendum this month on an economic zone proposed by Mukesh D. Ambani, the nation’s richest man.
In nearly all these cases, the peasants who resist most intensely are often those who know they are qualified to do little beyond eke out a living off the land.
If that fundamental anxiety feeds their protests, farmers and farmhands, often egged on by the politicians who seek their support, also stage protests to ratchet up the price of the land or to renegotiate deals.
The target of their ire is often the government, which in most cases acquires the land and turns it over to industrial developers. The central government has yet to release a long-awaited national policy on how to compensate those who lose their land.
“If the price is right, people will sacrifice the emotional attachment, but if you no longer have the guarantee of living off the land, then what do you do?” asked Subir Gokarn, chief economist for Standard & Poor’s in India. “The people who are being displaced are not the people who see themselves as benefiting immediately from the employment opportunities.”
Medha Patkar, one of India’s best-known opponents of large industrial projects, said, “Land is livelihood, it’s not just property.”
Last month in this rich farm belt in West Bengal State, protesters laid siege to the new Tata Motors plant, on one occasion preventing workers there from leaving.
The protesters now want the government to return roughly a third of the 997 acres that the state acquired for the Tata factory. Some of the land was taken by force from farmers.
Their demands have since forced the state government, controlled of all things by an elected Communist administration, to sweeten the deal without taking apart the factory site.
On Sunday, in an effort to assuage the protesters, the government announced a new, more generous compensation package for those who had been evicted. It included a 50 percent increase in the price paid for the property and job training for one member of each displaced family. The ruling party and its opponents have been staging competing protests this week.
That new deal only revealed the deep wedge of anxiety that the factory has driven through this cluster of villages.
“We are farmers,” said Tayab Ali Mandal, 52, of Joymolla village. “We know only farm work; we don’t know any paper-pencil work.” He gave up his land last year, but bitterly. Now, he wants it back, and he rejected the government’s latest offer of a job in the plant.
He said he would rather that his 16-year-old son continue to work in a small factory embroidering clothes, a traditional craft in his community. “I won’t go inside that place even to urinate,” he said. “We are disgusted by that place.”
Gopal Santra and his clan, who refused to accept money for the land they lost, said they hoped the renewed agitation would prompt the state to raise its offer even more.
The Santras also had land across the street from the Tata plant, which they sold to a private party a month ago for more than four times the price the state is now offering.
Still others, like Sheik Muhammad Ali, who welcomed the Nano, Tata’s flat-faced, pint-size car, to his fields, threatened to put the naysayers in their place.
Mr. Ali, 50, had readily given up his land, and through his contacts with Communist Party workers, started a business supplying cement to the factory developer.
On Sunday, he was seething at the protesters who had halted work on the plant for the last two weeks and, in turn, his business.
“There’s a limit to our patience,” he barked. “If you take my plate of rice, will I just let you go off with it?”
Bidyut Kumar Santra, 30, a rare high school graduate in Joymolla, was among the lucky few to get jobs on the assembly line and, in turn, he realized how poorly equipped he was to keep up with events on the factory floor. The engineers all spoke English, to him an alien tongue.
“I feel ashamed, like what kind of education did I get?” Mr. Santra said the other day and vowed to make certain that his son, who is in first grade, learns to speak English.
The villages of Singur, where the Nano was to be produced, stand at the crossroads of the two Indias.
For Tata, it is ideally located along a new national highway that heads north to New Delhi, the capital, and intersects an important east-west artery.
For farmers, it is ideally located on the fertile delta plains of the Ganges River and fed by irrigation canals, making the earth so rich and red that it yields two rice harvests a year, in addition to potatoes, cucumbers and squash.
West Bengal lured Tata here with heavy incentives, including a generous land lease and tax breaks from the state’s industrial development agency.
Some of these details of the company’s hitherto secret contract with the government have emerged in recent days, prompting the company to go to court, where a ruling blocked further disclosures. If Tata were required to give back 300 acres of land from the factory site, as the opposition demands, it would have to evict auto-parts makers who are setting up shop next to the main Nano plant. Their proximity allows Tata to save on the cost of production. Those savings and the generous land and tax deal allow Tata to offer the Nano at an astonishing price of less than $2,500. The plant’s fate is uncertain. Tata, while welcoming the government’s proposed compensation package, has remained silent on its plans.
The company has several other plants where it could produce the Nano in time for the Hindu festival season next month, traditionally a time of big spending. It has dangled the possibility of making the Nano elsewhere if the cost of production and the price of the world’s cheapest car rise too high.
中印之爭
The United States has increasingly found it has more in common with democratic India, previously a friend of the Soviet Union, than with its Cold War ally against Moscow, Communist China.
This crucial shift has left the two Asian giants on opposite geopolitical sides and brought their many differences into sharper focus.
Growth in trade, repeated visits by state leaders and declarations of a "win-win partnership", have failed to bridge the differences. China has settled its border disputes with every neighbour along its vast landmass, from Vietnam to Russia, with the sole exception of India.
This territorial dispute reached its nadir with a short but bloody frontier war, which China won in 1962.
The issues underlying that conflict have not gone away, and new grievances have been added. China still claims the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, which stands on its Himalayan border and contains important Tibetan Buddhist monasteries. Meanwhile, India says that China presently occupies 16,500 square miles of its territory in the high Himalayas.
These territorial wrangles came to the surface last year when China refused a visa for a member of an Indian trade delegation on the grounds that he came from Arunachal Pradesh and was theoretically a Chinese citizen. India then invited the Taiwanese opposition leader, now the island's president, Ma Ying-jeou, to visit.
India also fears China's close military co-operation with its traditional enemy, Pakistan. The two have joint weapons development projects, while China also provided Pakistan with nuclear and missile technology.
China objects to the shelter that India gives to the Dalai Lama. Beijing fears that despite India's official recognition of Chinese rule in Tibet, it secretly backs Tibetan independence.
Indian military analysts suspect that China's military deployments in Tibet are aimed not only at controlling the region, but also at supplying a future war front.
For its part, Beijing thinks that the US is trying to "encircle" it with stronger alliances with democratic powers, particularly India, Japan and Australia.
Washington's agreement to support India's civil nuclear programme, which had been off-limits since New Delhi's first test of a nuclear weapon in 1974, was seen as the latest sign that the US could find powerful friends in new places.
The Strait of Malacca, where the Indian Ocean joins the Pacific, is seen as China's Achilles' heel. These shipping lanes, vital for Beijing's energy supplies, could be the setting for any future confrontation between India and China.
The two giant powers are long-standing rivals who share a disputed 2,100-mile border and are waging a diplomatic struggle for influence in Asia. They fought a border war in 1962, which ended in victory for China and left Beijing in control of 16,500 square miles of territory claimed by India.
Both countries are increasing their defence budgets, with India's military spending rising by an average of 18 per cent in each of the past three years and now exceeding £15 billion.
If these tensions were ever to boil over into war, India would probably exploit a crucial advantage. Its navy, which eventually plans to deploy three aircraft carriers and two nuclear-powered attack submarines, would probably seek to close the Strait of Malacca to Chinese shipping through an increased presence. By cutting off the supply of oil, this could cripple China and prove the decisive move in any conflict.
"The most likely flashpoint would be along the border, but ultimately the decision in any war would be on the ocean," said Sheru Thapliyal, a retired Indian general in New Delhi who once commanded a division on the frontier with China.
"The Indian Ocean is where we could use our advantage to the maximum. If you want to choke China, the only way you can choke China is by using naval power."
With China's key vulnerability in mind, India has constructed a naval base within striking distance of the Strait of Malacca at Port Blair on the Andaman Islands. China has countered by installing military facilities of its own, complete with electronic monitoring and eavesdropping devices, on the nearby Coco Islands. These specks of land belong to Burma, a long-standing ally of China.
Beijing is now taking other steps to address what President Hu Jintao has called the country's "Malacca dilemma". With hugely ambitious infrastructure projects, China hopes to bypass the Strait of Malacca and eventually end its dependence on this vulnerable waterway for energy supplies.
On India's western flank, China is helping to build a new port in the Pakistani town of Gwadar. Thrust together by their shared rivalry with India, Pakistan and China are old allies.
Gwadar could eventually provide a base for Chinese warships. Or it may be used as the starting point for a pipeline travelling through Pakistan and carrying oil and gas into China itself. If so, Beijing could import energy from the Middle East using this route, bypassing the Strait of Malacca.
The same rationale may explain China's actions on India's eastern flank. A new port and pipeline terminal are being constructed at Kyauk Phyu on Burma's island of Ramree. This will be the starting point for a 900-mile pipeline, able to carry oil directly to Kunming, the capital of Yunnan province in southern China.
"They know that we could attempt to choke them completely and that's why they want these ports," said Vijay Kapoor, a retired general in New Delhi and former commandant of the Indian Army War College. "Their aim in all of this is to prevent us from being able to choke them."
China's moves are being closely watched in India, where the military establishment fears that Beijing's plans in Pakistan and Burma amount to a deliberate strategy of "encirclement". If China's navy acquires permanent bases in the Indian Ocean, tension will grow.
But Indian diplomats tend to believe these fears are exaggerated. They believe that China is motivated by nothing more than securing its economic boom and taking normal precautions against unforeseeable events.
"機械故障導致俄國客機墜毀"俄國聯邦調查人員認為，引擎故障可能導致一架民航班機周日在彼爾姆市附近墜毀。
《國際先驅論壇報》--俄羅斯總理普京周四的發言。普京為俄國在格魯吉亞的軍事行動辯護說，俄國是為了穩定在俄羅斯境內的北高加索地區。 《獨立報》說，普京周四接受包括西方媒體在內的三個半小時採訪中，語氣自信強硬，普京說俄國被打中鼻子流血後不會垂頭喪氣，必定會反擊。
Asia.view
Sep 10th 2008
From Economist.com
WHILE Thailand’s attention, and the world’s, has been focused on the clashes in Bangkok between the government and a royalist-backed opposition movement, the deadly insurgency in Thailand’s mainly Muslim southernmost provinces continues to rage. Routine violence there exceeds anything seen in Bangkok, but it elicits barely a peep from the news media in the Thai capital.
On September 9th—a fairly typical day in the four-year-old conflict—separatist militants shot a government official outside a school in Pattani province, then dragged his body out of his pickup truck and beheaded him in front of pupils and teachers. The same day, in the nearby province of Yala, rebels attacked an army post, killing a paramilitary ranger and seizing guns and ammunition.
Violent surgeThe insurgency’s roots lie in predominantly Buddhist Thailand’s annexation a century ago of three provinces on the border with what is now Malaysia, inhabited mainly by ethnic-Malay Muslims. Separatist movements have waxed and waned since then but the insurgency returned with a vengeance, for reasons that remain unclear, in 2004, since when over 3,000 people have died. It is just as unclear who if anyone is organising the uprising: no credible rebel group has come forward to admit to any of the attacks.
In 2004, the then-prime-minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, made things far worse by abandoning attempts at building relations with southern Muslims and unleashing the security forces to launch harsh crackdowns. Ironically, one of the key backers of the anti-government protests in Bangkok—supposedly a protest against the abuses of Mr Thaksin and the government of Thaksin allies now in power—is General Panlop Pinmanee. General Panlop is a hardline general who commanded troops responsible for one of the worst atrocities in the southern conflict: the slaughter of 30 Muslims at the Krue Se mosque in late 2004.
The current prime minister, Samak Sundaravej, has also unleashed the army to quell the southern insurgency. Struggling to keep his job, Mr Samak has curried favour with the army chief, General Anupong Paochinda, by letting him chair Internal Security Operations Command, the agency in charge of the battle in the south—a position that is supposed to belong to the prime minister himself.
General Anupong has been conducting a “surge” of sorts. A new report from the International Crisis Group (ICG), a think-tank, notes that he has brought in fresh troops and commanders from other parts of Thailand and is boosting the numbers of locally recruited paramilitary rangers. The troops and rangers are sweeping through villages suspected of supporting the rebel movement and interning large numbers of young Muslim men. The independent Asian Human Rights Commission is alarmed at “disappearances” of suspected rebel sympathisers.
The army believes it is making progress: the rate of deaths and injuries has declined markedly in the past few months. But this may be false optimism. The ICG report notes that the rebels, while launching fewer small attacks, are resorting to more “spectaculars”. The latest example of this was a car bomb near a police station in the tourist town of Sungai Kolok on August 21st. The insurgents had set off a smaller bomb to draw the security forces into the area before detonating the explosives-rigged car, killing a newspaper reporter.
The increased use of rangers is especially worrying. They are poorly trained and undisciplined. The ICG report says many are using their weapons to settle personal scores. It says rebels may also be infiltrating ranger units. Insurgencies the world over have demonstrated the folly of setting ill-trained paramilitaries on a rebellious population, and of detaining large numbers of young men without trial. Such acts are recruiting-sergeants for the rebellion, ensuring its perseverance for another generation.
In July a former army general appeared on Thai television with supposed leaders of the rebel movement, saying a ceasefire had been agreed. The claim was scorned by the press and punditry in Bangkok, probably justifiably, as a hoax. But it was scorned perhaps a little too quickly, demonstrating the Bangkok elite’s lack of concern and compassion for the deadly conflict their southern compatriots are suffering.
A similar situation exists in the predominantly Catholic Philippines, where an insurgency has been raging for decades in mainly Muslim areas of Mindanao and other southern islands. On September 3rd the Philippine government scrapped an 11-year-old peace process with the main rebel movement. Extra troops and police are pouring into the region as renewed fighting has forced around 500,000 people from their homes.
Only a few weeks earlier the government and rebel leaders had been on the brink of signing a comprehensive peace deal, which would have given the Muslim regions much greater autonomy. The fighting resumed after the Philippines’ supreme court halted the signing. But the underlying cause of the deal’s collapse is that the incompetent and floundering government in Manila was neither able nor willing to persuade the majority of Filipinos to accept the sacrifices needed to make peace in the south.
Likewise in Thailand: the outline of a settlement to bring peace to its troubled south had been laid out by a reconciliation commission, comprised of a group of worthies, in 2006. But the Thaksin government was unable and unwilling to sell it to the majority Thai population, so it got nowhere.
As the successful peace process in Indonesia’s Aceh province has showed, it takes courage and determination from the national government to push through a peace deal to end a long-running separatist insurgency. Without a stable and serious government in the capital, there is little chance of peace in the rebellious provinces. Military “surges” only achieve short-term victories and, in the absence of a political solution, will end up perpetuating the conflict.
"例如，中国的汽车责任险在人寿保险以外的险种中占有70％，但中国不许外国保险公司进入这项业务领域。按照正式规定，汽车只能与中国企业合资生产，购买机票只能通过中国唯一的订票系统，外国并购中国较大的企业至今实际从来没有出现过。
中国无处不在的国家进行项目招标时，外国人虽然 最近可以参加竞争，但根据欧盟企业的经验，往往只有纯中国的企业可以中标，哪怕其报价既昂贵又不好。虽然中国是从京都议定书清洁发展机制中受益最多的国 家，但北京仍然只承认由中国企业构成多数的项目。清洁发展机制项目对投资减少排放废气给予补偿，使建立风力发电园区的工程变得有利可图。中国在这个问题上 的做法实际上等于把外国风力发电设备厂家排除在这一市场之外。
除了限制进入市场以外，尤其对知识产权缺乏保护和不透明的官僚过程使欧盟企业对在中国加大投入望而却步。例如，在中国销售的成套货物必须先进行费时费事的逐一鉴定，中国并要求提交很多详尽的信息，这一过程时间很长，最后总有中国厂家向市场推出极其类似的产品。"
谈到德国对中国的出口，人们往往会想到西门子的设备、宝马和奔驰的高级轿车。但从明年开始，德国猪肉将进军中国市场。双方已签署了有关协议。对德国养殖农户来说，开辟这一新市场是一个令人振奋的好消息。每日镜报从柏林报道说：
"中国人每年消费4800万吨猪肉，是世界上最大的猪肉消费国。据德国农业市场营销组织估计，中国的肉类消费今后几年将增加7％，猪肉消费的增长甚至更大。
在德国人看来，最有吸引力的事是亚洲人喜欢啃骨 头，在德国几乎没有人愿意看到自己的盘子里有这样的东西，如猪头、猪肚子上的五花肉、猪蹄和猪咀。猪蹄在中国的价格约为德国价格的五倍，这里每公斤最多卖 69欧分，在中国能卖到2.99欧元。许多德国人不喜欢吃的五花肉，中国人能花12欧元购买一公斤，等于德国人买一公斤里脊肉的价格。
中国的养猪存栏数占世界养猪总量的一半，但老天爷好象不那么恩惠中国。2007年，恰恰是中国的猪年，一场蓝耳病夺去了数百万条猪命。在中国的养猪中心湖北省襄樊，过去几周发生洪水灾难，造成了猪的存栏数大幅减少。"
本文摘自或节译自其它媒体
不代表德国之声观点
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Hong Kong's pro-democracy camp has won more than a third of the seats in legislative elections, and so retains a key veto over future bills.
The pro-democracy opposition won 23 out of the 30 elected seats in the Legislative Council.
The other 30 seats in the council are not directly elected, but allocated to special interest groups.
The Pro-Beijing camp had expected to make gains at the polls due to a surge of patriotism after the Olympics.
Even some of the candidates on the pro-democracy side had been predicting the worst.
Some were even in tears before the results came in, expecting to lose.
Tougher battle
Hong Kong's political landscape is roughly divided along pro-Beijing and pro-democracy lines.
Since the territory returned from British to Chinese rule in 1997, the pro-democracy parties have fared consistently well in the polls.
But there were fears that, this time, the situation would be different.
 Independent candidate Regina Ip was successful in her bid for a seat |
China had also promised the region some form of universal suffrage by 2017, blunting the democratic camp's campaign.
There were also concerns that issues such as wages, inflation and education may eclipse the desire for democratic reform.
But in the event, the result was not as bad as the democratic camp had expected.
It won 23 seats, compared to the 26 it had previously, but held on to its crucial power of veto - giving it the ability to throw out controversial government plans.
"Hong Kong people still have aspiration for full democracy," said Alan Leong, a member of the opposition Civic Party, who was re-elected. "Those in power can't afford to ignore it".
Other leading pro-democracy figures such as Emily Lau, Audrey Eu and Leung Kwok-hung, also known as Longhair, also fought off stiff competition to keep their seat.
But the pro-China Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB), also did well, scoring huge majorities in some districts.
So too did the independent candidate Regina Ip, who won her seat.
The pro-business Liberal Party saw its leader and deputy leader deposed in voting that leaves the party in disarray.
Hong Kong is ultimately controlled by Beijing, but China mostly leaves the territory to govern itself, designating it a Special Administrative Region.
Under this "one country, two systems" model, Hong Kong citizens enjoy far more rights and freedoms than their mainland neighbours.
香港立法會選舉民主派表現勝預期 | ||||||
香港第四屆立法會選舉塵埃落定，親北京的民建聯維持第一大黨地位，但泛民主派的表現優於選前預期和票站調查結果。 點票工作在星期一（9月8日）早上全部完成，泛民主派各政黨在地區直選和功能組別共取得23席，雖然比上屆少了3席，但仍優於目標力保的21席。 前線召集人劉慧卿、民主黨主席何俊仁、公民黨黨魁余若薇，還有人稱“長毛”的社會民主連線成員梁國雄都順利連任。 建制派中，親北京的民建聯取得10席，成為立法會第一大黨﹔工聯會也取得4席。 除了民建聯主席譚耀宗獲得連任外，曾在去年年底舉行補選時敗於前政務司司長陳方安生的前保安局局長葉劉淑儀這次也在地方直選中獲勝。 同屬建制派，主要代表商界和專業人士利益的自由黨則遭遇慘敗，在地方直選中全軍覆沒，功能組別方面雖然能取得7席，但也丟失了旅遊界的議席。 連任失敗的自由黨主席田北俊隨即宣佈辭任黨主席，同樣落敗的副主席周梁淑怡也決定辭去黨職，同時向行政長官曾蔭權辭任行政會議成員。 投票率偏低 據港府公布，星期天（7日）的選舉共有約152萬人投票，投票率為45%，比上屆選舉下挫10個百分點。 此前觀察家們就已經預測，在社會民怨相對改善的氛圍下，選民的投票意欲降低，投票率不會達到2004年的56%。 香港中文大學亞太研究所副所墿王家英教授接受BBC中文網採訪時說，民怨減少是意料中事，但是投票率減少也同時是因為泛民主派沒能提出處於道德高地的政治議題作為賣點。 他說，本屆選舉各陣營出現內鬥情況，既不能動員選民投票，甚或讓一些人感到疲倦，繼而失去了投票意欲。 王家英認為，泛民主派必須對投票率偏低作出反思，否則以後的選情不容樂觀。 民調差距 當前的選舉結果與選前預測以至於投票結束後公布的票站民意調查都有一定的差距。 此前政治學者普遍預測是，泛民主派在失去普選等政治議題作為宣傳重點下將較為不利，親政府、親北京的建制派則會得益於奧運效應等造成的愛國民族情緒，還有中國國內近年在經濟上對香港的優惠政策等。 王家英分析說，民族情緒效應並非這次親北京政黨得票率高的最大原因，而是因為他們注重地方工作。這是自由黨和泛民主派的公民黨所欠缺的。 另一方面，選前由於傳出一些票站調查遭建制派操控作為臨場調整拉票策略的消息，調查回應率整體偏低，使得調查結果與最終選舉結果出現較大差異。 獲得多家電視台採用的票站調查負責人，香港大學民意研究計劃主任鍾庭耀說，這次選舉的票站調查響應率只有約50%，遠低於此前兩屆選舉，可能造成數據出現“系統性偏差”。他還指出，近年的票站調查一直受到不專業干預，使得響應率下降。 第四屆立法會60名議員的任期為期4年，將在2012年屆滿。 | ||||||
KUALA LUMPUR (AFP) — Dozens of lawmakers from the ruling coalition left Monday for Taiwan on an educational tour, in an apparent bid to prevent them from joining an opposition push to topple the government.
The opposition led by Anwar Ibrahim, who has vowed to unseat the coalition by September 16, said the trip was an attempt to "corral and seclude" parliamentarians amid the high-stakes negotiations.
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, whose ruling party leads the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition, has vowed to thwart Anwar's plan to secure the 30 lawmakers he needs to form a new administration.
"Some National Front leaders are getting cold feet and more than a touch of panic," said Lim Kit Siang from the Democratic Action Party, which is part of the three-member opposition alliance.
"All in all, it is a national shame that the MPs should be treated like delinquent children who have to be packed off overseas and secluded from mischief, treating the National Front MPs as no better than chattel," he added.
But Tiong King Sing, chairman of the government backbenchers' club that organised the hastily arranged tour, defended it as an educational programme.
"It is not a forced trip. We are going to Taiwan to obtain some ideas on how to bolster our agriculture output. It has nothing to do with September 16. They can do what they want to do on that date," he told AFP.
Tiong said 50 MPs were participating in the eight-day tour, and that dozens had left on Monday. The Star newspaper said in an SMS alert that 41 had departed.
There are a total of 140 coalition lawmakers in parliament, and most of the would-be defectors were believed to be from the East Malaysia states of Sabah and Sarawak on Borneo island.
Anwar said he was on track to meet the deadline, though political observers have expressed scepticism he can recruit enough defectors by that date.
The 61-year-old opposition leader said government attempts to compel lawmakers to leave the country would not work.
"We have seen some very positive signs, but we have also seen the desperate acts by the government, threats and using institutions to discourage them," he said in Jakarta.
The opposition alliance gained unprecedented ground in March general elections, securing a third of parliamentary seats and five states from the coalition, which has ruled since independence from Britain half a century ago.
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| 群策會昨日舉行「珍愛台灣．同心作伙行」募款餐會，前總統李登輝應邀與會，他致詞時說，台灣人民選擇馬英九執政，絕對不是代表授權給馬將台灣「去主權化」。（記者方賓照攝） |
〔記 者林毅璋／台北報導〕李登輝前總統昨晚應邀出席群策會所舉辦的「珍愛台灣．同心作伙行」二○○八年募款餐會致詞時強調，台灣是個「主權獨立」的國家，也是 個「主權在民」的國家。馬英九毫不在乎選舉期間「台灣前途必須由二千三百萬台灣人來決定」的承諾，枉費他還是哈佛博士，連台灣的地位都搞不清楚。
李：台灣前途 應交由人民決定
李登輝說，台灣人民選擇馬英九執政，絕對不是代表授權給馬將台灣「去主權化」，這個權力是掌握在二千三百萬的台灣人民手中，如要改變，就應舉辦公民投票，讓人民決定自己的前途。
李 登輝批判馬英九的台灣與中國不是國與國關係說辭，強調台灣與中國至少是「特殊的國與國關係」，馬政府竟然自我去主權化，宣稱兩岸只是一種特別的關係，不是 國與國的關係，這不但是背叛國家，也超過人民對他的信託，毫不在乎選舉期間「台灣前途必須由二千三百萬台灣人來決定」的承諾。
李登輝也批 評，台灣主權問題是國際問題，台海現狀不可以片面改變，絕對不要以為國共兩黨關起門來，把台灣前途做個決議，就可以瞞天過海，馬政府向中國傾斜，美日等國 已紛紛提出警告。李說，馬政府為了包機直航、觀光客來台而承認不存在的「九二共識」。他強調，他曾當面告知馬英九並無「九二共識」，請馬不要再說「九二共 識」一事。
李前總統認為，馬政府與中國國民黨的作為是台灣民主陣營的外部威脅；但像陳前總統海外匯款案所暴露出的民主集體腐化，卻是心腹之患。
台獨聯盟要求馬集團停止賣台
〔記者黃維助／台北報導〕面對馬政府向中國傾斜的兩岸政策，台灣獨立建國聯盟昨天召開二○○八年世界中央委員會，並發表聲明，要求馬集團即時停止掏空經濟及出賣台灣主權的行為，馬政權若再執意蠻幹出賣台灣，群眾就應進行強烈抗爭。
台獨聯盟指出，馬政府在國家主權上不斷自我矮化，向中國靠攏，已構成國共兩黨意圖共同改變台海現狀的危險，但台灣自古即不屬於中國，凡是處心積慮計謀戕害台灣獨立自主發展的政黨和政客，台灣人民應群起而攻之，因為台灣是處於一種只許獨立進步而不容逆轉投降的現狀。
對於如何維護台灣主權一事，台獨聯盟表示，由於選舉影響台灣前途的走向，必須結合國內外台灣人的力量，在未來的選舉重新贏回本土政權，始有可能推動台灣正名、制憲及以台灣名義加入聯合國等目標。
 The main cooling tower at Yongbyon was blown up earlier this year |
There is no evidence to support claims that North Korea has begun rebuilding a nuclear plant, US officials say.
The US state department said the North appeared to be moving equipment out of storage at its Yongbyon plant, but there was no effort to reconstruct it.
Earlier reports from South Korea and Japan had claimed the North was actively rebuilding Yongbyon, breaking an international denuclearisation deal.
Pyongyang had previously warned that it had stopped disabling its facilities.
For years, the North has been locked in discussions over its nuclear ambitions with five other nations - South Korea, the US, China, Russia and Japan.
In June this year, the regime blew up the cooling tower of its Yongbyon facility in a symbolic gesture of its commitment to the process.
But last month Pyongyang was angered by the US refusal to remove it from the list of states that sponsor terrorism, and announced it would halt the disabling process.
Reactor 'intact'
On Wednesday reports in Japan, backed up by South Korea's foreign ministry, claimed the North Koreans were actively reconstructing the plant.
But state department spokesman Sean McCormack said it appeared that the North was moving previously stored equipment rather than rebuilding.
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He told reporters: "To my knowledge, based on what we know from the folks on the ground, you don't have an effort to reconstruct, reintegrate this equipment back into the Yongbyon facility."
He said Christopher Hill, the lead US negotiator in the six-nation nuclear talks, would leave for Beijing on Thursday.
The claims emerge as the UN's nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), published a report on North Korea.
It said the regime had already removed large quantities of essential nuclear materials from Yongbyon even before it agreed to dismantle the plant.
Experts believe the North's facilities would take a year to restore, and the IAEA's report appears to support that view.
Former UN weapons inspector David Albright says the reactor at Yongbyon is mostly intact.
But he said the regime would need to manufacture hundreds - possibly thousands - of fuel rods and rebuild a cooling tower that was blown up in June to get it fully operational.
He believes the North is unlikely to rebuild the plant, but is instead using the threat as a bargaining chip to gain more concessions from the six-party talks.
In June, North Korea finally submitted a long-delayed account of its nuclear facilities - and was expecting to be removed from the US list almost immediately in return.
But the US said that would not be possible until North Korea agreed to inspections aimed at verifying the details that it had disclosed.
That move has been delayed amid wrangling among the six nations over exactly how these details can be verified.
"外行几乎无法区分仿冒品与真品，甚至使用说明书和粘贴的系列号码看上去都与真品一致。据说已有六千台伪造的电视接收器在市场流通，约为正 规年产量的十分之一。卡特莱因公司估计自己的损失在二百万欧元以上。该公司开发研制部主任埃克斯勒说，'我们的产品还从来没有这样被人肆无忌惮地仿冒。遗 憾的是，中国的仿冒者进行仿冒的能力越来越高超了。'
为了打击仿冒者，卡特莱因公司通知了海关并申请在欧盟范围内没收销毁仿冒商品。中国的一家侦探公司正在追查仿冒者。埃克斯勒说，'我们有信心把这些 人送上法庭，但可惜需要的时间太长。'为了对付一再盗窃知识产权和侵犯商标的行为，卡特莱因公司准备缩小在远东的生产。今后，最重要和最复杂的部件将在欧 洲生产，在中国和韩国只进行装配。但埃克斯勒也说，这些市场虽然很危险，但他们不能彻底离开，因为中国太重要了。"
南德意志报把与仿冒者做斗争比作奥运的"马拉松"，要有耐力和韧性。该报记者在慕尼黑会见了访问德国的上海高级人民法院副院长吕国强。他们谈到了中国法院在保护知识产权和商标等问题上的作为和面临的问题：
"这位副院长领导二十名法官，每年处理一千件侵犯商标法的事件。2002年至2006年，全中国共有54000多件。大多数官司涉及的价值不高，在 五千欧元至十万欧元之间，主要是中国人告中国人，外国人参与的诉讼不足10％。谈话中，他一再强调近来中国司法改革取得的成就。
但为了防止伪造、收缴仿冒商品，世界著名品牌的生产厂家也只能依靠自己在当地采取行动。例如，德国体育用品制造厂家彪马公司在中国就有自己的律师， 他们做与商标保护部门、警察和海关协调的工作。彪马公司的全球商标保护部负责人埃梅尔说，'我们目前每周都在中国进行大搜查，没收伪造产品。'根据他的经 验，中国海关工作很有效。迄今为止，中国是世界上唯一进行出口商品检查的国家。
在中国海关的支持下，全球运作的企业阿迪达斯在德国也取得了目前为止的最大战果。2006年11月，汉堡海关稽查部门没收了八个集装箱装载的近 72000双运动鞋，这些鞋带着阿迪达斯的三道杠标志。海关发言人证实，这批货由中国港口直接运到汉堡。专家们估计，这批仿冒商品的销售价值在五百万欧元 以上。"
BANGKOK — Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej went on the defensive Thursday, asserting in a nationwide radio address that he would not resign despite mounting pressures against him.
Anti-government protesters outside Government House in Bangkok on Wednesday.
Demonstrators slept on the street outside the government compound in Bangkok.
“I have to stay in order to preserve democracy and to protect the monarchy,” he said, adding, “I have done nothing wrong.”
With protesters blocking him from his office for more than a week and with the army declining to enforce his two-day-old emergency decree, Mr. Samak appeared increasingly isolated and his options seemed to have narrowed.
Rumors had circulated that he would resign Thursday, and the newspaper The Nation carried a banner headline, “Samak on Brink of Exit.”
Mr. Samak responded with bitter humor, saying, “I have to apologize to the disappointed people who were waiting for me to announce my resignation today.”
In another sign that he was losing support, he confirmed that Foreign Minister Tej Bunnag had resigned after just seven weeks in office. He said Mr. Tej had acted under pressure from “high-ranking people” who oppose his government.
Protesters demanding his ouster have occupied the grounds of his office since Aug. 26 and say they will not leave until he resigns.
Responding to his address, one protest leader, Sondhi Limthongkul, told the crowd that the prime minsiter was “lying again,” a Thai news agency reported.
Mr. Samak acknowledged the humiliation of being barred from his office but said he had adapted.
“Am I ashamed that my office has been taken over?” he said. “I have to say yes, I’m ashamed. It is not convenient to work outside, but I can do it.”
In an attempt to bring the standoff to an end, Mr. Samak imposed state of emergency for Bangkok on Tuesday that banned gatherings of more than five people or of any group that might cause disorder. The army chief and the chief of police were given control of Bangkok.
But instead of enforcing the order, the army chief, Gen. Anupong Paochinda, held a long news conference at which he declared a neutral stance between his commander in chief and the protesters demanding Mr. Samak’s resignation.
“We are not taking sides,” the general said as dozens of senior officers sat behind him. “If the nation is the people, we are the army of the people,” he said. “But now the nation is divided into two parts. We cannot be with one side. We have to be with the people, all together.”
General Anupong said he would not lead an insurrection, although he was among a group of generals who two years ago carried out the country’s 18th coup and ousted Thaksin Shinawatra as prime minister.
But a senior government official, speaking Wednesday on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the press, called the general’s passivity “a silent coup.”
“We think he is just playing along, just doing nothing,” he said “We were hoping he would use the emergency decree to at least ask the people gently to please leave. But that hasn’t happened, so we are keeping a close eye on the military right now.”
Duncan McCargo, a professor of Southeast Asian politics at the University of Leeds in Britain, who is visiting Bangkok, said he found the situation “very, very strange.”
“You would normally expect the military to at least go through the motions of saying, ‘I support the government,’ ” he said. “Mr. Samak, despite being both prime minister and defense minister, has not been able so far to order either the police or the military to do whatever it is he wants,” he said. “And that’s certainly interesting, to say the least.”
But he added: “Who knows how long Samak is going to be in power? People like Anupong have to be aware of the constantly changing nature of the political order and they have to position themselves.”
Despite the crisis, life in Bangkok maintained its normal rhythm on Wednesday. It was only on the grounds outside Mr. Samak’s offices, where thousands of people were sheltered under tents and awnings, that something unusual seemed to be going on. Throughout the day, vans delivered cases of drinking water, vehicles arrived to clean portable toilets, and big trucks hauled away huge mounds of plastic garbage bags.
A tough and experienced politician of 73, Mr. Samak has seemed a bit bewildered by the vigor of the opposition. Even as he asserted command on Tuesday and announced the state of emergency, he sounded a plaintive note.
“I beg you all, this is about the country,” he said. “Do not let your hatred of me — why, I have no idea — lead to more protesters gathering. I will keep this bitterness in my heart and I will learn in the future what happens in this country and why people who work for the country are detested by society.”
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