棄馬保台 2010-12 亞洲與美國

選前遮掩選後現形/ 蔡：培養新世代領導力

2012-01-31T16:29:00.000-08:00

蔡：培養新世代領導力

總統選舉落敗的蔡英文昨天到高雄謝票，她表示民進黨要讓下一個世代接班。（記者張忠義攝）

〔記者侯承旭、傅潮標、王錦義／綜合報導〕民進黨主席蔡英文昨天到高雄市與竹苗地區謝票，蔡英文指出，民進黨未來四年要培養新世代的政治領導能力，下一個世代的領導人不要溫良恭儉讓的人，要能獨當一面、捨我其誰。

領導人要能獨當一面

民進黨在高雄市的總統得票比馬英九多了十五．三萬票，九席區域立委則拿下七席。蔡昨天上午到高雄向輔選幹部致謝，市長陳菊及八名立委參選人都到場迎接，獨缺連任失利的郭玟成。

對於蔡英文在高雄無法達到贏馬英九二十二萬票的目標，陳菊感到歉意，強調自己身為競選總部主委，要承擔最大責任。陳菊認為這次投票率不如預期，黨內要深切檢討，「勇於面對失敗，才能再出發。」

蔡英文則要陳菊「放寬心」，「這次總統大選結果雖然有缺憾，但大家已經盡力了，且立委席次增加，算是最圓滿的缺憾。」

蔡英文表示，民進黨的立委增至四十席，很多都是四十歲的世代，雖然年紀很輕，卻有很深的政治歷練，民進黨現階段要開始培養新世代的政治領導能力，下一個世代的領導人不要溫良恭儉讓的人，而要成為獨當一面、捨我其誰的世代，足以領導社會及議題。她強調，過去四年是民進黨轉型的第一個階段，未來四年民進黨面臨更嚴酷的淬鍊，四十名黨籍立委要承擔責任。

蔡英文下午則到竹苗謝票，她表示未來是更困難的一哩路，希望小豬的力量不要中斷，呼籲支持者不要散去、不要失望，傷心難過後要繼續堅定向前走，跟人民團結在一起，加入隊伍的人愈多就愈有戰鬥力，希望四年後能開花結果。

籲支持者堅定向前走

蔡英文表示，民進黨在這次總統大選雖然失敗，但已經為台灣留下正面的東西，包括三隻小豬小額募款的乾淨選舉、聚焦在公共政策議題，為台灣建立新的政治文化與典範，希望未來能成為台灣選舉的常態。

她說，選戰結束，是另一個階段的開始，民進黨要檢討自己，要更成熟、更理性、更堅強，台灣民主有很多問題，但這不是失敗的藉口，民進黨要變得更強大，下個階段要讓人民對民進黨更有信心，人民才願意把國家的重擔託付給民進黨。

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選前遮掩選後現形// 景氣連兩個月藍燈

經建會昨天公布去年十二月景氣對策信號，綜合判斷分數為十四分，燈號為藍燈，十一月景氣燈號，經修正後，也從黃藍燈下修到藍燈，等於是台灣景氣一連兩個月亮藍燈。圖為台北街頭因景氣低迷，不少店面都乏人問津。（記者林正堃攝）

〔記者陳梅英、鄭琪芳／台北報導〕選後變燈號？經建會昨公布去年十二月景氣燈號，亮出代表低迷的藍燈；而選前時任副閣揆的陳?說「肯定不是藍燈」的十一月景氣燈號，經修正後，也從黃藍燈下修到藍燈，等於是台灣景氣一連兩個月亮藍燈。

此外，前經建會主委劉憶如在去年底對外表達今年經濟成長率有信心「保四（四％）」，但選後也馬上破功。主計處昨天公布今年全年經濟成長率預測，由原先預估的四．一九％下修至三．九一％，選後不保四。

11月燈號黃藍燈選後變藍

經建會編列的景氣對策信號是由九項指標構成，分別是貨幣總計數M1B、直接及間接金融、股價指數、工業生產指數、非農業部門就業人數、海關出口值、機械及電機設備進口值、製造業銷售值與批發、零售及餐飲營業額指數。

由於出口、工業生產與製造業等實質經濟面的數據持續惡化，原本外界推估去年十一月景氣對策信號將會跌破十七分的門檻值，掉入象徵景氣低迷的藍燈，但在經建會修正前一個月的製造業銷售值下，十一月景氣對策信號雖然掉了二分，卻仍守住黃藍燈。

但選後燈號卻變了！經建會昨公布十二月的景氣燈號，修正了十一月的景氣對策信號分數，從十七分減為十六分，也就是景氣燈號從黃藍燈變成藍燈；十二月更在直接及間接金融與海關出口值再減一分下，總分數只剩下十四分，再亮一顆藍燈。

影響去年十一月燈號修正的還是製造業銷售值。十一月的製造業銷售值原本是○．一（藍燈門檻值為○），停留在黃藍燈，昨日修正回去，十一月製造業銷售值就變為負的四．四，轉為藍燈。

經建會被質疑大選前護盤

對燈號變燈，經建會解釋是，經濟部當月的製造業銷售值比經建會燈號編製時間晚兩個月，所以這項指標向來是經建會按趨勢先抓一個估計值作推算，這個估計值有一定的模型與方法，「過去都相當準確，但有些時候也會產生估計值與實際值落差情況」。

外界質疑經建會刻意在選前護盤、改燈號，經建會副主委胡仲英駁斥「不可能」，他說維持公信力對於一個景氣預測機關來說是非常重要的事，長官也不會授命做這種事。

修製造業銷售值影響燈號

從過去歷史來看，自二○○九年一月到現在的三十五個月中，製造業銷售值曾經有九個月修正，只是這是第一次因修正了該數值而影響到總燈號。

此外，六個月領先指標平滑化年變動率也在修正後，從原本連續下滑二十四個月轉為連續上升四個月；領先指標向來是判斷未來六個月景氣的重要指標。

經建會經研處處長洪瑞彬說，這代表谷底不遠，春天燕子已經出現，景氣可望於第一季落底、最晚第二季，今年景氣將逐季成長。

請醒醒吧: 承諾口號與強心劑無法治國/Talk is cheap

2012-01-31T04:50:00.000-08:00

公布的時機最好完全掩飾馬英九-劉憶如的造假政績

經建會今天（31號）公佈最新的景氣對策信號，十二月亮出了睽違三十個月以來，所看到的第一顆「藍燈」，景氣對策信號分數也掉到只有14分，同時十一月原本亮出的「黃藍燈」17分，也修正到突破象徵「景氣衰退」的「藍燈」臨界值：16分。經建會分析，由於歐債危機對全球市場 ...

一周來馬政權的新內閣更讓我覺得上週的論斷
讓我們等著看這一黃金政權的笑話

春節期間偶爾從英文新聞了解馬英九要讓台灣成為世界一流強國
這實在是另一形式的633
馬英九第2任似乎讓他----夢想清廉家---打了強心劑或壯陽藥
所以可以樂飄飄然
忘其過去近4年的慘痛政績--看看負債......
各位想一下現在國內外的政經情勢會比2008年更可取嗎
馬團隊的完全執政淪為完成失敗
所以請醒點吧
馬政權

Oxford Dictionary of Proverbs:

Talk is cheap

Cf. [c 1600 A. Munday et al. Sir T. More (1911) 23] Woords are but wordes, and payes not what men owe; [1639 Chapman & Shirley Ball v. i.] You may heare talke; but give me the man That has measur'd 'em: talkes but talke.

Seying goes good cheap.
[1668 R. B. Adagia Scotica 47]

Talk is cheap, it don't cost nothin' but breath.
[1843 T. C. Haliburton Attaché I. ii.]

Talk's cheap. You could never make me believe that.
[1929 K. C. Strahan Footprints i.]

‘Talk is cheap‥because the supply always exceeds the demand.’
[2002 Washington Times 16 Mar. F15 (Herb & Jamaal comic strip)]

Related to: boasting; words and deeds

珍惜 Taiwan

2012-01-31T04:21:00.001-08:00

紐約時報的台灣頁 (部分)

Taiwan

Associated Press

Updated: Jan. 16, 2012

Taiwan is an island off the coast of China, a nation of some 23 million people who live in a state of ambiguity regarding mainland China, which claims it as part of its territory.

The island, long known to Westerners as Formosa, was seized by Japan in 1895. It returned to Chinese control with the end of World War II. In 1949, as the calamitous civil war that followed the departure of the Japanese came to an end, the defeated Nationalists fled to Taiwan, leaving the island and China in a formal state of war.

China’s singular aim is reunification, even if it requires military force, and each side has kept a wary eye on the other through decades of internal tumult. The question of their fraught relations — culturally close, politically suspicious — grows ever more urgent as China’s wealth and regional influence expand, and ever more obvious as mainlander tourism here surges.

In January 2012, Taiwan held its presidential elections — only the fifth time since Taiwan threw off single-party rule in 1996. During the election, voters were concerned with issues like stagnant wages, a growing wealth gap and steep housing prices that have frozen young urbanites out of the real estate market. They also considered another important issue: whether this vibrantly democratic island should speed, slow or halt its wary embrace of China.

On Jan. 14, Ma Ying-jeou was re-elected president by a comfortable margin, fending off a challenge from his main rival, Tsai Ing-wen, who criticized his handling of the economy but also sought to exploit fears among voters that Mr. Ma’s conciliatory approach toward China was eroding the island’s sovereignty.

Mr. Ma’s victory was welcomed by Taiwanese business leaders, who feared his defeat could irritate China and set back the détente that has served them well during the past three and a half years. China, which regards Taiwan as a renegade territory, had warned that a win by Ms. Tsai, whose party has traditionally backed formal independence, could threaten the “peaceful development of cross-strait ties.”

Mr. Ma, a Nationalist, has overseen a raft of agreements that have revolutionized the way ordinary Chinese and Taiwanese interact. There are now direct flights, postal service and new shipping routes between Taiwan and the mainland, and a landmark free trade agreement has slashed tariffs on hundreds of goods.

The agreements opened the gates to the deluge of Chinese tourists — 213,000 arrived in November, 30 percent more than in November 2010 — who buoyed the local economy with more than $3 billion in spending in 2011. Other firsts include a pair of giant pandas from China, an early reward for Mr. Ma’s Beijing-friendly gestures, and nearly 1,000 mainland students who now study at Taiwan universities.

The burst of contact has reawakened old sensitivities and raised new ones.

Articles

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Taiwan Vote Stirs Chinese Hopes for Democracy

By ANDREW JACOBS; LI BIBO CONTRIBUTED RESEARCH.

After avidly following Taiwan’s presidential campaign online, many mainland Chinese expressed the desire to one day soon choose their own leaders.

January 17, 2012

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Ma Ying-jeou Is Re-elected as Taiwan’s President

By ANDREW JACOBS; KEVIN DREW CONTRIBUTED REPORTING FROM HONG KONG.

A second term for Ma Ying-jeou will probably suit Beijing, which has matched his enthusiasm for cross-strait reconciliation with a variety of economic and trade pacts.

January 15, 2012

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Former U.S. Envoy’s Remarks Cause Uproar in Taiwan

By ANDREW JACOBS

Douglas H. Paal, speaking as a private citizen, said a victory by the main presidential challenger in Taiwan could threaten the region’s stability and make Washington uneasy.

January 14, 2012

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Nuclear Power Emerges as Election Issue in Taiwan

By ANDREW JACOBS; MIA LI CONTRIBUTED RESEARCH.

The leading challenger in Taiwan’s presidential election wants to end the country’s reliance on nuclear energy, but her critics say that Taiwan lacks feasible alternatives.

January 13, 2012

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Why Taiwan’s Future Matters

By SU CHI

Taiwan can serve as a model for democratizing forces in China.

January 13, 2012

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Taiwan Vote Lures Back Expatriates in China

By ANDREW JACOBS; EDY YIN CONTRIBUTED RESEARCH.

The growing political heft of the Taishang, the name given to Taiwanese in China who have staked their livelihoods on its economy, has become a point of contention in a presidential race that has raised questions about embracing Beijing.

January 12, 2012

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In Taiwan Elections, Question of China Looms

By ANDREW JACOBS

When voters go to the polls next week, one issue underlies all others: whether this vibrantly democratic island should speed, slow or halt its wary embrace of China.

January 5, 2012

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China Resident Swims to Taiwan, Drawn by Election

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A resident of mainland China was arrested after he spent seven hours paddling through the sea in an effort to witness Taiwan’s upcoming presidential election, the authorities said.

December 9, 2011

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To Save Our Economy, Ditch Taiwan

By PAUL V. KANE

President Obama should negotiate with China to write off American debt in exchange for an end to America’s defense arrangement with Taiwan.

November 11, 2011

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Taiwan Arms Sale Draws Angry, but Familiar, Reaction From China

By ANDREW JACOBS; LI BIBO and MIA LI CONTRIBUTED RESEARCH.

A $5.8 billion package of weapon sales drew an angry reaction from China on Thursday, with the Foreign Affairs Ministry warning of serious harm to diplomatic relations.

September 23, 2011

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Obama Administration Decides Against Selling F-16’s to Taiwan

By MARK LANDLER

The administration will instead help the island refurbish its fleet, according to people briefed on the matter, but critics say it is buckling to pressure from Beijing.

September 19, 2011

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Kinmen Seeks to Evolve as China and Taiwan Improve Ties

By EDWARD WONG and XIYUN YANG

As relations between Taiwan and China have warmed, Kinmen has stood as a test case for how some Taiwanese are calibrating their growing dependence on economic ties with China.

September 17, 2011

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The Phantom Menace

By DANIEL L. BYMAN and CHARLES KING

Phantom states field armies, hold elections, and run economies, yet they inhabit a foggy space between de facto statehood and international legitimacy.

August 16, 2011

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As Chinese Visit Taiwan, the Cultural Influence Is Subdued

By ANDREW JACOBS

The rules of engagement put travelers through an exhausting gantlet of museums, monuments and jade shops with little free time to rub elbows with the locals.

August 11, 2011

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China and Taiwan Reunite Painting

By ANDREW JACOBS; XIYUN YANG CONTRIBUTED REPORTING FROM TAIWAN, and ADAM CENTURY CONTRIBUTED RESEARCH FROM BEIJING.

The reunification of an ancient painting at a museum in Taiwan has become a metaphor for the possibility of reconciliation between the two countries.

July 6, 2011

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China Sees Vast Pollution/廣西飲用水危機Tainted river sparks bottled water craze

2012-01-30T23:19:00.000-08:00

中

國政府在其《第一次全國污染源普查報告》中說﹐中國的水污染狀況以及工業廢物排放情況都比以前認為的嚴重許多。環保人士認為﹐這份普查報告是朝增加透明度邁出的一步﹐值得歡迎。

Associated Press

一名工人站在中國一火力發電廠旁

週二發佈的這一中國首份官方性全國污染源普查報告稱﹐2007年排入水中的污染物總量為3,030萬噸﹐比2008年一份報告中所說的1,380萬噸高出了一倍多。政府在2008年這份報告中說﹐2007年的水污染比2006年下降了3% 。

中國環境保護部副部長張力軍在一個新聞發佈會上說﹐從普查數據和以往統計數據的懸殊差異可以看出﹐第一次全國污染源普查在調查方面更精確了﹐首次將農業源水污染物包括在內﹐農業源污水中含有大量氨等化學物質。這些化學物質來自化肥和農藥﹐後者雖然使農業耕作發生了革命性變革﹐但卻被千百萬農民不當使用﹐這些農民通常都在零散的小片土地上耕作。

新的統計數據凸顯出中國急需進行河道清理﹐因為它們吸納更多污染物的能力正在縮減。中國估計﹐其水體具備每年自然淨化污染物約700萬噸的能力。

不過﹐中國非營利環保組織公眾與環境研究中心的負責人馬軍認為﹐這份普查報告朝承認問題邁出了重要的第一步﹐接下來就能夠採取行動了。公眾與環境研究中心使用各種已公開發表的報告匯編了一個顯示全國空氣和水污染情況的數據庫。馬軍說﹐他認為普查數據的公佈非常具有積極意義。

環保人士說﹐由於地方官員不願採用更嚴格的環保標準﹐這一普查報告在引發環保變革方面的效力可能是有限的。中國主要依據經濟增長情況來對地方官員進行績效評估﹐而提高環保標準有可能限制工業增長。環保部副部長張力軍說﹐在對政府官員的政績進行年度評估時﹐將不會考慮這份普查報告的結果。這次普查是中國動用約 50萬人歷時數年完成的。

週二公佈的普查數據還顯示﹐中國的工業廢物製造量比以往報告所顯示的要高很多﹐這些工業廢物還包括有害物質。中國環保部說﹐2007年來自礦山和鋼鐵廠的工業固體廢物總量為4,914萬噸﹐比此前報告的2007年這一數字高出兩倍多。環保部未對這一數值差作出解釋。在中國﹐污染和其他環境問題除引發人們對健康問題的擔憂外﹐已經成了一個導致社會不穩的主要誘因。

Shai Oster

廣西柳州應急指揮部1月31日向媒體通報最新水情稱，柳江飲用水源水質符合國家標準，事態發展全在預測掌控之中。劉萬強攝中新網柳州1月31日電(記者蒙鳴明劉萬強)廣西 ...

廣西龍江河鎘污染團前鋒進入柳州水源保護地‎ 國際日報
廣西鎘汙染_威脅到柳州水源‎ 中時電子報
公開及時柳州應對龍江河鎘污染事件信息發布獲好評‎ 新華網廣西頻道

2010年02月10日09:54 China Sees Vast Pollution

China's government said its water is far more polluted and its industry is producing far more waste than previously realized, in a major study that environmentalists welcomed as a step toward greater transparency.

China's first official nationwide census of pollution sources, issued Tuesday, found that the amount of pollution discharged into the water totaled 30.3 million metric tons in 2007 -- more than double the 13.8 million tons reported for that year in a 2008 report, where the government said water pollution had declined 3% from 2006.

At a news conference, Zhang Lijun, vice minister for environment protection, said the huge increase reflected the census's more accurate measurements that for the first time included wastewater runoff from farms that is laden with chemicals such as ammonia. The chemicals are in fertilizers and pesticides that have revolutionized food cultivation but are misused by millions of farmers who typically work on fragmented plots of land.

The new numbers underscore the urgent need for China to clean up its waterways, because of their shrinking capacity to absorb more pollution. China estimates its water has the natural ability to safely absorb about seven million tons a year of pollution discharge.

Still, the report represents 'an important first step to recognize the problem. Then you can take action,' said environmentalist Ma Jun, head of the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs, a nonprofit organization that has compiled a database of nationwide air and water pollution using public records. 'I think this is highly positive for this data to be disclosed.'

Environmentalists said the survey's effectiveness in sparking change may be limited by reluctance among local officials, who are mostly judged on economic performance, to employ tougher standards that might limit industrial growth. Mr. Zhang, the vice minister, said the results of the census, which involved years of effort and about half a million workers, won't be considered in annual performance reviews of government bureaucrats.

Tuesday's data also indicated that China is producing far more industrial waste, including hazardous material, than previously reported. The ministry said industrial solid waste such as particles from mines or steel mills totaled 49.14 million tons in 2007 -- more than triple earlier figures for the year. The ministry didn't give an explanation for the discrepancy.
Pollution and other environmental issues have become a leading cause of social unrest in China, in addition to spurring health concerns.

***

Environment | 26.01.2012

Tainted river sparks bottled water craze in China

Water pollution is a serious problem in China

A river in Guanxi has been contaminated with toxic cadmium. Residents, who usually get drinking water from the river, are now stocking up on bottled water.

Residents in China's southern city Liuzhou scrambled for bottled water after authorities found excessive quantities of cadmium in the Longjiang River. The toxicity levels are as much as three times higher than the government’s accepted level, state media said Thursday.

"The contamination was first detected on January 15 near a dam on the Longjiang River after dead fish had been found," water expert Ma Jun said, blaming authorities for not releasing the news of the contamination early enough.

Waste containing a large amount of cadmium had been discharged into the river by the mining company Jinhe, said Ma. Authorities took immediate measures by dumping special chemicals into the water to neutralize it.

People are stocking up on drinking water

Gu Jidong, professor of Environmental Science with the University of Hong Kong, told Deutsche Welle it is not something new that agricultural products are tainted by cadmium, as there is a large amount of cadmium in the environment. "It happened in Japan before, where rice contained cadmium exceeding the safety limit," said Gu, adding that agricultural products were more likely to be contaminated than water.

Cadmium has traditionally been used in the electronics industry. Old-fashioned batteries contain this element or mercury. Cadmium is carcinogenic and can seriously cause damage to kidneys, bones and respiratory system, according to information from the World Health Organization.

According to Gu, the lack of accountability and the lack knowledge are the two main factors leading to frequent pollution. "First, it concerns the ownership of land. The land belongs to the country. So people might think they shouldn’t be responsible for the land because it is not theirs. And the local governments tend to give economic benefits a higher priority than environmental protection," said Gu. Furthermore, "most people are unaware how serious the environmental pollution is, especially farmers and villagers." Gu suggested that the media should cover more issues concerning the environment to raise public awareness.

Waste is disposed in an improper manner

Public scare

Shelves carrying bottled water were almost vacated in one supermarket, as a picture of Xinhua news agency showed. Chinese state media also said authorities had dispatched officials to ensure there was an abundant supply of bottled water.

"Water pollution is rife, from city to village, from tributary to river," said Ma, pointing out that over 100 million rural dwellers are still drinking water below standard and around one in five water reserves in cities are not up to standard, "except in big cities like Beijing, where water reserves are under strict control."

Gu is not optimistic about the future of water pollution. "I think in the years to come, the environment will continue to deteriorate." Although this is not a problem which can be solved overnight, what the government can at least do, according to Gu, is to keep the public well-informed and educate on the importance of purifying water by means of filtering or boiling.

Author: Miriam Wong
Editor: Sarah Berning

富士康(Foxconn) 害慘蘋果(Apple)公司: 深陷“中國問題”漩渦

2012-01-30T16:31:00.001-08:00

富士康(Foxconn) 害慘蘋果(Apple)公司: 深陷“中國問題”漩渦

蘋果深陷“中國問題”漩渦

Getty Images

上

週開始的時候﹐蘋果(Apple)還在因為創紀錄的季度利潤而得意洋洋﹐然而到了上週結束的時候﹐該公司則經歷了一場公共關係的大退步。上週﹐有報道指蘋果在中國組裝熱賣產品iPad和iPhone的工廠存在剝削工人的現象。

眼下﹐媒體關注的焦點集中到了蘋果和該公司的合約供應商──台灣企業富士康(Foxconn)身上。不過﹐隨著國際媒體把目光轉移到中國條件惡劣的製造業﹐中國的領導層也將為之感到不安。

在中國引人矚目的經濟發展的幕後﹐有大約1.2億農民工在辛苦勞作﹐他們大多在條件艱苦的廠區里生活和工作。

中國的工業轉型已經進行了20餘年﹐有關部門應該為戶口制度承擔多大的責任？由於戶口制度的存在﹐民工在他們自己的國家裡差不多成了二等公民。

不過眼下﹐首當其衝的是蘋果。《紐約時報》(New York Times)刊發的一篇關於不安全工作條件的報道引發了媒體的興趣。該報道還提及了蘋果在中國的供應商富士康每天七個小時的工作日和擁擠的宿舍。

斯圖爾特(Jon Stewart)在喜劇中心電視台(Comedy Central)的脫口秀節目里把蘋果巨大的利潤幕後的富士康工廠譏諷為“恐怖工廠”(Fear Factory)﹐這次公共關係事件對蘋果造成的打擊因而又被推高了一個層級。

蘋果面臨的問題在於﹐在幽默而令人震驚的新聞標題背後﹐有關中國大陸工廠的很多真相被揭露了出來﹐這足以令蘋果的客戶感到被冒犯﹐並最終對該公司的金字招牌造成損害。

更何況﹐追究責任以及改進當前的狀況遠非易事。

蘋果的首席執行長庫克(Cook)已經對有關供應商不安全工作條件的報道表達了極端憤慨﹐並且承諾要加強審計。還應該記住的是﹐蘋果只是以富士康為組裝供應商的眾多國際公司當中的一個﹐其他公司還包括諾基亞(Nokia)、戴爾(Dell)和微軟(Microsoft)等。

2010年的時候﹐富士康工廠就曾發生過一系列員工自殺事件﹐當時媒體對此進行過廣泛報道。富士康在中國的雇員人數逾100萬。

自殺事件發生之後﹐富士康不但給員工加薪﹐還開通了幫助熱線﹐拉上了安全網﹐防止員工跳樓。富士康員工的底薪從每月1,200元提高到了2,000元（合315美元）。

因為規模巨大的緣故﹐富士康每每吸引眾多關注的目光。在富士康深圳廠區工作和生活的員工數量超過了30萬﹐相當於一個小鎮的人口。

儘管工人們住的很可能仍是侷促的公共宿舍﹐但過去10年來﹐深圳已經轉變成一個高樓林立、地鐵發達、路上新車川流不息的城市。

農民工面臨的苦悶前景是﹐他們被阻止加入這個新的中國。由於數十年來存在的戶口制度﹐他們不能像當地人一樣享受住房、教育、醫療等居民福利。

這正迎合了省級政府的需要﹐他們不願承擔提供這類服務的成本﹐不願承擔為像富士康深圳工廠這樣眾多工人流入所需的基礎設施的成本。與此同時﹐他們卻仍在從位於當地的企業獲得稅收收入。

在中國開始工業化進程之初﹐這樣一種體系或許還能說得通。但將一批永久的“劣等公民”當作工廠的“炮灰”﹐這樣做不可避免地會導致緊張關係不斷加劇。

這樣一個龐大戶口制度的另一個不良後果是﹐它使農民工家庭難以在新的地方安置下來。估計有5,800萬農民工子女成為留守兒童﹐由親戚或福利院照顧。

圍繞改革戶口制度反復進行了討論﹐但目前為止卻沒有什麼實際行動。面臨的一個難題是﹐不僅是企業從戶口制度帶來的順從的廉價勞動力中獲益﹐省級政府也得到了好處。任何改革都將意味著收入進行重新分配﹐從共產黨機構中分配出去。

然而﹐眾所周知﹐中國需要恢復經濟的平衡﹐以便從投資向消費傾斜。中國的經濟在全球表現突出﹐而家庭消費率卻處於前所未有的低點﹐只相當於國內生產總值(GDP)的36%。

看起來再明顯不過的是﹐良好的第一步將是解除對這些農民工的束縛﹐允許他們實際上安居樂業。記者最近在走訪廣東惠州期間體會到了中國失衡經濟的現實。在那裡﹐工廠旁邊就是不斷擴張的尚無人居住的住宅樓。

人類生活的唯一跡象是在工廠宿舍外閑逛的工人。

對此常見的回答是﹐中國缺乏推進這類戶口改革所需的政治共識。

與此同時﹐蘋果和其他跨國公司會辯稱﹐他們只是在遵守中國等國家當局制定的規定。

這或許可以理解﹐但這種局面還能維持多久﹐特別是如果它開始冒犯具有社會責任感的蘋果消費者的時候？

畢竟﹐如果消費者心甘情願要求購買有機柴雞蛋﹐那麼距離他們要求購買由擁有基本尊嚴的工人所生產的智能手機或許也不太遠了。

這一事件的發展還有待觀察。這回不太可能是蘋果或中國政府在這個棘手問題上的最終發言。

Craig Stephen

劉憶如該下台/日本全國核污染/醜聞世界級的公司/經建會地位每下愈況

2012-01-30T16:03:00.000-08:00

公布的時機最好完全掩飾馬英九-劉憶如的造假政績

經建會今天（31號）公佈最新的景氣對策信號，十二月亮出了睽違三十個月以來，所看到的第一顆「藍燈」，景氣對策信號分數也掉到只有14分，同時十一月原本亮出的「黃藍燈」17分，也修正到突破象徵「景氣衰退」的「藍燈」臨界值：16分。經建會分析，由於歐債危機對全球市場 ...

馬英九該贈勳劉憶如萬歲

謝長廷上火線駁宇昌　三問劉憶如【2011/12/27 19:26】

民進黨今天針對宇昌案再開記者會，黨內四大天王之一的謝長廷親上火線反擊。（資料照，記者林正堃攝）

〔本報訊〕民進黨今天針對宇昌案再開記者會，黨內四大天王之一的謝長廷親上火線反擊，質疑劉憶如是不是有幕後黑手在操縱，並還原宇昌公司成立以來、該公司網頁上極力感謝蔡英文的加入，讓資金到位、整合科技人才。

謝要劉說出「變造公文者」

　昨日經建會主委劉憶如針對宇昌案再提問蔡英文，遭民進黨天王謝長廷在個人噗浪上批評為「硬拗、無聊、根本就是選舉抹黑」；今天民進黨召開記者會，行政院前院長謝長廷應邀出席，並反問劉憶如3個問題，「變造的公文是不是劉憶如所為、若不是，請舉出有名有姓的人」、「如果是你（劉憶如），那馬英九是否知曉這件事」、「如果是你（劉憶如），那你再提問問題有何意義」。

　同時，謝長廷也引用證券櫃檯買賣中心網站資料，顯示中裕新藥股價4年漲了3倍，駁斥藍營所指的每股只有4.8元，實際上其股價在4年間由10元的面額漲到33.46元。謝長廷諷刺，「宇昌若是虧本，那行政院就全民釋股，保證秒殺」。

綠要成立「全民國政質詢團」檢驗對手

　民進黨發言人陳其邁則在記者會上補充，民進黨將要成立「全民國政質詢團」，在總統大選最後倒數的10多天中，每日針對兩岸、內政、外交及國防等政策議題，向對手提出檢驗，並也接受對手的提問。

司馬觀點：政務官意外傷亡（江春男）

2011年 12月26日

總統候選人的政見發表會，沒有提問人，三人獨白，沒有火花，船過水無痕，各自擁抱基本盤，無法開拓票源，選情在冷氣團中原地打轉。
統獨和主權問題像雞肋，食之無味，棄之可惜。每到選舉後期，都會被拿出來啃一啃，互相嗆聲，誰不愛台灣，誰不認同中華民國，誰捍衛主權，誰向中共投降。以前這種話題很容易挑起選民的情緒反應，經過無數選舉洗禮，藍綠選民各有定見，但中間選民早已情緒疲軟，激不起什麼反應。

打扁反助漲蔡聲勢

馬英九多次找阿扁當救援投手，但選民喜新厭惡又很健忘，馬團隊以一句貪腐政權全面否定民進黨，這是誤導誤判，也是輕敵，扁團隊同仇敵愾，全力幫蔡英文，就是想要討回公道。
扁案對民進黨和台灣的政治與司法制度都是很大教訓，需要全面性的反省檢討，但馬英九矯枉過正，走向另一個極端，馬無能與扁貪腐前後輝映，造成他連任的致命弱點。
民進黨文化與國民黨大不相同，他們後浪推前浪，互不相讓，新世代都在搶位子，人人奮勇爭先，哪會讓阿扁變成絆腳石？阿扁的影響力幾乎被蔡英文全面取代，國民黨越打阿扁，越提高蔡英文的聲勢。
宇昌案是蔡英文的試煉，她在過程中有可議之處，至少與社會觀感不符，但既不是非法更不是弊案，經建會主委劉憶如卻捉住不放，在枝節上糾纏不清。學術界缺乏實務情有可原，但她卻堅持自曝其短，說些缺乏常識的話。明明特偵組已在偵查，她卻堅持追查真相，好像在協助特偵組辦案。

劉憶如公信力重創

劉憶如不曉得在經建會表現如何，但做為特偵組檢察官，絕對不合格。遺憾的是，經此一役，她的能力和公信力已經難以恢復。一名政務官在這場大選中輕易地讓自己站在火線上，在無辜的頑固中，變為意外的傷亡者，實在太不值得。

**

這是昨天沈先生寄來的
現在是什麼時代劉憶如女士等人的臉皮的確很厚很黑

朋友寄來的

各位知識分子：

咱來研究所謂的公文...
左邊是原件(其實也不算)...右邊是....
吼....老兄你也太過分了...
怎麼到你手上加上了一段日期????
原來...那是劉主委公布的"公文"...
劉憶如說：那是日期錯置????
公文....無所謂日期錯置...只有變造 - 偽造...
政務官如此行徑...怎不見檢調主動偵辦???
平平都是女人...怎麼差那麼大????
有人只會如...如....如....如.如.如.如.如.如.如...
還在如...................就只"憶"得"如"...如.如.如
我想我必須很努力的HOLD住自己的脾氣...........

...

AS

宇昌.jpg
386K View Downloa

****

12/12

儘管胡適之先生奉勸大家寫信/文章等都要將日期寫出來
免得日後"失憶"
可是天下莫不知或者教育有問題
劉憶如的故事更暴露當初做英文簡報者也沒做到這要求

所以給人陷害劉憶如的機會
而整個經建會和國民黨立法院黨團更是妙
太丟人現眼啦

民進黨要求國民黨在24小時內道歉，否則將對相關人士進行提告。

記者林修卉／台北報導

經建會主委劉憶如昨天指稱，在2007年3月31日TaiMed募資的英文說明書上，蔡英文已列名「主要負責人」；媒體報導，劉憶如今天坦言把「時間錯置」，願意道歉。民進黨發言人陳其邁13日表示，這不是「時間錯置」的問題，劉憶如提供「假造」、「變造」資料，再由藍營立委對蔡英文進行人格謀殺、政治抹黑，「這樣對嗎？民進黨無法接受！」

陳其邁13日上午拿出原始文件，怒指劉憶如涉嫌偽造文書，拿8月18日的資料充當3月31日的文件，但原始文件並未有「96年3月31日（六）在台北市舉行的『TaiMed Inc』投資說明會說明書」的中文字樣。

陳其邁表示，民進黨除了要求劉憶如認錯道歉外，也要求她說明清楚，到底是受誰唆使連續提供不實資料，藉以選舉操作、試圖影響選舉，「到底誰是幕後黑手？」

陳其邁還說，在明天中午之前若得不到國民黨的說明及道歉，民進黨將對相關進行抹黑的國民黨立委，包括謝國樑、林益世、邱毅等人提出告訴。

民進黨發言人莊瑞雄質疑，TaiMed募資的英文說明書上的文字是誰加上去的？他認為，這幾天國民黨的操作，要讓社會有一個印象，在蔡英文未卸任行政院副院長前，就先計劃卸任後，要到宇昌公司任職，「這是奧步」！

莊瑞雄強調，「這是對蔡英文的人格謀殺！知道這對總統候選人的傷害有多大嗎？」

另外，《聯合晚報》報導，劉憶如說，宇昌案相關的資料實在太多，多達兩大箱，「很多帳目看不懂，而且公司名稱也變來變去」，都要逐一核對，非常困難又費功夫。

陳其邁表示，「帳目都看不清楚，公司名稱也沒搞懂，怎麼能提供資料來抹黑民進黨呢？這樣對嗎？這樣對蔡主席公平嗎？」

針對「宇昌案」解密事件，民進黨揚言對經建會主委劉毅如提告、道歉，劉憶如12日深夜表示，國發基金投資「宇昌案」引發的爭議，朝野所有人都不斷問她當初投資過程的細節，民進黨更説要告她，她覺得此事到此已過頭了，她不想奉陪，劉憶如甚至激動的說，她要辭職。藍營十二日火力全開，藉宇「宇昌案」升高打擊蔡英文戰火，藍委與經建會主委劉憶如搭配，藉解密兩份當年的公文緊咬蔡；民進黨十二日傍晚決定正面回擊，直指經建會主委劉憶如所稱「TaiMed Group二○○七年三月投資說明會，文件登載蔡英文將成為TaiMed Group主要投資人」的說法毫無根據，民進黨發言人陳其邁痛批劉憶如以錯誤資訊抹黑，民進黨將依選罷法意圖使人不當選，即日對劉憶如提出告訴。
劉憶如表示，民進黨昨晚揚言要對其提告，她表示不解，她又不是當事人，而且是被立法院要求報告此案，不是她主動要公佈這些文件，她只是依職責説明解密文件、陳述事實，沒有提出個人意見，違不違規也不是由她認定，與她何干？。

劉憶如說，「宇昌案」問題在於程式合不合規、前行政院副院長蔡英文有沒有違反「旋轉門條款」、有沒有違反利益迴避的問題。劉憶如指出，民進黨執政期間，國發基金投資「宇昌案」的過程，所有的紀錄、資料都是前朝留下來的，現在卻變成所有的人都在問她「這個為什麼會這樣、那個為什麼會這樣」，她又不是當事人，怎麼知道那些過程是為什麼，有疑問應該去問蔡英文或何美玥。

劉憶如説，立法院選在此時要她報告「宇昌案」，她是經濟建設負責人、身兼國發基金召集人，依規定必須配合。到立法院後，立委要求她公佈一些文件，但她答覆不能公佈，因為是極機密文件，民代要求解密，她只能依程式申請、辦理。至於這些公文為何要列為「極機密」，她也不知道，一切只有呈報長官決定。

前經建會主委何美玥說，當時主要參加名單都是學者專家，沒有蔡英文在裡面。二○○七年五月前絕無政府任何資料指蔡英文將在卸任後擔任宇昌公司主要經營者，「我用我的人格保證」。

何美玥日前曾強調，愛滋病仍沒有好的治療方法，若宇昌與全球最大生技公司Genentech愛滋新藥合作案能成功，對世界有相當貢獻，何大一是愛滋病專家，比爾蓋茲基金會也認同這個案子並資助宇昌公司，顯示它獲得國際認同，如今卻因選舉產生許多誤會，非常可惜。

陳其邁說，劉憶如企圖以錯誤資訊，刻意誣指蔡英文計畫擔任宇昌公司主要投資人圖利自己，民進黨要求劉憶如立即出示文件原件，否則就是自甘為國民黨選舉打手，意圖以不法方式導致蔡英文不當選，違反選罷法規定，民進黨將對她提出告訴。

由於說明書是以英文呈現，劉憶如表示，今天將部分可公開不涉及商業機密內容公告上網。

年虧損/ 醜聞世界級的公司/經建會地位每下愈況

前一陣子收看某財經節目，主持人說經建會的主委地位每下愈況，開會時部長級的人都不參加了。想當年趙耀東等當家時是何景象? 前些時，劉憶如還跑去跟友達的李董開會近一小時：李先生對記者說，他們挺得住這不景氣，另外一家對手可能…….隔天據說奇美電的股價慘跌…..

----11/3

曾幾何時台灣的廠商如友達等年虧損金額是世界級的
現在只希望醜聞不要像記住那位貪腐的國民黨高官/皮條客:320億還嫌少?憶 420億元

日本Olympus 公司的諾貝爾經濟學獎者Robert Mundell醜聞

Cesium from Fukushima plant fell all over Japan

BY HIROSHI ISHIZUKA STAFF WRITER

2011/11/27

Radioactive substances from the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant have now been confirmed in all prefectures, including Uruma, Okinawa Prefecture, about 1,700 kilometers from the plant, according to the science ministry.

calls for a boycott: 我為什麼希望台灣有二三十萬人棄買HTC的手機。要拒絕許多表態支持"92x識"的企業的產品和服務

2012-01-29T17:02:00.000-08:00

calls for a boycott:

這一次休假我才知道原來許多年輕人幾年前買HTC的手機
主要是因為在體壇上看似韓國給台灣許多排頭吃
讓他們選擇本土的品牌
這種訴之民族感情的基礎可能也是雙邊刃
希望他們有機會再想想

為什麼企業的主管支持政治可以
不過明目張膽者會疏離另外價值觀的既有和潛在消費者
HTC個案在歐美王雪紅可能必須下台
因為她的個人行為已經對htc公司造成的傷害
必須負責

昨天與新竹科學園區某工程師談他做過的手機產品測試他認為HTC的手機比不上iPHONE和Galaxy...

個別消費者當然有權決策表達這些紅頂商人之不恥----沒關係的啦國家和愛你的朋友會加倍補償你們啦
我希望台灣有二三十萬人棄買HTC的手機。
必須教育這些人不要吃裏"爬"外.....

「只想賺錢非真挺馬」長榮：挺92共識 2012年 01月24日【綜合報導】昨是大年初一，副總統蕭萬長、台聯黨主席黃昆輝等多位朝野人士依例分別到翠山莊向前總統李登輝拜年，李在總統大選投票日前一天出手力挺民進黨總統候選人蔡英文，蔡卻仍然敗選，李登輝相當失望。據轉述，李昨在會見台聯人士時，重申蔡表現很好，但感嘆「台灣人還是不會做自己的主人」，更點名長榮集團總裁張榮發、宏達電董事長王雪紅兩人，只是想賺錢的生意人，「也不是真的挺馬英九，而是挺共產黨！」

綠卸任發言人拒國貨hTC

大選輸遷怒王雪紅學者：不應再有激化行為
2012年 01月18日
【綜合報導】宏達電（hTC）董事長王雪紅在總統大選前夕挺九二共識，民進黨前發言人梁文傑昨在臉書說，他原來堅持使用hTC手機，「現在我寧願讓韓國人賺我的錢，至少三星的老闆不會介入台灣的選舉。」有網友因此在網路發起連署拒買hTC。這項行動立即引爆論戰，雖有人相挺，但不少網友更認為寧願買韓國貨的心態可議，「愛台灣根本是喊假的！」學者傅恆德呼籲，激情的選舉結束後社會應回歸常態，不應再有這樣激化的行為。

東海大學政治系教授傅恆德對於梁文傑的言論，以及引發的拒買hTC連署活動，直呼：「期期以為不可。」傅說，產品好壞應讓市場決定，不能因政治因素就無限上綱到愛不愛用國貨，甚至拒買，「應該很多人不認同！」傅呼籲，選後社會應回歸常態。

嗆「消費者無祖國」

王雪紅一月十三日選前一天以個人名義舉行記者會，疾呼她非常珍惜兩岸平和的關係和九二共識，讓她的公司可以平和發展創新。這項大動作在選前備受矚目，前副總統呂秀蓮認為對大選「殺傷力很大」。
選後辭去民進黨發言人職務的北市議員梁文傑，昨在臉書（http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=713223789）說：「我原來堅持使用hTC，雖然它在技術上落後三星一截，價格又比較貴，但它是台灣人的自有品牌，現在我寧願讓韓國人賺我的錢，至少三星的老闆不會介入台灣的選舉」，「仔細觀察一下我身邊hTC的使用者，我發現有很多人是因為它是台灣品牌，雖然它的技術落後於三星，相同規格的手機更貴了一成左右，但大家都堅持愛用國貨」，「王雪紅可以商人無祖國，那我也可以心安理得的消費者無祖國。」

3千網友連署抵制

梁文傑發言引起部分網友呼應，有人說：「hTC，黑心商品死都不要用。」另有網友發起「我要連署拒絕購買王雪紅以商圍政的HTC全民運動」（http://www.facebook.com/events/211894265568902/），指hTC是中國貨，這項行動獲民進黨新任不分區立委段宜康等3千多人連署。
但也有網友抨擊梁文傑：「輸不起就不要選，繼續這種檢討態度，保證四年後再輸一次」，「肚量太小，二分法，愛台灣根本是喊假的，這就是民進黨敗選的原因」，「這跟本就是寧贈友邦不予家奴！」
梁昨接受《蘋果》訪問時說，他前後使用過十支hTC手機，現在他要撤回他的愛國心，「自己過去力挺hTC真是挺愚蠢的。」段宜康說，王雪紅有她的選擇，消費者也有各自的選擇；他參與連署，但此事與民進黨無關。
宏達電昨回應，hTC對選舉並無特殊立場，王雪紅的個人聲明不代表公司立場。宏達電執行長周永明選後隔天在公司尾牙曾說，「hTC是超越政治的，也是屬於台灣人的品牌。」

藍委批：荒謬至極

梁言論惹議，民進黨發言人陳其邁昨說，這是梁、段個人行為。民進黨團幹事長蔡煌瑯稍早指這次大選，國民黨操作九二共識，把民進黨打成反商；被詢及梁文傑言論是否坐實反商時，蔡說他不回應。梁文傑的政治啟蒙老師林濁水說，王雪紅過度遷就北京，有人對hTC不支持，「這是人之常情。」
藍委馬文君昨批評民進黨口口聲聲愛台灣，企業替藍營講話，產品就被抵制，「這不是太為難選民了嗎？」「寧可幫助韓國產業，也不考慮hTC有很多員工的生計，荒謬至極。」
長榮集團總裁張榮發、遠東集團董事長徐旭東選前也表態支持九二共識，長榮航空高層昨指不便評論不買hTC的行為。

企業呼籲回歸理性

遠東集團旗下的遠百不願具名主管呼籲，選後消費者已回歸理性，不會聽信煽動而受影響，消費者應有自己的判斷。鴻海董事長郭台銘選前挺馬，集團副總丁祈安昨低調說：「董事長個人立場與公司無關。」

網友對梁文傑言論看法

stevely：若今天單單只說三星便宜好用，沒什麼，原本的那句話就是影射王雪紅，再不改這種態度，DPP四年後還是一樣不用選。
GreenSoldier：梁文傑真的很弱，記得也要拒搭長榮啊，還有潤泰。
J2047：老美挺92共識，梁文傑還用FB幹嘛？
you78o：郭董也出來說話了啊，要抵制嗎？
iammessiah：hTC主要市場根本不在台灣，到底在瞎扯什麼。
salazopyrin：把自己估的太高，你不買並不會對hTC有任何影響。
purplebfly：梁說錯話了，就算台灣人要挺一個中國也是可以的，因為這是個人的自由。
goldstein：她可以押寶，消費者也可以不買啊，就這麼簡單。
birdy590：商人可以表達政治取向，消費者也可以，何況只是回到產品面。
資料來源：PTT實業坊（telnet://ptt.cc）

梁文傑小檔案

★年齡：41歲
★現職：台北市議員
★學歷：台大政治系畢業、台大政治研究所碩士、英國倫敦政經學院博士班
★經歷：
民進黨中央政策會副執行長
民進黨兩岸政經學會祕書長
高雄市長辦公室主任
新社會智庫執行長
新社會政策雙月刊總編輯
民進黨中央發言人（本月14日總統大選後辭職）
★家庭：已婚
資料來源：《蘋果》資料室

中国每逢“六四”必紧张/台商蔡衍明質疑"六四"，學運領袖回應

2012-01-27T22:24:00.000-08:00

新聞報導 | 2012.01.26
台商質疑"六四"，學運領袖回應

台灣旺旺集團董事長蔡衍明日前接受美媒採訪時，發表質疑"六四事件"言論。學運領袖王丹斥台灣正在香港化並宣布罷買蔡衍明旗下的《中國時報》；另一位學運領袖吾爾開希則斥責蔡"無知無恥"。

日前，台灣旺旺集團創辦人及董事長蔡衍明，在接受《華盛頓郵報》採訪時，發表質疑"六四事件"流血的言論。他表示發現隻身阻擋坦克的那個人還活著，由此他認為對中共當局在1989年6月4日對學生大屠殺的報導不真實，很多人在當時不可能真的被殺,另外他還稱大陸許多方面已很民主，台灣應該戒除對大陸的戒心。

蔡衍明是旺旺集團的董事長，是全球最大米果製造商之一，被稱為"米果大王"，旺旺公司於1992年正式投資大陸市場，是台灣第一個在大陸註冊商標並且擁有最多註冊商標的公司。近年來旺旺不斷拓展大陸市場，開起大陸第一家台資醫院，更積極建構橫跨兩岸的連鎖飯店體系。 2008年11月，蔡衍明收購了《中國時報》集團。而該報近年也被指親共。

A Chinese protestor blocks a line of tanks heading east on Beijing's Cangan Blvd. June 5, 1989 in front of the Beijing Hotel. The man, calling for an end to the violence and bloodshed against pro-democracy demonstrators, was pulled away by bystanders,and the tanks continued on their way. (AP Photo/Jeff Widener)“89學運”時一人隻身擋坦克的照片

二十多年前發生在北京的"89民運"，其中有一張照片曾廣為流傳，一個人隻身擋在四輛坦克前，當時有人表示，擋坦克者名叫王維林。這張照片已成為抗爭鎮壓者的象徵。

王丹："危機迫在眉睫了"

在蔡衍明質疑"六四事件"的言論曝光後，前學運領袖王丹表示出極大憤怒，他於23日在Facebook上進行表態，宣布拒買蔡衍明旗下的《中國時報》，斥台灣亦在走向香港化。

王丹表示："這樣的言論在香港出現過，現在在台灣也開始出現了……我可以毫不誇張地說，台灣的香港化過程已經靜悄悄地開始了。我想，對這樣的人譴責是沒用的，我們能做的一件事，那就是告訴你周圍的人：危機已經迫在眉睫了。"

"蔡衍明對這件事的看法顯示他無知無恥"

另外一位前學運領袖吾爾開希向德國之聲表示，看到蔡衍明言論，只想表達他無知且無恥："蔡先生是一個非常成功的商人，同時也在散步一些非常奇怪的言論，他以前也講過知識沒有用，顯然他用自己的言論證明了自己的無知，不僅無知還為富不仁，他對這件事的看法顯示他是一個無知而無恥的商人。"

“89學運”時在天安門廣場上的吾爾開希（中）、柴玲（左）、王丹（右）“89學運”時在天安門廣場上的吾爾開希（中）、柴玲（左）、王丹（右）吾爾開希認為在中國當局對"89民運"和"六四事件"封鎖、言論和信息沒有充分開放的情況下，不能讓國人對"89民運"和"六四事件"有充分的了解和理解。唯因此，蔡衍明言論才會產生更大的負面影響，以至模糊真實的歷史。

"尤其還有蔡衍明這樣的人，對如此明顯的事情在顛倒是非，我希望對於他所講的年輕人站在坦克前，全世界都注目的畫面，我們來看到清晰的本質，一方是手無寸鐵表達對自由追求的人，另一方是鎮壓的坦克。"

"自由就是這樣慢慢被溶解"

吾爾開希也以《中國時報》親中報導為例，指近年中共當局對海外華文媒體加強嚴控，而很多商人唯利是圖，放棄堅守自由價值。

"中共在中國大陸以外的地方如何進行恐嚇呢，是用經濟的手段收買良知或恐嚇，包括在香港，而對於這種恐嚇，最簡單的方法是完全忽略，遺憾的是我們看到在香港，包括這次旺旺集團的報紙，我們看到現在正在發揮這樣的作用，人們面對恐嚇，利益的時候不能堅守自由的價值，應該提醒的是，自由就是這樣在慢慢溶解，往往是在不知不覺中，當你覺得併不是這麼嚴重時，在慢慢溶解著，到了有一天，後果就會降臨到自已的頭上，所以對言論、新聞等自由的捍衛，不應是一個功利判斷。 "

作者：吳雨

責編：李魚

新闻报道 | 2012.01.26

台商质疑"六四"，学运领袖回应

前学运领袖王丹

台湾旺旺集团董事长蔡衍明日前接受美媒采访时，发表质疑"六四事件"言论。学运领袖王丹斥台湾正在香港化并宣布罢买蔡衍明旗下的《中国时报》；另一位学运领袖吾尔开希则斥责蔡"无知无耻"。

日前，台湾旺旺集团创办人及董事长蔡衍明，在接受《华盛顿邮报》采访时，发表质疑"六四事件"流血的言论。他表示发现只身阻挡坦克的那个人还活着，由此他认为对中共当局在1989年6月4日对学生大屠杀的报道不真实，很多人在当时不可能真的被杀,另外他还称大陆许多方面已很民主，台湾应该戒除对大陆的戒心。

蔡衍明是旺旺集团的董事长，是全球最大米果制造商之一，被称为"米果大王"，旺旺公司于1992年正式投资大陆市场，是台湾第一个在大陆注册商标并且拥有最多注册商标的公司。近年来旺旺不断拓展大陆市场，开起大陆第一家台资医院，更积极建构横跨两岸的连锁饭店体系。2008年11月，蔡衍明收购了《中国时报》集团。而该报近年也被指亲共。“89学运”时一人只身挡坦克的照片

二十多年前发生在北京的"89民运"，其中有一张照片曾广为流传，一个人只身挡在四辆坦克前，当时有人表示，挡坦克者名叫王维林。这张照片已成为抗争镇压者的象征。

王丹："危机迫在眉睫了"

在蔡衍明质疑"六四事件"的言论曝光后，前学运领袖王丹表示出极大愤怒，他于23日在Facebook上进行表态，宣布拒买蔡衍明旗下的《中国时报》，斥台湾亦在走向香港化。

王丹表示："这样的言论在香港出现过，现在在台湾也开始出现了……我可以毫不夸张地说，台湾的香港化过程已经静悄悄地开始了。我想，对这样的人谴责是没用的，我们能做的一件事，那就是告诉你周围的人：危机已经迫在眉睫了。"

"蔡衍明对这件事的看法显示他无知无耻"

另外一位前学运领袖吾尔开希向德国之声表示，看到蔡衍明言论，只想表达他无知且无耻："蔡先生是一个非常成功的商人，同时也在散步一些非常奇怪的言论，他以前也讲过知识没有用，显然他用自己的言论证明了自己的无知，不仅无知还为富不仁，他对这件事的看法显示他是一个无知而无耻的商人。"

“89学运”时在天安门广场上的吾尔开希（中）、柴玲（左）、王丹（右）吾尔开希认为在中国当局对"89民运"和"六四事件"封锁、言论和信息没有充分开放的情况下，不能让国人对"89民运"和"六四事件"有充分的了解和理解。唯因此，蔡衍明言论才会产生更大的负面影响，以至模糊真实的历史。

"尤其还有蔡衍明这样的人，对如此明显的事情在颠倒是非，我希望对于他所讲的年轻人站在坦克前，全世界都注目的画面，我们来看到清晰的本质，一方是手无寸铁表达对自由追求的人，另一方是镇压的坦克。"

"自由就是这样慢慢被溶解"

吾尔开希也以《中国时报》亲中报道为例，指近年中共当局对海外华文媒体加强严控，而很多商人唯利是图，放弃坚守自由价值。

"中共在中国大陆以外的地方如何进行恐吓呢，是用经济的手段收买良知或恐吓，包括在香港，而对于这种恐吓，最简单的方法是完全忽略，遗憾的是我们看到在香港，包括这次旺旺集团的报纸，我们看到现在正在发挥这样的作用，人们面对恐吓，利益的时候不能坚守自由的价值，应该提醒的是，自由就是这样在慢慢溶解，往往是在不知不觉中，当你觉得并不是这么严重时，在慢慢溶解着，到了有一天，后果就会降临到自已的头上，所以对言论、新闻等自由的捍卫，不应是一个功利判断。"

作者：吴雨

责编：李鱼

媒体看中国 | 2010.06.07

每逢“六四”必紧张

Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 图为2010年6月3日晚“天安门母亲”组织发起人之一丁子霖女士在当年其子遇难的地方点燃蜡烛悼念爱子的场面

年复一年，中国领导人每逢"六四"必然精神紧张。今年五月底，中国著名异议人士、"零八宪章"起草人之一刘晓波被司法部门从北京监狱转往辽宁，官方的解释是刘晓波籍贯为辽宁。『世界报』记者发表文章认为：

"实际上这是为了发出一个政治信号：当今的中国领导人不会给'六四'参与者平反。从刘晓波的朋友余杰和几十位其他反对派人士5月30日以来又被软禁一事就可以看出，北京当局的神经何等过敏。由大屠杀遇难者家属组成的联合会'天安门母亲'受到监视。美国人权组织'中国人权观察'要求北京领导人，公布事件中遇难者的人数和姓名、惩办负有罪责的人并对这个成为全国不幸事件的悲剧作出总结报告。但是，在中华人民共和国境内，天安门屠杀是公开讨论的禁忌话题。

甚至无关紧要的影射也受到检查。例如，6月1日儿童节当天，『南方都市报』儿童版上的一幅画引起了震动：带有儿童涂鸦的一面学校黑板上，可以看到当年那位不知名勇士单身阻挡坦克的寓意图画，接着所有互联网版本都删除了这幅漫画。

甚至对看来什么都不是的东西，当局也做出极度反应。今年年初，德国驻北京大使馆也有所体验。去年十二月，大使馆在中国发出了自制的2010年挂历，其中一张照片是表现'德国统一20周年'的柏林墙涂鸦艺术。在混乱的文字中，隐约可见中文'六四'二字，中国官员找到大使馆，但是挂历已经寄出。"

北京改造钟鼓楼区市民讨论会被叫停

不仅"六四"是禁忌话题，甚至对北京保留部分老城区进行的讨论也不许城市居民参与。今年三月，北京改造钟鼓楼区的市民讨论会未公布原因就被临时叫停。直到最近，对这一问题才重开讨论，『法兰克福汇报』发表评论写道：

"现在终于举行了讨论。想参加讨论的人，必须预先购买价格为一百元人民币的入场券。讨论用英语进行，讨论地点距离有争议的城区很远，在一家专做欧洲菜肴的高级餐馆，餐馆位于一个由传统街道改成的游乐园内。

正如所预料的那样，这种组合的结果是95％的与会者是欧洲人和美国人以及几个印度妇女，他们在后殖民时代的气氛中喝'下午茶'，对保持北京文化遗产问题交流看法：一场不能更为具有讽刺意义的闹剧。

文化遗产协会的创始人用简短辛辣的讽刺言辞说，我们只要朝窗外看一眼，就可以知道，什么是维护文化的反面，我们必须以更多的知识、更强的市民自信心和政治意志反对那些房地产投资商的不良口味。他这番话的关键之处是，在当前这种交错复杂的中国现实社会中，即使这样微不足道的市民参与也许也可以视为朝着这一方向迈出了一步。"

编译: 王羊

责编: 潇阳

（本文摘自或节译自其它媒体，不代表德国之声观点）

“人權觀察”：歐洲不應懼怕中國/藏區抗議持續中共增派軍隊入藏西藏區槍擊死亡

2012-01-26T16:35:00.000-08:00

西藏流亡政府總理致信北京呼籲聽取藏人呼聲
就近日發生的中國四川藏區流血事件，西藏流亡政府總理洛桑森格向中國政府發出一封公開信。他在信中呼籲北京方面聽取藏人示威者的呼聲，呼籲中國領導人尊重西藏人民的權利。他在信中寫道，“通過對話解決西藏問題是實現持久和平的唯一途徑”。對藏人採取暴力是不可接受的，“一定會在世界範圍內受到譴責”。

新聞報導 | 2012.01.26
藏區抗議持續中共增派軍隊入藏

日前，中國當局和"自由西藏"等團體，分別證實藏人和中國軍警在幾個藏區爆發衝突，軍警在四川藏區爐霍縣、阿壩州、色達縣等地向抗議民眾開槍或發射催淚彈，至今已造成至少6人死亡,40餘人受傷。中國當局正增派軍隊入藏。

據美聯社消息，週三，中國政府和海外活動團體證實，藏人和中國軍警之間的暴力衝突已經蔓延。據"自由西藏"組織發布的消息，週二，在政治敏感區的四川甘孜州的色達縣，在中國軍警向藏族抗議者開槍後，已經有至少6名藏族人被槍殺，另有多人受傷。該組織稱引用的是當地的消息來源。

1月25日，中國官媒新華社證實週二在色達發生衝突，但稱軍警遭受藏人的攻擊並被迫自衛，並稱色達、爐霍縣等事件，都是有預謀、有組織的使用暴力手段攻擊執法機關和人員。

據挪威的西藏之聲消息，印度西藏政府議會在一份聲明中表示，因為近期不斷有藏人自焚，另外西藏高僧次成加措被當局毒打致死，因而引發抗議。目前藏區果洛達日、阿壩、爐霍、色達等地的藏人生活在軍警開槍鎮壓的恐懼當中。另據中國官方媒體新華社報導，中共當局向藏區寺廟贈送中共四位領導人毛澤東、鄧小平、江澤民和胡錦濤的畫像和國旗100餘萬，海外藏人組織稱藏人無法接受這一行為。

衝突地區嚴加戒備

美聯社週二援引一名藏族僧侶說，暴力的蔓延發生在30名藏族人躲進了一個叫壽靈寺的寺廟之後，他們是在鄰縣的爐霍縣發生警察向抗議者開槍事件後受傷的藏人。他說軍人包圍了整個壽靈寺。週三，壽靈寺的電話已經無法打通，但這名僧侶因為擔心政府的報復而不願說出自己的名字。而當地武裝重重，外人無法進入，要獨立地證實這些衝突很困難。

德國之聲從周一起嘗試拔打爐霍、色達等縣公安局電話，均未能打通。

另據自由亞洲電台消息，西藏首府拉薩也加強軍警控制，上面指令已經下達至各酒店，不允許接待拉薩市區以外的藏人。在一些要道和道口有警察對藏人進行盤查。

四川高速公路運兵車入藏

1月24日晚間，先後有藏族作家唯色和旅美作家李江琳等人轉發消息至網絡，指中國當局調集軍隊，運兵車經由四川的高速公路入藏。而中國網民也拍攝到成都至雅安途中的入藏軍警車輛發送至新浪微博。

西藏流亡議會議員格桑堅參向德國之聲透露，目前中共當局正在向藏區增派軍隊："從成都到雅安，雅安到康定，再到藏區包括爐霍、色達、理塘鎮一路上全是軍車，車上都是軍人，他們增派很多部隊是肯定的。"

"藏人的反抗不會停止"

格桑堅參也表示，儘管這次中共當局再次大肆鎮壓，但是藏族人已經點燃抗議之火："從2008年到現在，當局一直對抗議活動採用武力鎮壓方式，藏人非但沒有被嚇倒和被征服，抗爭反而愈來愈激烈，又出現了這麼多的自焚和平抗議事件，因為自焚事件又爆發了抵製過春節，大家要在藏歷年悼念自焚同胞，雖然他們一再增加軍力，可是藏人已經無法忍受這種高壓政策，再怎麼鎮壓都沒有懼怕了，他們越鎮壓越造成藏人的傷痕和仇恨，如果中共當局不停止鎮壓和高壓政策，藏人的反抗絕對不會停止。"

國際社會對鎮壓藏人事件表示關注

槍殺藏人事件發生後，美國國務院發言人牛蘭（Victoria Nuland）表示華盛頓方面一直都很清楚地告訴中國當局，他們一直對藏人和其他人的人權密切關注。她說將在下個月，中國國家副主席習近平訪美時，清晰地向他作出這些表達。她也呼籲中國政府與達賴喇嘛或其代表展開建設性對話，以解決中國藏人所關注的問題。

美國的西藏事務特別協調員奧特羅（Maria Otero）呼籲北京改變"只起到反效果的西藏政策"，這些政策製造了更多緊張，並威脅到西藏的宗教、文化和語言認同。

星期三，英國外交國務大臣傑里米.布朗（Jeremy Browne）發表講話指出，深切關注有關中國安全部隊在藏區兩個示威事件中對示威者開槍並導致傷亡的報導。他敦促中國政府對示威藏人保持克制，並且公佈傷亡事件發生的完全情況，致力解決藏人的不滿。

作者：吳雨

新闻报道 | 2012.01.26

藏区抗议持续中共增派军队入藏

2011年7月，拉萨街头军警密布

日前，中国当局和"自由西藏"等团体，分别证实藏人和中国军警在几个藏区爆发冲突，军警在四川藏区炉霍县、阿坝州、色达县等地向抗议民众开枪或发射催泪弹，至今已造成至少6人死亡,40余人受伤。中国当局正增派军队入藏。

据美联社消息，周三，中国政府和海外活动团体证实，藏人和中国军警之间的暴力冲突已经蔓延。据"自由西藏"组织发布的消息，周二，在政治敏感区的四川甘孜州的色达县，在中国军警向藏族抗议者开枪后，已经有至少6名藏族人被枪杀，另有多人受伤。该组织称引用的是当地的消息来源。

1月25日，中国官媒新华社证实周二在色达发生冲突，但称军警遭受藏人的攻击并被迫自卫，并称色达、炉霍县等事件，都是有预谋、有组织的使用暴力手段攻击执法机关和人员。

据挪威的西藏之声消息，印度西藏政府议会在一份声明中表示，因为近期不断有藏人自焚，另外西藏高僧次成加措被当局毒打致死，因而引发抗议。目前藏区果洛达日、阿坝、炉霍、色达等地的藏人生活在军警开枪镇压的恐惧当中。另据中国官方媒体新华社报道，中共当局向藏区寺庙赠送中共四位领导人毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛的画像和国旗100余万，海外藏人组织称藏人无法接受这一行为。

冲突地区严加戒备

美联社周二援引一名藏族僧侣说，暴力的蔓延发生在30名藏族人躲进了一个叫寿灵寺的寺庙之后，他们是在邻县的炉霍县发生警察向抗议者开枪事件后受伤的藏人。他说军人包围了整个寿灵寺。周三，寿灵寺的电话已经无法打通，但这名僧侣因为担心政府的报复而不愿说出自己的名字。而当地武装重重，外人无法进入，要独立地证实这些冲突很困难。

德国之声从周一起尝试拔打炉霍、色达等县公安局电话，均未能打通。

另据自由亚洲电台消息，西藏首府拉萨也加强军警控制，上面指令已经下达至各酒店，不允许接待拉萨市区以外的藏人。在一些要道和道口有警察对藏人进行盘查。

四川高速公路运兵车入藏

1月24日晚间，先后有藏族作家唯色和旅美作家李江琳等人转发消息至网络，指中国当局调集军队，运兵车经由四川的高速公路入藏。而中国网民也拍摄到成都至雅安途中的入藏军警车辆发送至新浪微博。

西藏流亡议会议员格桑坚参向德国之声透露，目前中共当局正在向藏区增派军队："从成都到雅安，雅安到康定，再到藏区包括炉霍、色达、理塘镇一路上全是军车，车上都是军人，他们增派很多部队是肯定的。"

"藏人的反抗不会停止"

格桑坚参也表示，尽管这次中共当局再次大肆镇压，但是藏族人已经点燃抗议之火："从2008年到现在，当局一直对抗议活动采用武力镇压方式，藏人非但没有被吓倒和被征服，抗争反而愈来愈激烈，又出现了这么多的自焚和平抗议事件，因为自焚事件又爆发了抵制过春节，大家要在藏历年悼念自焚同胞，虽然他们一再增加军力，可是藏人已经无法忍受这种高压政策，再怎么镇压都没有惧怕了，他们越镇压越造成藏人的伤痕和仇恨，如果中共当局不停止镇压和高压政策，藏人的反抗绝对不会停止。"

国际社会对镇压藏人事件表示关注

枪杀藏人事件发生后，美国国务院发言人牛兰（Victoria Nuland）表示华盛顿方面一直都很清楚地告诉中国当局，他们一直对藏人和其他人的人权密切关注。她说将在下个月，中国国家副主席习近平访美时，清晰地向他作出这些表达。她也呼吁中国政府与达赖喇嘛或其代表展开建设性对话，以解决中国藏人所关注的问题。

美国的西藏事务特别协调员奥特罗（Maria Otero）呼吁北京改变"只起到反效果的西藏政策"，这些政策制造了更多紧张，并威胁到西藏的宗教、文化和语言认同。

星期三，英国外交国务大臣杰里米.布朗（Jeremy Browne）发表讲话指出，深切关注有关中国安全部队在藏区两个示威事件中对示威者开枪并导致伤亡的报道。他敦促中国政府对示威藏人保持克制，并且公布伤亡事件发生的完全情况，致力解决藏人的不满。

作者：吴雨

责编：李鱼

Deadly New Violence Reported in Restive Tibetan Area of Western China
New York Times
HONG KONG — Police officers opened fire on Tibetan protesters in western China on Monday, injuring at least 32 people and killing at least one of them in the largest violent confrontation in ethnic Tibetan areas of China since 2008, two Tibetan rights ..

“人權觀察”：歐洲不應懼怕中國

“人權觀察”近日發布年度報告，指中國當局頻繁使用非法強迫失踪和暴力恐嚇的手段壓制異議人士。該組織亞洲部主任亞當斯對德國之聲表示，國際社會尤其是歐洲應該加強呼籲中國改善人權。

德國之聲："人權觀察"最近公佈的年度報告中稱，中國政府使用非法的強迫失踪手段箝制異己，並列舉艾未未等人的例子作為說明。您是否認為這是中國政府在壓制人權的具體方式上最新的趨勢？

亞當斯（Brad Adams）：這絕對是一個非常強烈的趨勢。最著名的例子就是曾經失踪幾年的維權律師高智晟，還有其他很多人也遭遇過類似的事情。這一狀況肯定會持續下去，因為中國政府還試圖通過一條法律條文（《刑事訴訟法》修正案），允許警方在案件尚未審理的情況下將所謂"嫌疑人"關押長達數月之久，而不僅僅是一般情況下的幾天。在那種情況下，沒有人能知道當事人在哪裡，他們的家人朋友和律師都不知道。看上去這似乎是一種"戰術設計"，試圖打擊維權律師的活動，並威嚇當事人，讓他們噤聲。

德國之聲：最近的一個例子是獨立作家余杰，他最近舉家前往美國，並透露了在中國失踪期間遭受當局暴力對待，甚至生命威脅。

亞當斯：正是如此。（經歷類似遭遇的）人們在事發後經常報告稱收到刑訊或虐待。如果這些刑訊和虐待行為發生在一個不為人知的秘密場所那就更糟，因為如果是在監獄等地方，人們也許還可以組織聲援活動或者進行干涉。但如果沒有人知道你在哪裡，就根本無能為力。這些秘密場所往往是城市中的某座普通房屋，外界的人們對此完全一無所知。

德國之聲：這種新的"戰術設計"是否能夠收到官方預期的效果？

亞當斯：當然是有一定效果的，比如有些人受到驚嚇後，確實就保持沉默了。這種手段也能嚇阻一些維權活動。但從根本上說，這種方式註定失敗。因為眾所周知，在中國，每一個異議人士被虐待或者壓制之後，就會有更多人出現。而且，這也會對中國政府在國內那些不支持類似手段的民眾中的聲譽遭到極大的損害。在國際上也是如此，最近我們看到，此前在中國人權問題上非常"安靜"的美國駐華大使駱家輝（Gary Locke）現在開始對中國人權狀況提出激烈批評。

德國之聲：您談到了國際社會在中國人權問題上所扮演的角色。 "人權觀察"年度報告中涉及中國的章節裡提到，2011年"為中國人權狀況進行還有效倡導遊說的國家政府相對較少"。而在美國經濟不振以及歐債危機的背景下，您是否依然認為歐美國家在2012年會對中國人權改善做出努力？

亞當斯：我們認為，大多數國家都還沒有學會該如何與中國打交道。他們與中國進行數額巨大的雙邊貿易，和中國進行貨幣問題的談判，還有關於朝鮮、緬甸、敘利亞等國家的問題也需要和中國進行協商。但他們沒有搞清楚究竟如何接觸中國。有些實力比較強的國家比如美國，在沉靜了很久之後，去年重新開始提高批評聲調，而其他一些國家（在處理中國人權議題上）都不夠具有連續性，法國、德國、英國都是如此。他們不知道該如何在努力推動中國改善人權的同時，與中國保持密切的貿易和經濟聯繫。其實我認為這根本就不難。中國需要西方國家的市場，所以他們不太可能在經濟上與西方作對，尤其是當西方國家都保持一致立場時。而在歐洲方面，我認為"中國會幫助歐洲走出金融危機"的想法非常愚蠢。中國的態度一直就是，以經濟利益為考量，決定如何對待歐債危機。如果在經濟上有利，他們就會支持歐元，如果沒有好處，他們就不會做，很徹底的現實主義。因此歐洲不應該懼怕中國。

採訪：石濤

責編：李魚

“人权观察”：欧洲不应惧怕中国

人权观察

“人权观察”近日发布年度报告，指中国当局频繁使用非法强迫失踪和暴力恐吓的手段压制异议人士。该组织亚洲部主任亚当斯对德国之声表示，国际社会尤其是欧洲应该加强呼吁中国改善人权。

德国之声："人权观察"最近公布的年度报告中称，中国政府使用非法的强迫失踪手段钳制异己，并列举艾未未等人的例子作为说明。您是否认为这是中国政府在压制人权的具体方式上最新的趋势？

亚当斯（Brad Adams）：这绝对是一个非常强烈的趋势。最著名的例子就是曾经失踪几年的维权律师高智晟，还有其他很多人也遭遇过类似的事情。这一状况肯定会持续下去，因为中国政府还试图通过一条法律条文（《刑事诉讼法》修正案），允许警方在案件尚未审理的情况下将所谓"嫌疑人"关押长达数月之久，而不仅仅是一般情况下的几天。在那种情况下，没有人能知道当事人在哪里，他们的家人朋友和律师都不知道。看上去这似乎是一种"战术设计"，试图打击维权律师的活动，并威吓当事人，让他们噤声。

德国之声：最近的一个例子是独立作家余杰，他最近举家前往美国，并透露了在中国失踪期间遭受当局暴力对待，甚至生命威胁。

亚当斯：正是如此。（经历类似遭遇的）人们在事发后经常报告称收到刑讯或虐待。如果这些刑讯和虐待行为发生在一个不为人知的秘密场所那就更糟，因为如果是在监狱等地方，人们也许还可以组织声援活动或者进行干涉。但如果没有人知道你在哪里，就根本无能为力。这些秘密场所往往是城市中的某座普通房屋，外界的人们对此完全一无所知。

德国之声：这种新的"战术设计"是否能够收到官方预期的效果？

亚当斯：当然是有一定效果的，比如有些人受到惊吓后，确实就保持沉默了。这种手段也能吓阻一些维权活动。但从根本上说，这种方式注定失败。因为众所周知，在中国，每一个异议人士被虐待或者压制之后，就会有更多人出现。而且，这也会对中国政府在国内那些不支持类似手段的民众中的声誉遭到极大的损害。在国际上也是如此，最近我们看到，此前在中国人权问题上非常"安静"的美国驻华大使骆家辉（Gary Locke）现在开始对中国人权状况提出激烈批评。

德国之声：您谈到了国际社会在中国人权问题上所扮演的角色。"人权观察"年度报告中涉及中国的章节里提到，2011年"为中国人权状况进行还有效倡导游说的国家政府相对较少"。而在美国经济不振以及欧债危机的背景下，您是否依然认为欧美国家在2012年会对中国人权改善做出努力？

亚当斯：我们认为，大多数国家都还没有学会该如何与中国打交道。他们与中国进行数额巨大的双边贸易，和中国进行货币问题的谈判，还有关于朝鲜、缅甸、叙利亚等国家的问题也需要和中国进行协商。但他们没有搞清楚究竟如何接触中国。有些实力比较强的国家比如美国，在沉静了很久之后，去年重新开始提高批评声调，而其他一些国家（在处理中国人权议题上）都不够具有连续性，法国、德国、英国都是如此。他们不知道该如何在努力推动中国改善人权的同时，与中国保持密切的贸易和经济联系。其实我认为这根本就不难。中国需要西方国家的市场，所以他们不太可能在经济上与西方作对，尤其是当西方国家都保持一致立场时。而在欧洲方面，我认为"中国会帮助欧洲走出金融危机"的想法非常愚蠢。中国的态度一直就是，以经济利益为考量，决定如何对待欧债危机。如果在经济上有利，他们就会支持欧元，如果没有好处，他们就不会做，很彻底的现实主义。因此欧洲不应该惧怕中国。

采访：石涛

责编：李鱼

歐巴馬國情咨文中的貧富: 中國印度和韓國Obama State Of The Union Speech 2011

2012-01-25T20:50:00.000-08:00

Obama Sets Goal of Bridging Wealth Gap

“I will not go back to the days when Wall Street
was allowed to play by its own set of rules.”

Daily chart

Absent friends

Jan 24th 2012, 15:58 by The Economist online

World economic growth is originating almost exclusively from the emerging world

The IMF released its updated take on the world's economic growth prospects on January 24th. Dragged down by the euro crisis, the Fund expects world economic output to slow to 3.3% in 2012, against an estimate of 3.8% for 2011. This is 0.7 percentage points lower than the forecast it made in September. Emerging markets account for around half of global economic output but, given the continued process of deleveraging across the rich world, the IMF expects them to contribute over 80% of world GDP growth in 2012. America's contribution is expected to decline from 21% on average during the 1980s to 10% during 2010-13. Meanwhile China's contribution has increased from 8% in the 1980s to 31% on average for 2010-13.

美國總統奧巴馬在任期內第三次國情咨文講話中抨擊了收入不平等現象，為其競選連任的方針定下基調。

在國會發表的向全國轉播的電視講話中，奧巴馬強調了經濟應當讓所有人獲益的重要性。

富人稅

奧巴馬說，面臨危險的既不是民主黨的價值觀，也不是共和黨的價值觀，而是美國價值觀，所以我們必須使其重新確立。

奧巴馬向其對手發出警告說，他將採取行動掃除障礙，決不允許那些導致美國陷入經濟衰退的政策捲土重來。

奧巴馬再次聲明將實施對富人加稅的政策。他說：「如果你每年收入100萬美元，你絕不該繳納低於30%的所得稅。」

他對反對者說：「如果你們願意，儘可以把這一政策稱之為階級鬥爭。讓一個億萬富翁至少繳納和他的秘書一樣的稅務額度有什麼錯？絕大多數老百姓會認為這是人之常情。」

支持率

民調顯示，奧巴馬的支持率已經跌落到50%以下，大多數美國人對奧巴馬政府掌控經濟的能力感到不滿。

美國失業人口已經超過1300萬，政府債務達到有史以來最高的15.2萬億美元，比奧巴馬上台之前增加了10.6萬億。

但民調還顯示，以共和黨為主的眾議院的支持率甚至更低，許多美國人把黨派之爭的惡果歸咎於共和黨保守派。

國會內的激烈爭執導致許多政策流產或擱淺，聯邦政府去年曾三次幾乎因此而停止運作。

歐巴馬國情咨文反陸補貼出口【11:40】

〔中央社〕美國總統歐巴馬今天發表國情咨文時表示，針對中國大陸等國家補貼國內商品出口到美國，對美國廠商不公平。歐巴馬將對這些國家加強施壓，要求他們停止這種不公平行為。

歐巴馬在演說中表示，將成立新政府單位，致力於與這些國家對抗，打擊他們的補貼政策。歐巴馬此舉目的在支持美國製造業並創造就業機會。

「今晚，我宣布成立貿易執法小組。該單位將負責調查如中國等採取不公平貿易措施的國家。」

「我會走遍全世界，為美國產品開發新市場。」

歐巴馬表示，中國等競爭者提供國內企業低利貸款，以協助這些企業贏得海外生意。對此，美國無法承擔這個後果，無法袖手旁觀。

他說：「若我們的競爭者不遵守規則，我絕對不會袖手旁觀。我們對中國提出的貿易訴訟比例將近是上個執政團隊的2倍…而這已經顯現出成效。」

「有國家允許任何人盜版我們的電影、音樂和軟體，這是不對的。外國製造業者因為他們的政府給與強力補貼而勝過我們，這是不公平的。」

美國將於3月公布2011年對中國大陸的貿易逆差。預料數字將達3000億美元左右，創下紀錄新高。

Obama State Of The Union Speech 2011: FULL TEXT

Prior to President Barack Obama's State of the Union speech on Tuesday evening, the National Journal obtained a draft of the address from an unidentified Democratic source. The release from the anonymous insider broke the White House's embargo. Below are the president's delivered remarks as released by the White House, as well as video of the speech.

Click here for the latest coverage of the 2011 State of the Union.

THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:
Tonight I want to begin by congratulating the men and women of the 112th Congress, as well as your new Speaker, John Boehner. (Applause.) And as we mark this occasion, we're also mindful of the empty chair in this chamber, and we pray for the health of our colleague -- and our friend -- Gabby Giffords. (Applause.)

It's no secret that those of us here tonight have had our differences over the last two years. The debates have been contentious; we have fought fiercely for our beliefs. And that's a good thing. That's what a robust democracy demands. That's what helps set us apart as a nation.

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

But there's a reason the tragedy in Tucson gave us pause. Amid all the noise and passion and rancor of our public debate, Tucson reminded us that no matter who we are or where we come from, each of us is a part of something greater -- something more consequential than party or political preference.
We are part of the American family. We believe that in a country where every race and faith and point of view can be found, we are still bound together as one people; that we share common hopes and a common creed; that the dreams of a little girl in Tucson are not so different than those of our own children, and that they all deserve the chance to be fulfilled.

That, too, is what sets us apart as a nation. (Applause.)

Now, by itself, this simple recognition won't usher in a new era of cooperation. What comes of this moment is up to us. What comes of this moment will be determined not by whether we can sit together tonight, but whether we can work together tomorrow. (Applause.)

I believe we can. And I believe we must. That's what the people who sent us here expect of us. With their votes, they've determined that governing will now be a shared responsibility between parties. New laws will only pass with support from Democrats and Republicans. We will move forward together, or not at all -- for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than politics.

At stake right now is not who wins the next election -- after all, we just had an election. At stake is whether new jobs and industries take root in this country, or somewhere else. It's whether the hard work and industry of our people is rewarded. It's whether we sustain the leadership that has made America not just a place on a map, but the light to the world.

We are poised for progress. Two years after the worst recession most of us have ever known, the stock market has come roaring back. Corporate profits are up. The economy is growing again.

But we have never measured progress by these yardsticks alone. We measure progress by the success of our people. By the jobs they can find and the quality of life those jobs offer. By the prospects of a small business owner who dreams of turning a good idea into a thriving enterprise. By the opportunities for a better life that we pass on to our children.

That's the project the American people want us to work on. Together. (Applause.)

We did that in December. Thanks to the tax cuts we passed, Americans' paychecks are a little bigger today. Every business can write off the full cost of new investments that they make this year. And these steps, taken by Democrats and Republicans, will grow the economy and add to the more than one million private sector jobs created last year.

But we have to do more. These steps we've taken over the last two years may have broken the back of this recession, but to win the future, we'll need to take on challenges that have been decades in the making.

Many people watching tonight can probably remember a time when finding a good job meant showing up at a nearby factory or a business downtown. You didn't always need a degree, and your competition was pretty much limited to your neighbors. If you worked hard, chances are you'd have a job for life, with a decent paycheck and good benefits and the occasional promotion. Maybe you'd even have the pride of seeing your kids work at the same company.

That world has changed. And for many, the change has been painful. I've seen it in the shuttered windows of once booming factories, and the vacant storefronts on once busy Main Streets. I've heard it in the frustrations of Americans who've seen their paychecks dwindle or their jobs disappear -- proud men and women who feel like the rules have been changed in the middle of the game.

They're right. The rules have changed. In a single generation, revolutions in technology have transformed the way we live, work and do business. Steel mills that once needed 1,000 workers can now do the same work with 100. Today, just about any company can set up shop, hire workers, and sell their products wherever there's an Internet connection.

Meanwhile, nations like China and India realized that with some changes of their own, they could compete in this new world. And so they started educating their children earlier and longer, with greater emphasis on math and science. They're investing in research and new technologies. Just recently, China became the home to the world's largest private solar research facility, and the world's fastest computer.

So, yes, the world has changed. The competition for jobs is real. But this shouldn't discourage us. It should challenge us. Remember -- for all the hits we've taken these last few years, for all the naysayers predicting our decline, America still has the largest, most prosperous economy in the world. (Applause.) No workers -- no workers are more productive than ours. No country has more successful companies, or grants more patents to inventors and entrepreneurs. We're the home to the world's best colleges and universities, where more students come to study than any place on Earth.

What's more, we are the first nation to be founded for the sake of an idea -- the idea that each of us deserves the chance to shape our own destiny. That's why centuries of pioneers and immigrants have risked everything to come here. It's why our students don't just memorize equations, but answer questions like "What do you think of that idea? What would you change about the world? What do you want to be when you grow up?"

The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can't just stand still. As Robert Kennedy told us, "The future is not a gift. It is an achievement." Sustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has required each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a new age.

And now it's our turn. We know what it takes to compete for the jobs and industries of our time. We need to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build the rest of the world. (Applause.) We have to make America the best place on Earth to do business. We need to take responsibility for our deficit and reform our government. That's how our people will prosper. That's how we'll win the future. (Applause.) And tonight, I'd like to talk about how we get there.

The first step in winning the future is encouraging American innovation. None of us can predict with certainty what the next big industry will be or where the new jobs will come from. Thirty years ago, we couldn't know that something called the Internet would lead to an economic revolution. What we can do -- what America does better than anyone else -- is spark the creativity and imagination of our people. We're the nation that put cars in driveways and computers in offices; the nation of Edison and the Wright brothers; of Google and Facebook. In America, innovation doesn't just change our lives. It is how we make our living. (Applause.)

Our free enterprise system is what drives innovation. But because it's not always profitable for companies to invest in basic research, throughout our history, our government has provided cutting-edge scientists and inventors with the support that they need. That's what planted the seeds for the Internet. That's what helped make possible things like computer chips and GPS. Just think of all the good jobs -- from manufacturing to retail -- that have come from these breakthroughs.

Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a satellite called Sputnik, we had no idea how we would beat them to the moon. The science wasn't even there yet. NASA didn't exist. But after investing in better research and education, we didn't just surpass the Soviets; we unleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new jobs.

This is our generation's Sputnik moment. Two years ago, I said that we needed to reach a level of research and development we haven't seen since the height of the Space Race. And in a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress that helps us meet that goal. We'll invest in biomedical research, information technology, and especially clean energy technology -- (applause) -- an investment that will strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new jobs for our people.

Already, we're seeing the promise of renewable energy. Robert and Gary Allen are brothers who run a small Michigan roofing company. After September 11th, they volunteered their best roofers to help repair the Pentagon. But half of their factory went unused, and the recession hit them hard. Today, with the help of a government loan, that empty space is being used to manufacture solar shingles that are being sold all across the country. In Robert's words, "We reinvented ourselves."

That's what Americans have done for over 200 years: reinvented ourselves. And to spur on more success stories like the Allen Brothers, we've begun to reinvent our energy policy. We're not just handing out money. We're issuing a challenge. We're telling America's scientists and engineers that if they assemble teams of the best minds in their fields, and focus on the hardest problems in clean energy, we'll fund the Apollo projects of our time.

At the California Institute of Technology, they're developing a way to turn sunlight and water into fuel for our cars. At Oak Ridge National Laboratory, they're using supercomputers to get a lot more power out of our nuclear facilities. With more research and incentives, we can break our dependence on oil with biofuels, and become the first country to have a million electric vehicles on the road by 2015. (Applause.)

We need to get behind this innovation. And to help pay for it, I'm asking Congress to eliminate the billions in taxpayer dollars we currently give to oil companies. (Applause.) I don't know if -- I don't know if you've noticed, but they're doing just fine on their own. (Laughter.) So instead of subsidizing yesterday's energy, let's invest in tomorrow's.

Now, clean energy breakthroughs will only translate into clean energy jobs if businesses know there will be a market for what they're selling. So tonight, I challenge you to join me in setting a new goal: By 2035, 80 percent of America's electricity will come from clean energy sources. (Applause.)

Some folks want wind and solar. Others want nuclear, clean coal and natural gas. To meet this goal, we will need them all -- and I urge Democrats and Republicans to work together to make it happen. (Applause.)

Maintaining our leadership in research and technology is crucial to America's success. But if we want to win the future -- if we want innovation to produce jobs in America and not overseas -- then we also have to win the race to educate our kids.

Think about it. Over the next 10 years, nearly half of all new jobs will require education that goes beyond a high school education. And yet, as many as a quarter of our students aren't even finishing high school. The quality of our math and science education lags behind many other nations. America has fallen to ninth in the proportion of young people with a college degree. And so the question is whether all of us -- as citizens, and as parents -- are willing to do what's necessary to give every child a chance to succeed.

That responsibility begins not in our classrooms, but in our homes and communities. It's family that first instills the love of learning in a child. Only parents can make sure the TV is turned off and homework gets done. We need to teach our kids that it's not just the winner of the Super Bowl who deserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair. (Applause.) We need to teach them that success is not a function of fame or PR, but of hard work and discipline.

Our schools share this responsibility. When a child walks into a classroom, it should be a place of high expectations and high performance. But too many schools don't meet this test. That's why instead of just pouring money into a system that's not working, we launched a competition called Race to the Top. To all 50 states, we said, "If you show us the most innovative plans to improve teacher quality and student achievement, we'll show you the money."

Race to the Top is the most meaningful reform of our public schools in a generation. For less than 1 percent of what we spend on education each year, it has led over 40 states to raise their standards for teaching and learning. And these standards were developed, by the way, not by Washington, but by Republican and Democratic governors throughout the country. And Race to the Top should be the approach we follow this year as we replace No Child Left Behind with a law that's more flexible and focused on what's best for our kids. (Applause.)

You see, we know what's possible from our children when reform isn't just a top-down mandate, but the work of local teachers and principals, school boards and communities. Take a school like Bruce Randolph in Denver. Three years ago, it was rated one of the worst schools in Colorado -- located on turf between two rival gangs. But last May, 97 percent of the seniors received their diploma. Most will be the first in their families to go to college. And after the first year of the school's transformation, the principal who made it possible wiped away tears when a student said, "Thank you, Ms. Waters, for showing that we are smart and we can make it." (Applause.) That's what good schools can do, and we want good schools all across the country.

Let's also remember that after parents, the biggest impact on a child's success comes from the man or woman at the front of the classroom. In South Korea, teachers are known as "nation builders." Here in America, it's time we treated the people who educate our children with the same level of respect. (Applause.) We want to reward good teachers and stop making excuses for bad ones. (Applause.) And over the next 10 years, with so many baby boomers retiring from our classrooms, we want to prepare 100,000 new teachers in the fields of science and technology and engineering and math. (Applause.)

In fact, to every young person listening tonight who's contemplating their career choice: If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation; if you want to make a difference in the life of a child -- become a teacher. Your country needs you. (Applause.)

Of course, the education race doesn't end with a high school diploma. To compete, higher education must be within the reach of every American. (Applause.) That's why we've ended the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that went to banks, and used the savings to make college affordable for millions of students. (Applause.) And this year, I ask Congress to go further, and make permanent our tuition tax credit -- worth $10,000 for four years of college. It's the right thing to do. (Applause.)

Because people need to be able to train for new jobs and careers in today's fast-changing economy, we're also revitalizing America's community colleges. Last month, I saw the promise of these schools at Forsyth Tech in North Carolina. Many of the students there used to work in the surrounding factories that have since left town. One mother of two, a woman named Kathy Proctor, had worked in the furniture industry since she was 18 years old. And she told me she's earning her degree in biotechnology now, at 55 years old, not just because the furniture jobs are gone, but because she wants to inspire her children to pursue their dreams, too. As Kathy said, "I hope it tells them to never give up."

If we take these steps -- if we raise expectations for every child, and give them the best possible chance at an education, from the day they are born until the last job they take -- we will reach the goal that I set two years ago: By the end of the decade, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world. (Applause.)

One last point about education. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of students excelling in our schools who are not American citizens. Some are the children of undocumented workers, who had nothing to do with the actions of their parents. They grew up as Americans and pledge allegiance to our flag, and yet they live every day with the threat of deportation. Others come here from abroad to study in our colleges and universities. But as soon as they obtain advanced degrees, we send them back home to compete against us. It makes no sense.

Now, I strongly believe that we should take on, once and for all, the issue of illegal immigration. And I am prepared to work with Republicans and Democrats to protect our borders, enforce our laws and address the millions of undocumented workers who are now living in the shadows. (Applause.) I know that debate will be difficult. I know it will take time. But tonight, let's agree to make that effort. And let's stop expelling talented, responsible young people who could be staffing our research labs or starting a new business, who could be further enriching this nation. (Applause.)

The third step in winning the future is rebuilding America. To attract new businesses to our shores, we need the fastest, most reliable ways to move people, goods, and information -- from high-speed rail to high-speed Internet. (Applause.)

Our infrastructure used to be the best, but our lead has slipped. South Korean homes now have greater Internet access than we do. Countries in Europe and Russia invest more in their roads and railways than we do. China is building faster trains and newer airports. Meanwhile, when our own engineers graded our nation's infrastructure, they gave us a "D."

We have to do better. America is the nation that built the transcontinental railroad, brought electricity to rural communities, constructed the Interstate Highway System. The jobs created by these projects didn't just come from laying down track or pavement. They came from businesses that opened near a town's new train station or the new off-ramp.

So over the last two years, we've begun rebuilding for the 21st century, a project that has meant thousands of good jobs for the hard-hit construction industry. And tonight, I'm proposing that we redouble those efforts. (Applause.)

We'll put more Americans to work repairing crumbling roads and bridges. We'll make sure this is fully paid for, attract private investment, and pick projects based [on] what's best for the economy, not politicians.

Within 25 years, our goal is to give 80 percent of Americans access to high-speed rail. (Applause.) This could allow you to go places in half the time it takes to travel by car. For some trips, it will be faster than flying -- without the pat-down. (Laughter and applause.) As we speak, routes in California and the Midwest are already underway.

Within the next five years, we'll make it possible for businesses to deploy the next generation of high-speed wireless coverage to 98 percent of all Americans. This isn't just about -- (applause) -- this isn't about faster Internet or fewer dropped calls. It's about connecting every part of America to the digital age. It's about a rural community in Iowa or Alabama where farmers and small business owners will be able to sell their products all over the world. It's about a firefighter who can download the design of a burning building onto a handheld device; a student who can take classes with a digital textbook; or a patient who can have face-to-face video chats with her doctor.

All these investments -- in innovation, education, and infrastructure -- will make America a better place to do business and create jobs. But to help our companies compete, we also have to knock down barriers that stand in the way of their success.

For example, over the years, a parade of lobbyists has rigged the tax code to benefit particular companies and industries. Those with accountants or lawyers to work the system can end up paying no taxes at all. But all the rest are hit with one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and it has to change. (Applause.)

So tonight, I'm asking Democrats and Republicans to simplify the system. Get rid of the loopholes. Level the playing field. And use the savings to lower the corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years -- without adding to our deficit. It can be done. (Applause.)

To help businesses sell more products abroad, we set a goal of doubling our exports by 2014 -- because the more we export, the more jobs we create here at home. Already, our exports are up. Recently, we signed agreements with India and China that will support more than 250,000 jobs here in the United States. And last month, we finalized a trade agreement with South Korea that will support at least 70,000 American jobs. This agreement has unprecedented support from business and labor, Democrats and Republicans -- and I ask this Congress to pass it as soon as possible. (Applause.)

Now, before I took office, I made it clear that we would enforce our trade agreements, and that I would only sign deals that keep faith with American workers and promote American jobs. That's what we did with Korea, and that's what I intend to do as we pursue agreements with Panama and Colombia and continue our Asia Pacific and global trade talks. (Applause.)

To reduce barriers to growth and investment, I've ordered a review of government regulations. When we find rules that put an unnecessary burden on businesses, we will fix them. (Applause.) But I will not hesitate to create or enforce common-sense safeguards to protect the American people. (Applause.) That's what we've done in this country for more than a century. It's why our food is safe to eat, our water is safe to drink, and our air is safe to breathe. It's why we have speed limits and child labor laws. It's why last year, we put in place consumer protections against hidden fees and penalties by credit card companies and new rules to prevent another financial crisis. (Applause.) And it's why we passed reform that finally prevents the health insurance industry from exploiting patients. (Applause.)

Now, I have heard rumors that a few of you still have concerns about our new health care law. (Laughter.) So let me be the first to say that anything can be improved. If you have ideas about how to improve this law by making care better or more affordable, I am eager to work with you. We can start right now by correcting a flaw in the legislation that has placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on small businesses. (Applause.)

What I'm not willing to do -- what I'm not willing to do is go back to the days when insurance companies could deny someone coverage because of a preexisting condition. (Applause.)

I'm not willing to tell James Howard, a brain cancer patient from Texas, that his treatment might not be covered. I'm not willing to tell Jim Houser, a small business man from Oregon, that he has to go back to paying $5,000 more to cover his employees. As we speak, this law is making prescription drugs cheaper for seniors and giving uninsured students a chance to stay on their patients' -- parents' coverage. (Applause.)

So I say to this chamber tonight, instead of re-fighting the battles of the last two years, let's fix what needs fixing and let's move forward. (Applause.)

Now, the final critical step in winning the future is to make sure we aren't buried under a mountain of debt.

We are living with a legacy of deficit spending that began almost a decade ago. And in the wake of the financial crisis, some of that was necessary to keep credit flowing, save jobs, and put money in people's pockets.

But now that the worst of the recession is over, we have to confront the fact that our government spends more than it takes in. That is not sustainable. Every day, families sacrifice to live within their means. They deserve a government that does the same.

So tonight, I am proposing that starting this year, we freeze annual domestic spending for the next five years. (Applause.) Now, this would reduce the deficit by more than $400 billion over the next decade, and will bring discretionary spending to the lowest share of our economy since Dwight Eisenhower was President.

This freeze will require painful cuts. Already, we've frozen the salaries of hardworking federal employees for the next two years. I've proposed cuts to things I care deeply about, like community action programs. The Secretary of Defense has also agreed to cut tens of billions of dollars in spending that he and his generals believe our military can do without. (Applause.)

I recognize that some in this chamber have already proposed deeper cuts, and I'm willing to eliminate whatever we can honestly afford to do without. But let's make sure that we're not doing it on the backs of our most vulnerable citizens. (Applause.) And let's make sure that what we're cutting is really excess weight. Cutting the deficit by gutting our investments in innovation and education is like lightening an overloaded airplane by removing its engine. It may make you feel like you're flying high at first, but it won't take long before you feel the impact. (Laughter.)

Now, most of the cuts and savings I've proposed only address annual domestic spending, which represents a little more than 12 percent of our budget. To make further progress, we have to stop pretending that cutting this kind of spending alone will be enough. It won't. (Applause.)

The bipartisan fiscal commission I created last year made this crystal clear. I don't agree with all their proposals, but they made important progress. And their conclusion is that the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut excessive spending wherever we find it -- in domestic spending, defense spending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes. (Applause.)

This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our long-term deficit. The health insurance law we passed last year will slow these rising costs, which is part of the reason that nonpartisan economists have said that repealing the health care law would add a quarter of a trillion dollars to our deficit. Still, I'm willing to look at other ideas to bring down costs, including one that Republicans suggested last year -- medical malpractice reform to rein in frivolous lawsuits. (Applause.)

To put us on solid ground, we should also find a bipartisan solution to strengthen Social Security for future generations. (Applause.) We must do it without putting at risk current retirees, the most vulnerable, or people with disabilities; without slashing benefits for future generations; and without subjecting Americans' guaranteed retirement income to the whims of the stock market. (Applause.)

And if we truly care about our deficit, we simply can't afford a permanent extension of the tax cuts for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. (Applause.) Before we take money away from our schools or scholarships away from our students, we should ask millionaires to give up their tax break. It's not a matter of punishing their success. It's about promoting America's success. (Applause.)

In fact, the best thing we could do on taxes for all Americans is to simplify the individual tax code. (Applause.) This will be a tough job, but members of both parties have expressed an interest in doing this, and I am prepared to join them. (Applause.)

So now is the time to act. Now is the time for both sides and both houses of Congress -- Democrats and Republicans -- to forge a principled compromise that gets the job done. If we make the hard choices now to rein in our deficits, we can make the investments we need to win the future.

Let me take this one step further. We shouldn't just give our people a government that's more affordable. We should give them a government that's more competent and more efficient. We can't win the future with a government of the past. (Applause.)

We live and do business in the Information Age, but the last major reorganization of the government happened in the age of black-and-white TV. There are 12 different agencies that deal with exports. There are at least five different agencies that deal with housing policy. Then there's my favorite example: The Interior Department is in charge of salmon while they're in fresh water, but the Commerce Department handles them when they're in saltwater. (Laughter.) I hear it gets even more complicated once they're smoked. (Laughter and applause.)

Now, we've made great strides over the last two years in using technology and getting rid of waste. Veterans can now download their electronic medical records with a click of the mouse. We're selling acres of federal office space that hasn't been used in years, and we'll cut through red tape to get rid of more. But we need to think bigger. In the coming months, my administration will develop a proposal to merge, consolidate, and reorganize the federal government in a way that best serves the goal of a more competitive America. I will submit that proposal to Congress for a vote -- and we will push to get it passed. (Applause.)

In the coming year, we'll also work to rebuild people's faith in the institution of government. Because you deserve to know exactly how and where your tax dollars are being spent, you'll be able to go to a website and get that information for the very first time in history. Because you deserve to know when your elected officials are meeting with lobbyists, I ask Congress to do what the White House has already done -- put that information online. And because the American people deserve to know that special interests aren't larding up legislation with pet projects, both parties in Congress should know this: If a bill comes to my desk with earmarks inside, I will veto it. I will veto it. (Applause.)

The 21st century government that's open and competent. A government that lives within its means. An economy that's driven by new skills and new ideas. Our success in this new and changing world will require reform, responsibility, and innovation. It will also require us to approach that world with a new level of engagement in our foreign affairs.

Just as jobs and businesses can now race across borders, so can new threats and new challenges. No single wall separates East and West. No one rival superpower is aligned against us.

And so we must defeat determined enemies, wherever they are, and build coalitions that cut across lines of region and race and religion. And America's moral example must always shine for all who yearn for freedom and justice and dignity. And because we've begun this work, tonight we can say that American leadership has been renewed and America's standing has been restored.

Look to Iraq, where nearly 100,000 of our brave men and women have left with their heads held high. (Applause.) American combat patrols have ended, violence is down, and a new government has been formed. This year, our civilians will forge a lasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while we finish the job of bringing our troops out of Iraq. America's commitment has been kept. The Iraq war is coming to an end. (Applause.)

Of course, as we speak, al Qaeda and their affiliates continue to plan attacks against us. Thanks to our intelligence and law enforcement professionals, we're disrupting plots and securing our cities and skies. And as extremists try to inspire acts of violence within our borders, we are responding with the strength of our communities, with respect for the rule of law, and with the conviction that American Muslims are a part of our American family. (Applause.)

We've also taken the fight to al Qaeda and their allies abroad. In Afghanistan, our troops have taken Taliban strongholds and trained Afghan security forces. Our purpose is clear: By preventing the Taliban from reestablishing a stranglehold over the Afghan people, we will deny al Qaeda the safe haven that served as a launching pad for 9/11.

Thanks to our heroic troops and civilians, fewer Afghans are under the control of the insurgency. There will be tough fighting ahead, and the Afghan government will need to deliver better governance. But we are strengthening the capacity of the Afghan people and building an enduring partnership with them. This year, we will work with nearly 50 countries to begin a transition to an Afghan lead. And this July, we will begin to bring our troops home. (Applause.)

In Pakistan, al Qaeda's leadership is under more pressure than at any point since 2001. Their leaders and operatives are being removed from the battlefield. Their safe havens are shrinking. And we've sent a message from the Afghan border to the Arabian Peninsula to all parts of the globe: We will not relent, we will not waver, and we will defeat you. (Applause.)

American leadership can also be seen in the effort to secure the worst weapons of war. Because Republicans and Democrats approved the New START treaty, far fewer nuclear weapons and launchers will be deployed. Because we rallied the world, nuclear materials are being locked down on every continent so they never fall into the hands of terrorists. (Applause.)

Because of a diplomatic effort to insist that Iran meet its obligations, the Iranian government now faces tougher sanctions, tighter sanctions than ever before. And on the Korean Peninsula, we stand with our ally South Korea, and insist that North Korea keeps its commitment to abandon nuclear weapons. (Applause.)

This is just a part of how we're shaping a world that favors peace and prosperity. With our European allies, we revitalized NATO and increased our cooperation on everything from counterterrorism to missile defense. We've reset our relationship with Russia, strengthened Asian alliances, built new partnerships with nations like India.

This March, I will travel to Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador to forge new alliances across the Americas. Around the globe, we're standing with those who take responsibility -- helping farmers grow more food, supporting doctors who care for the sick, and combating the corruption that can rot a society and rob people of opportunity.

Recent events have shown us that what sets us apart must not just be our power -- it must also be the purpose behind it. In south Sudan -- with our assistance -- the people were finally able to vote for independence after years of war. (Applause.) Thousands lined up before dawn. People danced in the streets. One man who lost four of his brothers at war summed up the scene around him: "This was a battlefield for most of my life," he said. "Now we want to be free." (Applause.)

And we saw that same desire to be free in Tunisia, where the will of the people proved more powerful than the writ of a dictator. And tonight, let us be clear: The United States of America stands with the people of Tunisia, and supports the democratic aspirations of all people. (Applause.)

We must never forget that the things we've struggled for, and fought for, live in the hearts of people everywhere. And we must always remember that the Americans who have borne the greatest burden in this struggle are the men and women who serve our country. (Applause.)

Tonight, let us speak with one voice in reaffirming that our nation is united in support of our troops and their families. Let us serve them as well as they've served us -- by giving them the equipment they need, by providing them with the care and benefits that they have earned, and by enlisting our veterans in the great task of building our own nation.

Our troops come from every corner of this country -- they're black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American. They are Christian and Hindu, Jewish and Muslim. And, yes, we know that some of them are gay. Starting this year, no American will be forbidden from serving the country they love because of who they love. (Applause.) And with that change, I call on all our college campuses to open their doors to our military recruiters and ROTC. It is time to leave behind the divisive battles of the past. It is time to move forward as one nation. (Applause.)

We should have no illusions about the work ahead of us. Reforming our schools, changing the way we use energy, reducing our deficit -- none of this will be easy. All of it will take time. And it will be harder because we will argue about everything. The costs. The details. The letter of every law.

Of course, some countries don't have this problem. If the central government wants a railroad, they build a railroad, no matter how many homes get bulldozed. If they don't want a bad story in the newspaper, it doesn't get written.

And yet, as contentious and frustrating and messy as our democracy can sometimes be, I know there isn't a person here who would trade places with any other nation on Earth. (Applause.)

We may have differences in policy, but we all believe in the rights enshrined in our Constitution. We may have different opinions, but we believe in the same promise that says this is a place where you can make it if you try. We may have different backgrounds, but we believe in the same dream that says this is a country where anything is possible. No matter who you are. No matter where you come from.

That dream is why I can stand here before you tonight. That dream is why a working-class kid from Scranton can sit behind me. (Laughter and applause.) That dream is why someone who began by sweeping the floors of his father's Cincinnati bar can preside as Speaker of the House in the greatest nation on Earth. (Applause.)

That dream -- that American Dream -- is what drove the Allen Brothers to reinvent their roofing company for a new era. It's what drove those students at Forsyth Tech to learn a new skill and work towards the future. And that dream is the story of a small business owner named Brandon Fisher.

Brandon started a company in Berlin, Pennsylvania, that specializes in a new kind of drilling technology. And one day last summer, he saw the news that halfway across the world, 33 men were trapped in a Chilean mine, and no one knew how to save them.

But Brandon thought his company could help. And so he designed a rescue that would come to be known as Plan B. His employees worked around the clock to manufacture the necessary drilling equipment. And Brandon left for Chile.

Along with others, he began drilling a 2,000-foot hole into the ground, working three- or four-hour -- three or four days at a time without any sleep. Thirty-seven days later, Plan B succeeded, and the miners were rescued. (Applause.) But because he didn't want all of the attention, Brandon wasn't there when the miners emerged. He'd already gone back home, back to work on his next project.

And later, one of his employees said of the rescue, "We proved that Center Rock is a little company, but we do big things." (Applause.)

We do big things.

From the earliest days of our founding, America has been the story of ordinary people who dare to dream. That's how we win the future.

We're a nation that says, "I might not have a lot of money, but I have this great idea for a new company." "I might not come from a family of college graduates, but I will be the first to get my degree." "I might not know those people in trouble, but I think I can help them, and I need to try." "I'm not sure how we'll reach that better place beyond the horizon, but I know we'll get there. I know we will."

We do big things. (Applause.)

The idea of America endures. Our destiny remains our choice. And tonight, more than two centuries later, it's because of our people that our future is hopeful, our journey goes forward, and the state of our union is strong.

Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)

END 10:13 P.M. EST

中國共產黨是「赤裸裸的流氓」，「左手捧鈔票，右手拿刺刀......

2012-01-25T07:47:00.000-08:00

中國‧西藏騷亂擴散‧美國促克制

國際

2012-01-25 18:15

（中國‧北京25日訊）中國藏區形勢再度升溫！從大年初一開始，中國四川省甘孜藏族自治州連續兩天爆發藏人暴亂，警方被迫開鎗鎮壓，造成傷亡，並引起美國關切，要求中國安全部隊保持克制。

甘孜藏人騷亂持續擴散，繼距離成都590公里的爐霍縣在大年初一發生藏人暴力衝擊派出所事件後，翌日年初二下午，色達縣金馬廣場又有近百藏人聚集，手持棍棒、石塊、刀具、汽油瓶等器械，暴力衝擊城關派出所。

該派出所一名警察指出，示威者用隨身攜帶的汽油瓶、石塊攻擊民警，並向他們開鎗射擊，造成14名民警受傷。

警方最終持鎗自衛，造成1名示威者死亡，另1人被警棍擊傷，還有13人被拘捕。

新華社報導，之前發生騷亂的爐霍縣城有1名示威者死亡，4人受傷，另有5名民警受傷，並稱當地秩序已恢復正常。但該縣壽靈寺有喇嘛向美聯社表示，有33名受傷藏人在寺內治療，約50輛軍車停在寺外，軍警要求帶走傷者，但遭寺方拒絕。

開鎗鎮壓3死數十人傷

總部設在倫敦的自由西藏組織表示，中國軍警連續兩天開鎗武力鎮壓藏人示威者，已造成至少3人死亡，數十人受傷。

西藏流亡政府領袖洛桑桑蓋週二發表聲明，呼吁國際社會介入。

美國國務院對中國軍警向藏族示威者開鎗表示嚴正關切，敦促軍警在對待藏民時保持克制，同時呼吁中國政府與流亡海外的西藏精神領袖達賴喇嘛或他的代表展開建設性對話，並允許外國記者、外交官以及其他觀察人員進入藏區。

事件也令中國國家副主席習近平下月訪美行程蒙上陰影，美方聲稱將趁習近平訪美時提出包括西藏情勢在內的人權問題。

（星洲日報／國際）

廖亦武《證詞》

中國流亡詩人廖亦武訪台出版《六四‧我的證詞》自由時報／趙靜瑜 101.1.9
用生命寫作，用寫作支撐著生命，4年牢獄生涯，中國先鋒派詩人廖亦武書寫《六四‧我的證詞》，表達了深刻的文學自覺，「通過寫這本書，我重新找回了尊嚴。」

六四牢獄寫成中國禁書流亡至德國出版
從來不搞政治，卻因在「六四」當天朗誦自己寫的詩作《大屠殺》而遭逮捕入獄，4年坐牢自殺2次未果。1994年1月，由於英首相梅傑和國際特赦組織的努力，廖亦武提前43天獲釋。在中國忍耐多年，廖亦武去年以雲南、越南、波蘭等「奇異路徑」逃離中國，流亡並定居德國，出版了被禁作品《六四‧我的證詞》德文版。「我是為了出版這本書，決定離開中國。」
廖亦武日前首度訪台，展開2個月的駐點訪問。廖亦武表示，《六四‧我的證詞》前兩卷初稿寫於獄內，「在一頁紙上儘可能多寫字，甚至超過萬字，連標點也蹦蹦地搏動起來，我已辨認不了自己的筆跡。」由於手稿經常被獄卒沒收，廖亦武不得不一邊寫作，一邊把文字默記下來，沒收一批，再重寫一批。出獄後，廖亦武持續書寫並受到監視，就在全書快完成之際，手稿又被抄，該書成為中共極力阻撓X版的真實之書，「我只能重寫，耗時又3年。」

籲台灣政治人物勿與中國簽和平協議
中國共產黨是「赤裸裸的流氓」，「左手捧鈔票，右手拿刺刀，任何逾越中國經濟利益的作為，一定都會遭到共產黨的無情對待。」廖亦武強調，在中國如果不談人權，就只做生意的話，中國的確是非常大的市場；但如果要談人權或其他，「肯定就是用刺刀來對付你。」廖亦武直言，台灣政治人物要認清中國的真面目，過去的歷史已然明鑑，「跟一個流氓簽和平協議不會有任何用處。」

「我不是異議人士，我是個作家，詩人。」廖亦武說「六四」那天中國共產黨的鎮壓，徹底改變了中國，「以前中國人對國家、對民族也許還有些理想，但從那一刻開始，中國人知道這個國家已經不能愛；如果你過於愛這個國家，這個國家肯定會用子彈和槍對付你。」這對廖亦武來說，至為深刻。

願接受中國條件的只有商人和政客
邀約廖亦武訪台的允晨文化總編輯廖志峰表示，去年廖亦武出版《六四．我的證詞》德文版，突然間，廖亦武攻佔德國所有重要媒體版面，新書登上德國《明鏡周刊》暢銷書排行榜。後又赴美訪問哈佛大學與專家學者及學生對談，「採訪的大規格和熱度，都已是準諾貝爾文學獎得主的高度。」在台灣，接待規格遠不如在歐美，但廖亦武仍然有興趣，廖志峰說，「台灣應該要認識這樣一位等同於索忍尼辛在書寫《古拉格群島》般的良心作家。」

隨身帶著《史記》，還有困頓時街頭賣藝維生的蕭與歌喉，廖亦武將出席2月初的台北國際書展，並將把自己訪談中國數十位經歷六四入獄，之後卻被中國社會遺忘的底層生命，書寫成新作《六四‧群體證言》，預計年中出版。

「我很幸運，我活著寫下這些文字並發表，比起司馬遷，我也很幸運沒有被閹割。」廖亦武說他不接受任何條件回中國，「願意接受條件的，只有商人和政客。」

臭名郭台銘管理100萬動物/ "流氓"/台灣的空軍二號的故事 /Air Force Two

2012-01-24T22:02:00.000-08:00

Jerold F. TerHorst, The Flying White House: The Story of Air Force One (New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1979)

郭台銘稱員工是動物富士康發表道歉聲明
台灣富士康公司發表聲明，為其CEO郭台銘的不當言論表示道歉。此前郭台銘曾將富士康員工比作動物。今年1月中旬，郭台銘和台北動物園園長葉傑生在出席富士康年會時曾說，富士康的員工數量超過100萬，如何管理這100萬動物讓他十分“頭疼”。富士康公司在其發表的聲明中表示，郭台銘“對於任何感到被冒犯的人表示誠摯的歉意”。聲明中也強調，此前媒體在報導時對郭台銘的話斷章取義，郭並未像有些報導中所描述的那樣，刻意中傷員工。

臭名郭台銘/ "流氓"

雖然沒有看過美國的空軍一號的故事
不過台灣的故事也可以成書
譬如說陳水扁總統的迷航記也很有意思

近年來的故事更精彩
在李登輝總統時代
辜家的私人飛機必須停在菲律賓

現在的當權者早把蔣經國的訓示忘了
將松山機場開放給郭台銘的座機停放
起初我們對幾乎是免費的停機費感到奇怪
幾年之後我們才知道

原來郭的可算是台灣的空軍二號
必要時可以到澎湖和台灣各地助選
率先讓郭某的飛機統一大中國

了不起的德政
難怪中共學會用半價飛機票要把選戰......

這肯定只是我們的專書台灣的空軍二號的故事
的第一章的第2段

***

Air Force One is the designation of the plane on which the President flies. Since 1989 the President has usually flown on one of two Boeing 747s, each able to carry 80 passengers and 23 crew members to any point on the globe. Each plane is outfitted as a mobile command center and is linked to all U.S. military and national security communications networks.

The planes are coated in silver and have blue trim, and they carry the Presidential seal on their sides. They are operated by the Special Missions Fleet of the 89th Military Airlift Wing at Andrews Air Force Base. Expenses for Air Force One come out of the Defense Department budget, unless the President is on a campaign trip, in which case the political party's national committee or campaign committee foots the bill.

Marine One is the designation of the VH-3 helicopter that transports the President from the helipad on the South Lawn of the White House to local destinations or to the hangar at Andrews Air Force Base in Maryland where he boards Air Force One. Marine Helicopter Squadron One usually consists of eight craft, located at a base just down the Potomac River from the White House. Marine One is often used to take the President and his guests to his rural retreat at Camp David in nearby Maryland.

The cost of operating Air Force One is $40,243 per hour of flight. Each year the Pentagon spends approximately $185 million on travel expenses for the President and his top aides, according to the House Post Office Committee's Subcommittee on Human Resources.

Sources

Bradley Patterson, The Ring of Power (New York: Basic Books, 1988).
Jerold F. TerHorst, The Flying White House: The Story of Air Force One (New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1979)

那些美國人收入為頂尖1 %/ Obama 政権、最富裕層への増税提言へ

2012-01-24T21:45:00.000-08:00

オバマ政権、最富裕層への増税提言へ　２４日にも表明か

　米オバマ政権が近く、富裕層の上位２％の増税などを柱とした包括的な税制改正方針を打ち出す。米政府高官が朝日新聞の単独インタビューで明らかにした。早ければ、オバマ米大統領が２４日の一般教書演説で打ち出す可能性がある。

　オバマ大統領は昨年１月の一般教書演説で法人税引き下げの方針を示した。しかし、その後は野党・共和党との間で米国の財政赤字をどう削減するかについての攻防となり、税制改正の議論は進んでいなかった。

　米政府高官によると、オバマ大統領が近く打ち出す包括的な税制改正方針では、企業税制は米国内での投資を促す仕組みにする一方、個人税制については、財政再建に向け各所得層に公正な負担をしてもらうかたちに改めることを提言する見通しだという。

那些美國人收入為頂前尖1 %
iniquity, inequality, parity, disparity, Income In...

Income inequality

Who exactly are the 1%?

The very rich in America increasingly work in finance, marry each other and care passionately about politics

MITT ROMNEY is not the first multi-millionaire to seek the presidency, nor the richest. Ross Perot, the record-holder, spent some of his billions earned from computer data on losing bids in 1992 and 1996. Since then men who owe their or their family’s fortunes to oil, sport, publishing, trial law, ketchup, beer and bestselling autobiographies have followed.

But Mr Romney, who earned his $200m or so as a private-equity executive buying and selling companies, is the first candidate from the world of high-octane finance. As such, he illustrates the changing complexion of America’s rich. The wealthiest 1% of Americans not only get more of the pie (see chart); they are increasingly creatures of finance.

The average household income of the 1% was $1.2m in 2008, according to federal tax data. The ultra-rich skew that average upwards: admission to the 1% began at $380,000 in 2008. The Congressional Budget Office puts the cut-off lower, at $347,000 in 2007, or $252,000 after subtracting federal taxes and adding back transfers. Measured by net worth, rather than income, the top 1% started at $6.9m in 2009, according to the Federal Reserve, down 23% from 2007.

The richest 1% earn roughly half their income from wages and salaries, a quarter from self-employment and business income, and the remainder from interest, dividends, capital gains and rent. According to an analysis of tax returns by Jon Bakija of Williams College and two others, 16% of the top 1% were in medical professions and 8% were lawyers: shares that have changed little between 1979 and 2005, the latest year the authors examined (see chart). The most striking shift has been the growth of financial occupations, from just under 8% of the wealthy in 1979 to 13.9% in 2005. Their representation within the top 0.1% is even more pronounced: 18%, up from 11% in 1979.

Steve Kaplan of the University of Chicago thinks finance explains much of the rise in inequality. Updating a series developed by Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez, Mr Kaplan notes that the share of income going to the 1% reached an 80-year high of 23.5% in 2007, only to sink to 17.6% in 2009 as the financial markets deflated (see chart). The trend is even more pronounced for the top 0.1%, whose share of total income rose to 12.3% in 2007 but sank to a still disproportionate 8.1% in 2009.

Mr Kaplan and Joshua Rauh of Northwestern University note that investment bankers, corporate lawyers, hedge-fund and private-equity managers have displaced corporate executives at the top of the income ladder. In 2009 the richest 25 hedge-fund investors earned more than $25 billion, roughly six times as much as all the chief executives of companies in the S&P 500 stock index combined.

Although the 1% have been gaining share in most countries, a recent OECD report shows that the trend began sooner, and has gone further, in America. Some scholars, noting that inequality has risen more in English-speaking countries, think social and political values may play a role: in mainland Europe and Japan, corporate governance, tax laws and unionisation have tended to lessen income disparities. But the relatively large role of the financial sector in English-speaking countries could also be a factor: even more of the top 1% work in finance in Britain than in America.

Membership in America’s 1% is relatively stable; three-quarters of the households in the percentile one year will still be there the next. Although the proportion shrinks over time, one study found that the vast majority of the top 1% were still in the richest 10% a decade later. Kinship plays a big part: rich parents tend to produce rich kids. High levels of educational attainment and stable families help in this. According to Gallup, 72% of the 1% have a college degree, and half have a postgraduate degree; those are two to three times the proportion of the other 99%. The 1% are more likely to be married and to have children.

The rich also increasingly marry people like themselves. Mr Bakija and his co-authors found that between 1979 and 2005, the share of spouses of the 1% who had blue-collar or “miscellaneous” service-sector backgrounds declined slightly, from 7.9% to 6.4%. The share of spouses who worked in finance, property and law rose from 3.5% to 8.8%.

Politically, Gallup polls find that the 1% are more likely than the 99% to identify themselves as Republicans (33% to 28%) and less likely to be Democrats (26% to 33%). A survey of 104 wealthy families in the Chicago area, led by Benjamin Page of Northwestern University, found the budget deficit was their leading worry, followed by unemployment; for the broader population, the reverse is true. Still the rich, like most voters, have eclectic views, often supporting liberal and conservative positions simultaneously. For example, Keith Whitaker, who advises wealthy families on behalf of Wells Fargo, says many of them sympathise with the Occupy Wall Street movement. A lot of them became rich by building businesses and consider Wall Street “the place where businesses are taken apart and run by someone else”.

Bob Perkowitz embodies these contradictions. A rich entrepreneur, he now devotes much of his time to a non-profit environmental outfit. He is a lifelong Republican who objects to George Bush junior’s tax cuts for the wealthy, and backed Barack Obama in 2008. Having restructured companies himself, he has no trouble with Mr Romney’s private-equity work but agrees with Occupy Wall Street that corporations have too much power.

Until recently he split his time between conservative Charlotte, North Carolina, and liberal Washington, DC. His wife, Lisa Renstrom, used to manage hotels inherited from her father, a prosperous Republican businessman. Now she campaigns on climate change and backs Wealth for the Common Good, a group of rich people who back Occupy Wall Street. Her father used to give his occupation as “capitalist”. “I grew up believing that [capitalists] were making the world a better place,” she says. “The capitalism we have has left us with degraded infrastructure, threats to our health, and global warming.”

Most of the 1% prefer not to talk about their good fortune. As the New York Times recently observed in an article on the 1%, “Some envisioned waking up to protesters on the lawn; others feared audits by the IRS or other punitive government action.”

But Mr Perkowitz and Ms Renstrom are utterly typical of the 1% in that they are far more politically engaged than the average 99-percenters. Nearly all the rich people surveyed by Northwestern vote, 68% make campaign contributions, nearly half had contacted a member of Congress and a fifth had solicited contributions on behalf of a candidate. A good chunk of those calls were meant to help their businesses. But many were motivated by the common good, defined in as many different ways as the sources of their wealth.

全球新聞自由Press Freedom Index 2011-2012

2012-01-24T19:48:00.000-08:00

Press Freedom Index 2011-2012

http://en.rsf.org/spip.php?page=classement&id_rubrique=1043

THE RANKING

In order to have a bigger spread in the scores and increase the differentiation between countries, this year’s questionnaire had more answers assigning negative points. That is why countries at the top of the index have negative scores this year. Although the point system has produced a broader distribution of scores than in 2010, each country’s evolution over the years can still be plotted by comparing its position in the index rather than its score. This is what the arrows in the table refer to – a country’s change in position in the index compared with the preceding year.

Rank	Country	Score
1	Finland	-10,00
-	Norway	-10,00
3	Estonia	-9,00
-	Netherlands	-9,00
5	Austria	-8,00
6	Iceland	-7,00
-	Luxembourg	-7,00
8	Switzerland	-6,20
9	Cape Verde	-6,00
10	Canada	-5,67
-	Denmark	-5,67
12	Sweden	-5,50
13	New Zealand	-5,33
14	Czech Republic	-5,00
15	Ireland	-4,00
16	Cyprus	-3,00
-	Jamaica	-3,00
-	Germany	-3,00
19	Costa Rica	-2,25
20	Belgium	-2,00
-	Namibia	-2,00
22	Japan	-1,00
-	Surinam	-1,00
24	Poland	-0,67
25	Mali	0,00
-	OECS	0,00
-	Slovakia	0,00
28	United Kingdom	2,00
29	Niger	2,50
30	Australia	4,00
-	Lithuania	4,00
32	Uruguay	4,25
33	Portugal	5,33
34	Tanzania	6,00
35	Papua New Guinea	9,00
36	Slovenia	9,14
37	El Salvador	9,30
38	France	9,50
39	Spain	9,75
40	Hungary	10,00
41	Ghana	11,00
42	South Africa	12,00
-	Botswana	12,00
44	South Korea	12,67
45	Comoros	13,00
-	Taiwan	13,00
47	United States of America	14,00
-	Argentina	14,00
-	Romania	14,00
50	Latvia	15,00
-	Trinidad and Tobago	15,00
52	Haiti	15,67
53	Moldova	16,00
54	Hong-Kong	17,00
-	Mauritius	17,00
-	Samoa	17,00
57	United States of America (extra-territorial)	19,00
58	Malta	19,50
-	Bosnia and Herzegovina	19,50
-	Guyana	19,50
61	Italy	19,67
62	Central African Republic	20,00
63	Lesotho	21,00
-	Sierra Leone	21,00
-	Tonga	21,00
66	Mozambique	21,50
67	Mauritania	22,20
68	Croatia	23,33
-	Burkina Faso	23,33
70	Bhutan	24,00
-	Greece	24,00
72	Nicaragua	24,33
73	Maldives	25,00
-	Seychelles	25,00
75	Guinea-Bissau	26,00
-	Senegal	26,00
77	Armenia	27,00
78	Kuwait	28,00
79	Togo	28,50
80	Serbia	29,00
-	Bulgaria	29,00
-	Chile	29,00
-	Paraguay	29,00
84	Kenya	29,50
-	Madagascar	29,50
86	Guinea	30,00
-	Kosovo	30,00
-	Timor-Leste	30,00
-	Zambia	30,00
90	Congo	30,38
91	Benin	31,00
92	Israel (Israeli territory)	31,25
93	Lebanon	31,50
94	Macedonia	31,67
95	Dominican Republic	33,25
96	Albania	34,44
97	Cameroon	35,00
-	Guatemala	35,00
99	Brazil	35,33
100	Mongolia	35,75
101	Gabon	36,50
102	Cyprus (North)	37,00
103	Chad	37,67
104	Ecuador	38,00
-	Georgia	38,00
106	Nepal	38,75
107	Montenegro	39,00
108	Bolivia	40,00
-	Kyrgyzstan	40,00
110	Liberia	40,50
111	South Sudan	41,25	nc
112	United Arab Emirates	45,00
113	Panama	45,67
114	Qatar	46,00
115	Peru	51,25
116	Ukraine	54,00
117	Cambodia	55,00
-	Fiji	55,00
-	Oman	55,00
-	Venezuela	55,00
-	Zimbabwe	55,00
122	Algeria	56,00
-	Tajikistan	56,00
-	Malaysia	56,00
125	Brunei	56,20
126	Nigeria	56,40
127	Ethiopia	56,60
128	Jordan	56,80
129	Bangladesh	57,00
130	Burundi	57,75
131	India	58,00
132	Angola	58,43
133	Israel (extra-territorial)	59,00
134	Tunisia	60,25
135	Singapore	61,00
-	Honduras	61,00
137	Thailand	61,50
138	Morocco	63,29
139	Uganda	64,00
140	Philippines	64,50
141	Gambia	65,50
142	Russia	66,00
143	Colombia	66,50
144	Swaziland	67,00
145	Democratic Republic of Congo	67,67
146	Indonesia	68,00
-	Malawi	68,00
148	Turkey	70,00
149	Mexico	72,67
150	Afghanistan	74,00
151	Pakistan	75,00
152	Iraq	75,36
153	Palestinian Territories	76,00
154	Kazakhstan	77,50
-	Libya	77,50
156	Rwanda	81,00
157	Uzbekistan	83,00
158	Saudi Arabia	83,25
159	Côte d’Ivoire	83,50
-	Djibouti	83,50
161	Equatorial Guinea	86,00
162	Azerbaijan	87,25
163	Sri Lanka	87,50
164	Somalia	88,33
165	Laos	89,00
166	Egypt	97,50
167	Cuba	98,83
168	Belarus	99,00
169	Burma	100,00
170	Sudan	100,75
171	Yemen	101,00
172	Vietnam	114,00
173	Bahrain	125,00
174	China	136,00
175	Iran	136,60
176	Syria	138,00
177	Turkmenistan	140,67
178	North Korea	141,00
179	Eritrea	142,00

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5月3日是聯合國訂定的「世界新聞自由日」，美國「自由之家」(Freedom House)特別公布了2011年新聞自由報告(Freedom of the Press)；台灣的評分為25，仍被列為新聞自由國家，不過排名卻持續下滑，為全球第48名。

「自由之家」是美國政府提供資金所設立的非政府組織，專針對民主、政治自由及人權方面做研究；他們會以「美國的價值標準」，對全球各國進行自由程度的評估。

在2011年新聞自由報告中，全球新聞自由普遍下降，其中以拉丁美洲、東歐及前蘇聯共和國等最為明顯。台灣排名自2008年起逐年退步，由全球32名降至48名；自由之家指出，公視的董監事爭議、置入性行銷問題，以及對政黨報導的兩極化，是評分降低的主因。

不過台灣在亞太地區中算是「表現優異」的，南韓已從新聞自由國家轉變成「部分自由」，泰國則從部分自由變成「不自由」；此外，緬甸、北韓也持續被認定為「新聞最不自由」的2個國家，而中國大陸的評分仍然不佳，被歸列在新聞不自由國家。

在2011年的評比中，新聞自由度第一名為芬蘭，評分為10，第二名是挪威及瑞典，分數皆為11；至於全球新聞最不自由的10個國家，有白俄羅斯、緬甸、古巴、赤道幾內亞、厄立特里亞、伊朗、利比亞、北韓、土庫曼斯坦和烏茲別克。

Freedom House lowers Taiwan’s press ranking

LESS FREE:The nation has fallen five places in the world rankings since 2008 and DPP legislators were quick to link the decline with President Ma Ying-jeou’s taking office

By William Lowther, Shih Hsiu-chuan and Vincent Y. Chao / Staff Reporters in WASHINGTON and TAIPEI

Taiwan continued to drop down the list of countries with a free press, a new global study on press freedom shows.

In a survey released on Monday by the Washington-based think tank Freedom House, Taiwan ranked 48th in the world in press freedom last year. It ranked 47th in 2009 and 43rd in 2008.

The nation scored a total of 24 negative points compared with 23 in 2009 and 20 in each of the previous three years.

On a sliding scale, the fewer points a country scores, the freer its press is judged to be in the Freedom of the Press 2011 report.

In the Asia-Pacific region, Taiwan now ranks seventh, behind Palau, New Zealand, the Marshall Islands, Australia, Japan and Micronesia. As recently as 2007, it was ranked fourth in the region.

“Some journalists [in Taiwan] voiced fears that press freedom was backsliding in 2010,” the report said.

“A growing trend of marketing disguised as news reports, a proposed legal amendment that would limit descriptions of crime and violence in the media, and licensing obstacles all contributed to these concerns,” it said.

China could be playing a role in Taiwan’s decline, the report said.

“As commercial ties between Taiwan and mainland China deepened in 2010 with the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, press freedom advocates raised concerns that media owners and some journalists were whitewashing news about China to protect their own financial interests,” it said.

“Critics perceived Beijing’s influence in a column that ran on June 4 in the Want Daily newspaper. The column, which commemorated historical events on both sides of the Taiwan Straits [sic], failed to mention the military crackdown on protesters in Beijing on that date in 1989. The China Times Group, the parent of Want Daily, is owned by Tsai Eng-meng [蔡衍明], a businessman with significant commercial interests in mainland China,” the report said.

The report said press freedom in Taiwan had been “hard won” and that journalists were alarmed by a proposal to amend the Children and Youth Welfare Act (兒童及少年福利法).

“Journalists and press freedom advocates raised concerns that the law could be loosely interpreted to limit a broad range of legitimate reporting,” the report said.

It also said that some critics “questioned the fairness” of the broadcast licensing process.

“The National Communications Commission, which is tasked with awarding licenses, came under fire for setting roadblocks in the path of several media ventures,” it said.

“The commission repeatedly denied requests by Next Media, the parent of top-grossing news publications in Hong Kong and Taiwan, to launch a cable TV station. In rejecting the application, the Taiwanese regulatory body cited its doubts that Next TV would ‘fulfill the social responsibility’ expected of a broadcaster, an explanation that commentators noted was subjective and open to broad interpretation,” it said.

Freedom House said disputes continued to plague the Public Television Service, including one in which the president and executive vice president were dismissed.

“Their removals sparked concerns about government interference and the public television’s neutrality,” it said.

Freedom House said the issue of “embedded marketing,” or advertising passing off as news, came to the forefront in December when Dennis Huang (黃哲斌), a veteran reporter at the Chinese-language China Times, resigned in protest over the proliferation of paid -advertising masquerading as news reports in which both big business and government “buy positive coverage.”

台灣選舉作為中國的模範: 給共產黨一些教育: 不要怕民主要向國民黨學習買媒體/ 恐嚇人民/謊言說成真理/買票.....

2012-01-24T19:03:00.000-08:00

經濟學人：台灣大選戳破中共謊言

時間：2012/1/24 11:45

撰稿‧編輯：季　平　　新聞引據：中央社

　　台灣大選最近順利落幕，經濟學人雜誌(The Economist)刊登專文指出，中國大陸民眾非常關心這次大選，北京的世界與中國研究所所長李凡認為，台灣的民主選舉戳破了中國共產黨所說的「民主會造成混亂」的謊言。

　　經濟學人雜誌21日在網站上刊登一篇文章指出，台灣的民主已經引起中國大陸人民的關注，如果大陸新浪網的網路民調可以做為指標，贏得連任的馬英九總統在中國大陸的支持度也頗高。

　　根據這份超過2萬6,000人次參與的網路民調，高達55%中國大陸民眾支持馬英九連任。

　　經濟學人雜誌也訪問了李凡。李凡認為，在這次台灣大選中，中國大陸民眾表達了對共產黨的不滿，也顯示出大陸民眾希望有反對黨的意願。

　　李凡這次罕見地帶了一群中國大陸學者前往台灣觀察總統大選，這些學者幾乎都是第一次到台灣，對於台灣的政治情況非常驚奇。李凡說，他們從沒想過台灣是如此的自由與民主，這對他們有很大的影響。

　　李凡強調，台灣的選舉結果證明了共產黨認為民主會造成混亂的說法是謊言。

　　經濟學人雜誌刊出的文章指出，台灣成功地從獨裁走向民主，更被視為是亞洲民主的典範，許多遭到中國大陸驅逐的異議人士也為了這次選舉聚集在台北，對台灣的政治讚譽有加。

　　此外，經濟學人雜誌認為，由於美國今年將進行總統大選，中國大陸也面臨領導班子換屆的情況，台灣的選舉結果原本有可能造成亞洲的不穩定；但馬英九總統當選連任後，中國大陸和美國都對選舉結果表示很滿意。

　　經濟學人雜誌也指出，馬總統得票率比4年前減少，說明了一些台灣民眾對於馬英九政府快速與中國大陸友好的做法表示擔心；而且中國國民黨在立法院的席次也有所下降，這些都證明了馬總統未來在與中國大陸打交道時，必須更加謹慎，特別是觸及任何與主權有關的議題。

台湾総統選、中国ネットユーザーが注目「中国官僚も見習え」の書き込みも
ネット選挙ドットコム
14日、台湾で総統選が行われ、現職の馬英九総統（国民党）が再選を果たした。asahi.com（14日）によれば、これまで馬（マー）総統は経済を軸に中国との関係改善を進めて来ており、今回の再選はその政策が国民に認められた結果。また、asahi.comは16日の記事において、 ...

關於台灣選舉作為中國的模範

去年12月我的體會

我去台大中文系聽北京人民大學黃樸民教授的
國策與國運---析漢武帝身後的政治走向這是將武帝與毛澤東比擬的文章
《漢武帝》吉川幸次郎
黃教授很有意思他說他到台灣最重要的是晚上抱著電視機不放 (大話新聞)
這一級最高級的教授解放軍的大校根本沒台灣的資訊

其實這可以給共產黨一些教育: 不要怕民主要向國民黨學習買媒體/ 恐嚇人民/謊言說成真理/買票.....

Taiwan Election Stirs Hopes Among Chinese for Democracy
New York Times
BEIJING — There was another winner in the election this weekend that handed President Ma Ying-jeou of Taiwan a second term in office — the faint but unmistakable clamor for democracy in China. Thanks in large part to an uncharacteristically hands-off ...

Vietnam war 越南戰爭 1954-75

2012-01-23T22:30:00.000-08:00

印象中的從1960年代末才開打其實是1954-75
此文說正如美國內戰在百年之後人們才開始曉得其對美國的意義
越戰也類似

Oxford Companion to Military History:

Vietnam war

Vietnam war refers to the US political and military continuation of the French Campaign in Indochina that followed the signing of the 1954 Geneva agreements, which divided Vietnam along the 17th Parallel, and which ended when the People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN) occupied Saigon on 30 April 1975. A continuation of the Vietminh's effort to free Vietnam from foreign domination, this isolated conflict was slowly transformed into the bloodiest battleground of the Cold War.

Following the Genesva accords, relative calm descended on Vietnam. In Hanoi, the Vietminh, who had come under the control of the Vietnamese Lao Dong (Communist) Party by the time of the French defeat, consolidated their power under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh, collectivized agriculture in the north (which sparked a bloodily suppressed peasant uprising in 1956), and debated how to gain control of South Vietnam. In Saigon Bao Dai, the French-backed emperor, was deposed in a referendum by the US-supported Ngo Dinh Diem in late 1955. Diem, a Catholic in a predominantly Buddhist country, was a committed anti-communist. Bolstered by increasing economic and covert aid from the USA, Diem launched an anti-communist sweep of South Vietnam. By the late 1950s, the hard-pressed Vietminh cadres who had remained in the South, derisively dubbed Vietcong by Diem, appealed to Hanoi for reinforcement and greater support.

Although Hanoi had ordered the formation of Vietcong military units in the Mekong Delta as early as 1957, North Vietnamese leaders debated if the time was ripe to intervene more directly in the South. At a May 1959 meeting of the Lao Dong Party, they decided to support ‘armed revolution’ against Saigon: 4, 500 ‘regroupees’ (a southern communist cadre who had come to North Vietnam following the Geneva accords) began to stream down the ‘Ho Chi Minh Trail’ between North and South Vietnam to help form Vietcong units. In December 1960, Hanoi announced the creation of the National Liberation Front (NLF), a collection of southern groups opposing the Diem regime, to bolster the North Vietnamese contention that the revolt against Saigon was an indigenous movement.

This reversed the military situation and by the early 1960s Saigon was under enormous pressure. Diem's campaign against the communists increasingly was directed against all political dissent, bringing local and US calls for him to reform his government. In November 1960, Diem narrowly avoided being overthrown in a military coup. Vietcong terrorist incidents against the regime surged. In 1959 the Vietcong killed about 1, 200 government representatives, in 1961 this had risen to 4, 000. Vietcong units also began inflicting a string of defeats on the Army, Republic of Vietnam (ARVN). Diem, who generally turned to family members for their political reliability, now relied increasingly on his brother Ngo Dinh Nhu to eliminate political opposition.

The Ngos overstepped the bounds of US patience in 1963 when they forcefully suppressed a series of Buddhist protests against their regime. Madame Ngo Dinh Nhu's characterization of a Buddhist monk's self-immolation as a ‘barbecue show’ only increased the Kennedy administration's disenchantment with Diem. The Ngos had undertaken a delicate balancing act between receiving enormous quantities of US economic and military aid to the civil power (15, 000 US military advisers were in South Vietnam at the end of 1963) while resisting what they perceived as US meddling in South Vietnamese affairs. By 1963 many officials in the Kennedy administration had come to perceive Diem and his brother Nhu as obstructionists. The US diplomatic mission in Saigon gave tacit approval to, if it did not actually orchestrate, a November 1963 coup d'état that resulted in the assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem and Ngo Dinh Nhu.

The coup caught Hanoi by surprise, but the removal of Diem, recognized as a nationalist throughout Vietnam, invited further North Vietnamese intervention. After his murder, Saigon was rocked by a series of military coups, which produced political instability and battlefield lethargy. Hanoi quickly capitalized on this opportunity: by the end of 1964, Vietcong units had been organized into division-size formations and entire PAVN regiments had infiltrated into South Vietnam. As Vietcong/PAVN activity spread, more US personnel became casualties in the conflict. On 3 February 1964, the Vietcong attacked the US advisers' compound in Kontum City. On 7 February, a bomb blew up in a Saigon theatre, killing three Americans. In May, the USS Card was sunk by Vietcong commandos in a Saigon harbour. In November, the Vietcong attacked the US airbase at Bien Hoa and on 24 December they claimed credit for a bombing at the Brinks Hotel in Saigon where US officers were billeted.

A controversial incident in the Gulf of Tonkin would have a profound impact on the war. Early in the morning of 2 August 1964, the US destroyer Maddox, while patrolling along North Vietnamese territorial waters, was attacked by three North Vietnamese torpedo boats. The Maddox returned fire and was quickly supported by aircraft from the USS Ticonderoga. During the night of 4 August, the Maddox, now joined by the destroyer C. Turner Joy, initially reported a renewed attack, although officers at the scene quickly determined that the North Vietnamese vessels were nowhere to be found and that inexperienced crewmen had simply responded to sonar and radar anomalies. The Johnson administration, uninterested in validating initial reports and indifferent to the probability that Hanoi might have been responding to South Vietnamese amphibious attacks (30-1 July OPLAN 34A raids) against the North Vietnamese coast, ordered retaliatory air strikes against the torpedo-boat base at Vinh. The Johnson administration also gained congressional approval for increased US military action in South-East Asia. Although critics have long believed that the Johnson administration manipulated public and congressional sentiment by not divulging complete details of the incident, the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution provided the administration with carte blanche to take military action to defend US personnel and interests in South-East Asia.

By 1965, the nature of the war was changing. No longer just a Vietcong effort to overthrow the Saigon regime through a ‘People's war’, the conflict became a deadlock between the USA and North Vietnam, which was backed by its Soviet and Chinese allies. Hanoi hoped that the USA would not resist a PAVN invasion of South Vietnam; while Washington hoped that Ho Chi Minh and his followers would be deterred by a demonstration of US military might. The 7 February 1965 Vietcong attack on the US airbase at Pleiku prompted US retaliatory air raids against North Vietnam (FLAMING DART) ; on 13 February Pres Johnson ordered a ‘program of measured and limited air action’, against North Vietnam, which came to be known as ROLLING THUNDER.

To protect the US airbase at Da Nang from Vietcong retaliation for US air strikes against North Vietnam, the Johnson administration dispatched two battalions of US Marines to guard the base. More US troops soon followed, initially to protect other US installations, but US military commanders viewed this initial ‘enclave’ strategy as ineffective. On 27 June 1965, Gen Westmoreland, Commander of the US Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), ordered the first US offensive ground operation of the war. The ‘Big-Unit war’ had begun.

As US troops streamed into the country, Westmoreland faced his first major challenge: preventing the collapse of South Vietnam and a successful PAVN occupation of the northern sections of the country. In November 1965, the battle was joined in the Ia Drang valley in the Western Highlands, a hard-won victory for the US 1st Cavalry Division. As US troop strength grew, Westmoreland went on the offensive. Launching a series of large-scale ‘Search and Destroy’ operations, US and Allied forces targeted Vietcong operating bases. Vietcong and PAVN units often managed to evade Allied forces by fading into Cambodian and Laotian sanctuaries, but continuous attacks took their toll, especially on Vietcong forward-supply bases.

The Vietnam war, 1959-75.
(Click to enlarge)

By mid-1967, the war had reached a turning point and officers at MACV began to proclaim ‘light at the end of the tunnel’. US attrition objectives were being achieved: Vietcong and PAVN units were apparently losing more forces in South Vietnam than could be replaced through recruitment or infiltration. Policy-makers in Hanoi also came to the conclusion that the war was stalemated and that battlefield trends were not in their favour. In response, they called for a ‘Tong Cong Kich, Tong Khai Nghia’ (General Offensive, General Uprising). Known in the USA as the Tet offensive, because it occurred during the celebration of the Chinese lunar New Year, the countrywide attacks were intended to spark an insurrection among South Vietnamese civilians and military forces, destroying the Saigon regime. The North Vietnamese hoped to leave US forces isolated along the South Vietnamese border, forcing the Johnson administration to negotiate an end to the war. Hanoi even planned to re-enact the siege of Dien Bien Phu; by January 1968, 40, 000 PAVN soldiers were laying siege to the firebase at Khe Sanh and its garrison of 7, 000 US Marines.

The Tet attacks failed to prompt a southern uprising and military mutiny. With the exception of the battles of Saigon and Hué, Allied forces quickly repelled attacking Vietcong units. At Khe Sanh, the US Marines, supported by thousands of air sorties, stood firm and inflicted enormous casualties on PAVN. But the Tet offensive was a brilliant political success for Hanoi. Believing that progress was being made in the war, the Johnson administration and the US public were shocked by the scope and intensity of the offensive. On 31 March 1968, Lyndon Johnson announced that he would not seek re-election as his administration reassessed its policies toward South-East Asia.

Following Tet, US policy-makers became increasingly determined to devise an exit strategy that would not simply abandon South Vietnam to PAVN. In terms of diplomacy, US and North Vietnamese negotiators began meeting in Paris in May 1968, but their talks made little progress. On the battlefield, the Nixon administration implemented a policy, called ‘Vietnamization’, to bolster ARVN. The USA began turning the war over to ARVN while gradually withdrawing US combat troops from South Vietnam.

Vietnamization came none too soon. Domestic opposition to the war mounted in the aftermath of the Tet offensive, reaching a peak in May 1970 following a US-ARVN raid into Cambodia. Launched to buy time for Vietnamization by destroying PAVN base areas, the Cambodian raid sparked nationwide student protests and tragedy at Kent State University when four students were shot and killed by the Ohio National Guard. In South Vietnam, morale among US troops plummeted as soldiers became preoccupied by the prospect of becoming the last casualty in a war that was winding down. By 1971, over 7, 000 troops in Vietnam faced charges related to heroin (out of a force that numbered about 225, 000), insubordination, and fragging incidents (attacks against officers and NCOs), and courts martial soared. Vietnamization continued, but ARVN remained incapable of holding its own against PAVN: in spring 1971, ARVN launched Lam Son 719, a raid into Laos to destroy PAVN base areas, but was saved from disaster only by the massive use of US air power. In the spring of 1972, during the so-called ‘Easter-Offensive’, Saigon was again saved from disaster by a massive US air effort. Although PAVN, which by now resembled a conventional military force complete with armoured vehicles and ample large-calibre artillery, suffered devastating casualties, it succeeded in bringing western portions of South Vietnam under complete communist control.

By late 1972, Hanoi and Washington, moved along by secret negotiations conducted by Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho, were near agreement on a negotiated end to the fighting in South Vietnam. When South Vietnamese Pres Nguyen Van Thieu objected to several portions of the proposed agreement, particularly that North Vietnamese troops would be allowed to stay in South Vietnam, Hanoi began back-pedalling on previously settled issues. The Nixon administration, seeking to break this diplomatic impasse, informed the Thieu regime that the USA would sign the agreement; the only hope of continued US military support to Saigon was in response to Hanoi's violation of the peace accord. To persuade Hanoi, Nixon initiated LINEBACKER II, also known as the ‘Christmas Bombing’. Although aircraft loses were significant, the USA dropped over 20, 000 tons of bombs on the North between 18 and 29 December 1972, causing enormous damage and completely exhausting North Vietnam's air defences. This surge in military-diplomatic pressure finally produced agreement: ceasefire accords were formally signed in Paris on 27 January 1973. The Paris agreement turned out to be a short-lived truce. Saigon forces collapsed in the face of an eight-week offensive launched by PAVN in March 1975. Americans, who had mostly come to the conclusion that US involvement in the war had been a mistake, were in no mood to intervene to prevent Hanoi's victory.

Military victory against the total war waged by North Vietnam was only attainable with US economic and military mobilization, but the decision was taken instead to sell the war in small increments. To minimize the political fallout, the National Guard was not engaged (except to put down domestic disorders) and the children of the influential were exempted from conscription. Secretary of Defense McNamara devised a process of feeding troops in and rotating them out again as individuals, directly attacking unit cohesion and esprit de corps, while the military high command devalued the honour of combat medals by awarding them to non-combatants, and put careerism ahead of combat effectiveness by allowing senior officers to ‘ticket punch’, that is to rotate in and out of combat commands too quickly to bond with their men or to lead them effectively. The impact of the media was twofold, at once feeding domestic outrage at what was being done and demoralizing the troops in Vietnam by showing them the contempt with which veterans were being treated back in ‘the world’. In particular, the effect of live TV coverage of the race riots in the late 1960s on African-American troops was devastating. And, as always, the promises of the air power enthusiasts proved over-optimistic. Bombing the jungle is possibly the least cost-effective form of warfare ever devised by man.

Twenty-five years after the fall of Saigon, much has changed in the world. Relations between reunited Vietnam and the USA are slowly improving, complicated by the issue of MIAs but helped along by tension with China that briefly erupted into a shooting war in 1978. The USSR got into its own Vietnam in Afghanistan and finally could no longer sustain the costs of the Cold War. In South-East Asia the dominos did not fall, although it was only the armed intervention of PAVN that put an end to the genocide of Pol Pot in Cambodia after it was hopelessly destabilized by the neighbouring war. There are 58, 000 names inscribed on the immensely moving war memorial in Washington, while over 2 million dead Vietnamese are largely forgotten. The US military has not yet come to terms with the loss of the war, preferring to nurture a ‘stab in the back’ explanation, but in due course it undertook a reformation of organization and doctrine that was stunningly effective in the Gulf war. Just as the full social and political significance of the American civil war took nearly a century to be appreciated, it may well be that by the middle of the 21st century the Vietnam war will be seen to have been just as important a turning point in the development of the USA.

Bibliography

Herr, Michael, Dispatches (New York, 1991).
Herring, George, America's Longest War (New York, 1996).
Lewy, Gunter, America in Vietnam (Oxford, 1978).
Lind, Michael, Vietnam: The Necessary War (New York, 1999).
MacLean, Michael, The Ten Thousand Day War (New York, 1981).
Palmer, Dave R., The Summons of the Trumpet (Novato, Calif., 1978)

— James J. Wirtz

棄馬保台 2010-12 亞洲與美國

選前遮掩 選後現形/ 蔡：培養新世代領導力

請醒醒吧: 承諾 口號與強心劑無法治國/Talk is cheap

Talk is cheap

珍惜 Taiwan

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China Sees Vast Pollution/廣西飲用水危機Tainted river sparks bottled water craze

Environment | 26.01.2012

Tainted river sparks bottled water craze in China

A river in Guanxi has been contaminated with toxic cadmium. Residents, who usually get drinking water from the river, are now stocking up on bottled water.

富士康(Foxconn) 害慘蘋果(Apple)公司: 深陷“中國問題”漩渦

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謝長廷上火線駁宇昌 三問劉憶如 【2011/12/27 19:26】

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打扁反助漲蔡聲勢

劉憶如公信力重創

民進黨要求國民黨在24小時內道歉，否則將對相關人士進行提告。

年虧損/ 醜聞世界級的公司/經建會地位每下愈況

日本Olympus 公司的諾貝爾經濟學獎者Robert Mundell醜聞

Cesium from Fukushima plant fell all over Japan

calls for a boycott: 我為什麼希望台灣有二三十萬人棄買HTC的手機。要拒絕許多表態支持"92x識"的企業的產品和服務

綠卸任發言人 拒國貨hTC

大選輸 遷怒王雪紅 學者：不應再有激化行為

嗆「消費者無祖國」

3千網友連署抵制

藍委批：荒謬至極

企業呼籲回歸理性

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梁文傑小檔案

中国每逢“六四”必紧张/台商蔡衍明質疑"六四"，學運領袖回應

新闻报道 | 2012.01.26

台商质疑"六四"，学运领袖回应

台湾旺旺集团董事长蔡衍明日前接受美媒采访时，发表质疑"六四事件"言论。学运领袖王丹斥台湾正在香港化并宣布罢买蔡衍明旗下的《中国时报》；另一位学运领袖吾尔开希则斥责蔡"无知无耻"。

媒体看中国 | 2010.06.07

每逢“六四”必紧张

年复一年，中国领导人每逢"六四"必然精神紧张。今年五月底，中国著名异议人士、"零八宪章"起草人之一刘晓波被司法部门从北京监狱转往辽宁，官方的解释 是刘晓波籍贯为辽宁。『世界报』记者发表文章认为：

“人權觀察”：歐洲不應懼怕中國/藏區抗議持續 中共增派軍隊入藏 西藏區槍擊死亡

新闻报道 | 2012.01.26

藏区抗议持续 中共增派军队入藏

“人权观察”：欧洲不应惧怕中国

“人权观察”近日发布年度报告，指中国当局频繁使用非法强迫失踪和暴力恐吓的手段压制异议人士。该组织亚洲部主任亚当斯对德国之声表示，国际社会尤其是欧洲应该加强呼吁中国改善人权。

歐巴馬國情咨文中的貧富: 中國印度和韓國Obama State Of The Union Speech 2011

Daily chart

Absent friends

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富人稅

支持率

歐巴馬國情咨文 反陸補貼出口 【11:40】

Obama State Of The Union Speech 2011: FULL TEXT

中國共產黨是「赤裸裸的流氓」，「左手捧鈔票，右手拿刺刀......

中國‧西藏騷亂擴散‧美國促克制

臭名 郭台銘管理100萬動物/ "流氓"/台灣的空軍二號的故事 /Air Force Two

那些美國人收入為頂尖1 %/ Obama 政権、最富裕層への増税提言へ

オバマ政権、最富裕層への増税提言へ ２４日にも表明か

Income inequality

Who exactly are the 1%?

The very rich in America increasingly work in finance, marry each other and care passionately about politics

全球新聞自由Press Freedom Index 2011-2012

Press Freedom Index 2011-2012

THE RANKING

Freedom House lowers Taiwan’s press ranking

LESS FREE:The nation has fallen five places in the world rankings since 2008 and DPP legislators were quick to link the decline with President Ma Ying-jeou’s taking office

台灣選舉作為中國的模範: 給共產黨一些教育: 不要怕民主 要向國民黨學習買媒體/ 恐嚇人民/謊言說成真理/買票.....

Vietnam war 越南戰爭 1954-75

Vietnam war

選前遮掩選後現形/ 蔡：培養新世代領導力

請醒醒吧: 承諾口號與強心劑無法治國/Talk is cheap

謝長廷上火線駁宇昌　三問劉憶如【2011/12/27 19:26】

綠卸任發言人拒國貨hTC

大選輸遷怒王雪紅學者：不應再有激化行為

年复一年，中国领导人每逢"六四"必然精神紧张。今年五月底，中国著名异议人士、"零八宪章"起草人之一刘晓波被司法部门从北京监狱转往辽宁，官方的解释是刘晓波籍贯为辽宁。『世界报』记者发表文章认为：

“人權觀察”：歐洲不應懼怕中國/藏區抗議持續中共增派軍隊入藏西藏區槍擊死亡

藏区抗议持续中共增派军队入藏

歐巴馬國情咨文反陸補貼出口【11:40】

臭名郭台銘管理100萬動物/ "流氓"/台灣的空軍二號的故事 /Air Force Two

オバマ政権、最富裕層への増税提言へ　２４日にも表明か

台灣選舉作為中國的模範: 給共產黨一些教育: 不要怕民主要向國民黨學習買媒體/ 恐嚇人民/謊言說成真理/買票.....